http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/KB25Ae02.html
By Brian McCartan
MAE SOT, Thailand - At a November meeting of ethnic minority and pro-democracy groups in the northern Thai town of Chiang Mai, a representative of the Danish government development agency DANIDA called on the dissident participants to take part in the political process inside Myanmar, including support for the upcoming 2010 elections, or face funding cuts.
Those behind-closed-door remarks were followed in January by a visit to Myanmar of Danish Development Minister Ulla Toraes and Norwegian minister Erik Solheim. While officially presented as a visit to observe Cyclone Nargis relief efforts, several Myanmar watchers questioned whether the delegation breached a European
Union prohibition on high-level visits to Myanmar.
Meanwhile, the United Nations has been wishy-washy on its stance towards the elections, with Secretary General Ban Ki-moon and Special Envoy to Myanmar Ibrahim Gambari simply requesting that the ruling generals ensure that the elections are free and fair. Amid growing calls for Ban to make another visit to Myanmar, the UN has said little concerning what would make the elections internationally acceptable or what actions the international community should take if they are not.
Behind the silence is a growing notion among certain Western governments and international aid agencies that the junta's controversial planned elections will usher in a new era of stability to Myanmar. The reality is that the junta's push to legitimize its electoral process is already causing greater instability, especially along Myanmar's borders with Thailand and China. Myanmar's various ethnic-based ceasefire organizations are making moves to secure their power bases and territory in order to either maintain their bargaining positions whatever government results from the elections or, if push comes to shove, go back to war.
The elections represent the fifth step on the military regime's seven-step "roadmap to democracy". The generals have said that before the elections can take place the various ethnic insurgent ceasefire groups along the country's border areas must disarm and become legal political parties. Only once a "discipline flourishing democracy" has been established, says the government, will the concerns of the various ethnic groups be addressed.
With a year to go before the polls, ethnic insurgent organizations are being forced to decide whether to carry on the struggle or become state-controlled militias. Although Gambari was able to meet with certain ethnic Shan politicians on his visit in early February, and UN Human Rights Envoy Tomas Ojea Quintana met last week with members of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), it is unlikely that these staged meetings would have given either envoy a real sense of the dilemma facing many of the ethnic organizations.
For many Myanmar analysts and ethnic leaders there is a real worry that a military showdown is brewing between the generals and the ethnic groups that could tilt the region towards fighting on a scale not seen in over 20 years. Increased government pressure to disarm has already resulted in increased fighting along the Thai-Myanmar border as a Karen insurgent group allied with the junta tries to create more space for itself.
With little faith in the central government and its post-election promises, many other ceasefire groups say they will retain rather than give up their arms. Since the first ceasefires were signed in 1989, ethnic armies have resisted handing over their arms because they believe without them it would be impossible to negotiate a final settlement on equal terms or protect their people from a regime renowned for its gross human rights abuses.
The junta's disregard for ethnic group representatives at the National Convention to draft a new constitution, which was completed in 2007, and the forced disarmament of several smaller groups has only intensified ethnic distrust of the generals. Initial pressure to disarm, or at least to become militias or border guards under the control of Myanmar's armed forces, began prior to the completion of the National Convention.
That pressure intensified after the controversial national referendum held in May that approved a new constitution, which paved the way for next year's elections. The generals contend that under democracy there will be no need for ethnic organizations to retain their arms and instead that they should form political parties to represent their minority interests.
Electoral dilemma
Ethnic political organizations are caught on the horns of an electoral dilemma: if they boycott the polls, their grounds for criticizing the results will be weakened; by contesting, they will seemingly condone a process which most observers, including several ethnic leaders, view as a sham. Different groups are taking different approaches, though all have a common thread: the retention of arms.
The largest ceasefire groups are based in northern Myanmar, along the border with China. They include the United Wa State Army (UWSA) with an estimated 15,000-20,000 fighters, the National Democratic Alliance Army-Eastern Shan State (NDAA-ESS) with around 2,500 and the Shan State Army-North (SSA-N) with up to 10,000 men, and the Kachin Independence Organization/Army (KIO/A) with between 3,000 and 5,000 soldiers in Kachin State. The UWSA, NDAA and SSA-N all agreed to ceasefires in 1989, while the KIO signed on in 1994.
With a large and well-equipped army, wealth derived through legitimate business as well as drug trafficking, and support from China, the UWSA has historically played hard ball with the junta. In a move which observers see as a test of the generals' commitment to their new constitution, the UWSA has recently started stamping official documents as "Government of Wa State, Special Autonomous Region, Union of Myanmar" and changed its official office signs to read the same.
The constitution sets out a "Self-Administered Division" for the Wa and the UWSA is in effect declaring its rule over the area. The move comes amid increased tensions following a December meeting between UWSA officers and Major General Kyaw Pyoe from the Golden Triangle Command based in eastern Shan State. The general ordered the UWSA to disarm and reform into a government-controlled militia, a request that was rejected out-of-hand by the UWSA.
Underscoring that authority, a 30-man government delegation led by Lieutenant General Ye Myint, chief of Military Affairs Security, or Myanmar's military intelligence agency, was forced on January 19 to disarm when it crossed into Wa-controlled territory. Ye Myint's main mission, to discuss the upcoming elections, was instead limited to economic matters. The UWSA has yet to comment on whether it will participate in the polls, but recent moves to establish a factory for the production of small arms and ammunition, suggest that the UWSA is instead readying for a fight.
The NDAA, which is closely allied with the UWSA, has also resisted government calls to disarm and tensions have since grown with the Myanmar army. Meanwhile, the arrest in February 2005 and continued detention of SSA-N chairman Major General Hso Ten, along with several other Shan leaders, has soured relations and SSA-N troops have since joined the non-ceasefire Shan State Army-South along the border with Thailand. Both groups are expected to resist rather than allow themselves to be disarmed and become government-led militias.
In Kachin State, the KIO has declared it will not participate in the elections, but recently gave its approval to civilians who wish to set up a Kachin political party to contest the polls. The group has said that it hopes to enter into a dialogue with a new democratic government. And in the southern Myanmar areas of Mon State and Tenasserim Division, the New Mon State Party (NMSP) declared after a recent congress that it will not participate in the elections and would not disarm. The NMSP has been a consistent thorn in the regime's election plans, including its move to walk out of the National Convention in protest over lack of consideration of ethnic issues and a March 2008 statement stating its opposition to the national referendum.
Several ceasefire group leaders have remained coy about their preparations for possible hostilities. On the ground, observers describe military preparations including trainings and increased recruitment, as well as growing apprehension among the civilian populace. The junta, too, appears to be preparing for armed showdowns. It has for years increased troop numbers in areas
Continued 1 2
Page 2 of 2
Democracy plan fuels war in Myanmar
By Brian McCartan
near ceasefire groups and recent reports suggest that these troops are being reinforced with heavy weapons, including 76mm and 105mm artillery and with specialized troops, including Light Infantry Divisions 66 and 88.
With those movements, reports are spreading along border areas that the regime may move to rehabilitate various middle and senior ranking members of the now defunct Directorate of Defense Services Intelligence (DDSI), including former prime minister and DDSI head General Khin Nyunt. The DDSI was responsible for brokering many of the ceasefires, but was dismantled amid corruption allegations in 2004 which most observers saw as an intra-junta purge against the increasingly powerful Khin Nyunt and
his followers. The former top-ranking junta member is has been sentenced to 44 years and is now under house arrest.
Insurgent officers say Khin Nyunt's rapport with the ethnic groups has not been equaled by the Military Affairs Security, which replaced DDSI. According to one insurgent official, Myanmar army commanders have realized that Khin Nyunt's men knew how to handle the ceasefire groups and have even recently begun seeking out their opinions on how to bring ethnic groups into the election process.
Their inclusion is necessary to give the elections legitimacy among the international community and more importantly to bring all of the country's territories under the generals' nominal control. Yet the only major group which has so far agreed to the border guard arrangement is the government-aligned Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), which controls territories in Myanmar's eastern Karen and Mon States.
Economic lures
Viewed by some as a test case for how ceasefire groups may evolve under Myanmar's new democracy, the outlook so far is not good for stability. The DKBA was told at a meeting in the capital Naypyidaw in December that under the new constitution they were to become a border guard force. Under the terms of the agreement, which has so far not been made public, the DKBA was promised control over border tax checkpoints and continued concessions for transportation, logging and other businesses.
Sources close to the DKBA say the move was unpopular because it means handing over political power over to a Myanmar-dominated regime - a concession which goes against the founding principles of the Karen's long struggle - and several officers threatened to resign as a result.
Rather than release statements or make a show of force, the group has instead concentrated on seizing new territories particularly former Karen National Union-controlled areas near Myawaddy and Kayin Seikgyi townships across from Tak Province in Thailand, to gain administrative control over lucrative border trades, including mining operations and cross-border agribusiness projects, in the new democratic era.
For all its statements of representing the cause of self determination and equality for the ethnic Karen people, the armed group is believed by many to be motivated more by business opportunities, including drug trafficking, it needs guns to maintain. The DKBA has so far not made any statements about whether or how it will contest the 2010 elections. Three Karen political parties currently exist, but none have any connection with the DKBA and only one, the Karen State National Organization, won any seats in the 1990 election. The election itself, according to rival KNU vice president Saw David Thakabaw, may split the DKBA into competitive, business-driven factions.
By playing ceasefire groups-cum-militias against other insurgent groups, the junta could bid to keep ethnic groups weak and divided while building its new nominally democratic power structure through elections. Concessions such as the tax checkpoints promised to the DKBA provide some incentive for joining the border guard scheme as opposed to renewed fighting. These could yet be strong economic lures for some of the ceasefire groups, particularly in relation to tentative deals with neighboring and considerably wealthier Thailand.
Thai Army commander General Anupong Paochinda paid a two day visit to Myanmar in mid-February where he met with junta leader Senior General Than Shwe, Defense Minister Thura Shwe Mann and Foreign Minster Nyan Win. It is perhaps significant that Anupong, rather than Thai Foreign Minster Kasit Piromya, handled the meeting where border issues were on the agenda.
Several cross-border business schemes are in the works, but have not been completed due to instability. For instance, an agreement was reached in May 2007 for Thai agribusinesses to cultivate tax-free over seven million hectares of land in Myanmar border areas. The agreement includes four areas of Mon and Karen States designated for contract farming, totaling some 300,000 hectares. Myanmar farmers were to grow under contract cassava, rubber, oil palm, sugarcane, beans and corn for export to Thailand.
The project appears to have stalled however due to complaints by Thai investors over taxes levied by Myanmar government officials, as well as the DKBA and KNU. Conflict over taxes on the corn harvest resulted in fighting between the KNU and DKBA south of Mae Sot in October and November, sources say. The fighting spilled over into Thailand on several occasions resulting in the shooting up of villages, burning of food storage barns, and at least one shootout between DKBA and Thai soldiers. One Thai soldier was injured by a landmine in the skirmish.
Still the DKBA has been working on new roads leading north and south of Myawaddy to service the plantations and commercial agriculture projects along the border. Other cross-border projects envisioned include a border trade zone at the border town of Myawaddy and industrial zones in Pa'an and Moulmein. The projects, financed though loans and grants from Bangkok, are designed to curb the mounting influx of Myanmar migrant workers into Thailand, now estimated at over 2 million people.
But while the DKBA is angling for business opportunities, the rival KNU has resisted Thai incentives to end fighting against the Myanmar army. That's inhibited the group's armed wing, the Karen National Liberation Army, ability to fight along the border and allowed the DKBA to seize several of the areas it formerly controlled. A KNU official told Asia Times Online his group had no plans for ceasefire talks and that it would not participate in the 2010 elections. That means democracy is just as likely to bring more, not less, instability to Myanmar's contested border areas.
Brian McCartan is a Chiang Mai-based freelance journalist. He may be reached at brianpm@comcast.net.
(Copyright 2009 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)
Thursday, February 26, 2009
Democracy plan fuels war in Myanmar
Myanmar Plans Full Coverage of Public Access Centers in Whole Country
http://english.cri.cn/6966/2009/02/24/1821s457543.htm
2009-02-24 20:30:56 Xinhua Web Editor: Xu Leiying
Myanmar has planned full coverage of public access centers (PAC) in every township in the country to facilitate communication links, according to the Myanmar Info-Tech Tuesday.
Over 400 PAC opened in 44 townships in Myanmar since 2004, the sources said, adding that plans are underway to open more PAC in the remaining townships especially in the rural areas.
According to the telecommunications authorities, the number of internet users in Myanmar has reached over 300,000, up from merely dozens in four years ago.
Myanmar has been striving for the development of ICT to contribute its part to the national economic development. In December 2007, Myanmar's first largest ICT park, also known as the Yadanabon Myothit Cyber City, was introduced in Pyin Oo Lwin, a northern city of Myanmar in Mandalay division.
The cyber city, which covers an overall area of 10,000 acres (4, 050 hectares), is located in the hilly Pyin Oo Lwin near a highway, 67 km east of the second largest city of Mandalay in the north, and 20 percent of the cyber city area produce software and hardware.
The internet of the cyber city not only links with the whole country but also connect neighboring China, Thailand and India.
With the establishment of the cyber city, more and more local and foreign information technology (IT) companies have sought investment in the cyber city for the development of IT business undertakings.
Ban welcomes amnesty in Myanmar as ‘first step’ toward democratization
http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=29991&Cr=myanmar&Cr1=
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon briefs media after participating in meeting of the Friends of Myanmar
23 February 2009 – Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon today welcomed an amnesty announced by the Government of Myanmar, which reportedly includes some 23 political prisoners, as a “first step” toward release of all such detainees and further progress on democratization.
“This is the time for Myanmar to seize the opportunity before it to send positive signals,” he said following a meeting with his Group of Friends on Myanmar, which includes neighbouring countries of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and other concerned States.
Citing further steps to be taken, Mr. Ban reiterated his call for the release of the hundreds of political prisoners still in detention, including opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and the resumption of dialogue between the Government and the opposition “without delay and without preconditions.”
Today’s meeting follows a briefing last week in which Mr. Ban’s Special Advisor, Ibrahim Gambari, told the Security Council that there was some movement toward “tangible outcomes” from his 31 January to 3 February visit to Myanmar as part of the Secretary-General’s good offices mandate.
After being updated Mr. Gambari, the Group of Friends expressed its unified support for the continuation of the good offices efforts, Mr. Ban said, adding that “our Myanmar interlocutors have also indicated the importance they attach to the good offices’ work.”
The Special Adviser is prepared to extend the UN’s political facilitation with both the Government and the opposition to build on previous efforts, he noted.
Asked by correspondents whether he himself is considering another visit to the South-East Asian nation, the Secretary-General replied that he will try to go, but nothing yet has been discussed in terms of timing and agendas.
“As a matter of principle, I am telling you that I am willing to make a return visit to build upon what I had discussed last May, including political issues,” he said, adding that there would not have to be preconditions for his visit.
“This is a part of ongoing consultation and negotiations and efforts by the international community, and also entrusted to me by the General Assembly,” Mr. Ban explained.
In regard to further discussions with the Group of Friends, he added: “We have a unity of support. But at the same time I would like to see some unity of approaches among members. This is what we are now continuing to consult with the countries concerned.”
The ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC) will be hosting the “Renewed ASEAN Leadership towards Social Justice in Myanmar” seminar on 26 Fe
The ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC) will be hosting the “Renewed ASEAN Leadership towards Social Justice in Myanmar” seminar on 26 February 2009 at the JW Marriot Hotel in Bangkok from 9am onwards.
February 24, 2009 · No Comments
Bangkok, 24 February, (Asiantribune.com): The ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC) will be hosting the “Renewed ASEAN Leadership towards Social Justice in Myanmar” seminar on 26 February 2009 at the JW Marriot Hotel in Bangkok from 9am onwards.
The aims of the seminar to highlight the key issues of current concern in Myanmar/Burma in advance of the ASEAN Summit meeting in Hua Hin, Thailand.
The seminar is expected to bring together politicians, members of parliament from some ASEAN countries, leaders of the Burma democracy movement, Thai civil society and academics.
Presentations and discussions will look at the current social, political and economic problems the country faces as well as the role of ASEAN in the country’s crisis.
The seminar will conclude with the opening of a photo exhibit on political prisoners in
Myanmar.
- Asian Tribune -
Tuesday, February 24, 2009
Hillary Kissinger
http://slate.msn.com/blogs/blogs/xxfactor/archive/2009/02/23/hillary-kissinger.aspx
Posted Monday, February 23, 2009 12:16 PM | By Hanna Rosin
A little shout-out for our new secretary of state, who, this past week, has been carving out her own brand of so-practical-it's-just-short-of-cynical diplomacy in China and elsewhere. Clinton was criticized for not publicly sticking it to Chinese leaders, like her husband did when he declared they were on the "wrong side of history." But what she's doing is much more interesting, and potentially effective. Clinton is giving up on the grandstanding because she knows it doesn't work. She didn't lecture Chinese leaders about human rights because "we pretty much know what they're going to say," Clinton said (candidly), causing all manner of diplomat to spill his scotch and soda in alarm. Chinese leaders have never responded to public scolding, so it's no use trying again. What she did instead is meet with a group of women involved in grass-roots and mildly subversive activism. This is strategic scolding of the kind Chinese leaders are sure to notice. And it gives a boost to the people who can actually make something happen in China. Clinton also spoke freely about Burma and North Korea in a way American diplomats never do. This is exactly why Obama chose her. She is the muscle behind his "negotiate with anyone" strategy. Sure, we'll negotiate, but only if it will work.
Thai government urging gem traders to follow rules
http://www.nationaljewelernetwork.com/njn/content_display/colored-stones/color-market-reports/e3icba15d3dbc5504b388b928300196070b
February 23, 2009
Bangkok--Given the recent U.S. ban on Burmese rubies, Thailand's Ministry of Commerce is joining forces with state agencies and industry bodies to urge rough-gem traders to adhere to stricter standards.
According to a news release, the effort specifically emphasizes the need for traders from small and mid-sized companies to comply with U.S. Customs procedures in declaring their imports from the outset.
In September 2008, the United States banned the import of rubies and jadeite from Myanmar (formerly Burma), including gemstones that originated in Myanmar but were processed, treated or manufactured into jewelry in third-party countries such as Thailand, a main manufacturer of Burmese gemstones.
In January, the U.S. Customs Department issued a set of more specific regulations for ruby and jadeite importers, including requirements that the companies obtain exporter certification and evidence of tracking to prove that the stones are not from Myanmar.
In addition, the Ministry of Commerce, the Ministry of Finance and the Thai Gem and Jewelry Traders Association are involved in the effort to ensure that Thai traders are following the rules, according to the release.
The cooperation of both the public and private sector, "will help the jewelry sector to weather any uncertainties in the world economy while keeping Thailand on the forefront in the global marketplace," the release states.
According to the release, Thailand's gems and jewelry industry ranks as the country's fourth-largest export in terms of value, with 289.45 billion baht (about $8.27 billion) in exports in 2008.
The industry also provides 1 million jobs, the release states.
Fw: [burmainfo] 「国民民主連盟（NLD）、ガンバリ・中曽根共同声明を批判」（イラワディ誌、2月20日）
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
ビルマ市民フォーラム メールマガジン 2009/2/24
People's Forum on Burma
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
ビルマ情報ネットワーク（BurmaInfo）からのメールを転送させていただき
ます。
（重複の際は何卒ご容赦ください。）
ＰＦＢ事務局
http://www1.jca.apc.org/pfb/
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
「国民民主連盟（NLD）、ガンバリ・中曽根共同声明を批判」
（イラワディ誌、2月20日）をご紹介します。
ガンバリ特使と中曽根外務大臣は2月12日に会談し、外務省
によれば「2010年の総選挙が国際社会に祝福されるものと
なるようミャンマー政府に対し働きかけていくことで意見が一致」
したとのことです。これについてNLDは、「1990年総選挙の結果
を尊重するとしたこれまでの国連総会決議だけでなく、同党の
要求にも反する」として懸念しています。
ビルマ情報ネットワーク（BurmaInfo）のウェブサイトでもご覧になれます。
http://www.burmainfo.org/NLD/irrawaddy20090220.html
原文（英語）はこちら。
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=15161
中曽根大臣とガンバリ特使との会談についての外務省プレスリリースはこちら。
http://www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/press/release/21/2/1187917_1092.html
ビルマ情報ネットワーク （www.burmainfo.org）
秋元由紀
========================================
国民民主連盟（NLD）、ガンバリ・中曽根共同声明を批判
ウェイモー
2009年2月20日
「イラワディ」誌
========================================
20日に開かれる国連安全保障理事会のビルマに関する非公開会合に先だって、ビルマ
の最大反対政党・国民民主連盟（NLD）は、イブラヒム・ガンバリ国連事務総長特別
顧問（ビルマ担当）と日本の中曽根弘文外務大臣が12日に発表した共同声明に異議を
唱えた。
NLDのニャンウィン氏は「イラワディ」誌の取材に対し、次のように述べた。「わが
党は昨日（19日）に2つの声明を発表した。これは、2月12日に東京で日本国外相とガ
ンバリ特使が発表した共同声明に意見を述べる必要を感じたためだ。」
「また同時に、わが党が、国連事務総長のわが国への訪問を歓迎する意志を示すと共
に、無条件の対話に関する党としての立場を明らかにする必要を感じたためでもあ
る。」
ガンバリ・中曽根共同声明によれば、両氏は、2010年の総選挙が国際社会に祝福され
るものとなるようミャンマー政府に対し働きかけていくことで意見が一致した。
NLD側は、今回の共同声明が、1990年総選挙の結果を尊重するとしたこれまでの国連
総会決議だけでなく、同党の要求にも反するものであることに懸念していると述べ
た。
この共同声明で中曽根外相は次のように述べている。「たとえミャンマー（ビルマ）
政府からの前向きな動きがほとんどなかったとしても、民主化プロセスに関する過去
20年の沈黙と比べれば、かれらが2010年に総選挙を開くと発表したことは大きな前進
である。」
「かれら（＝ビルマ軍事政権）の前向きな動きには、国際社会としてより前向きな対
応を引き出す形で、前向きに対応していくべきである。」
日本はビルマの主要な援助国である。日本は2007年9月の民主化運動弾圧を受けて、
援助額を削減した（訳注：一時中断したがその後は再開している）。弾圧の過程で、
日本人のビデオ・ジャーナリスト長井健司氏がビルマ治安部隊によって殺害された。
日本は、欧米諸国とは異なり、ビルマ軍政への経済制裁を実施してこなかった。
2006 年前半に日本は、中国とロシアとともに、ビルマ問題を国連安全保障理事会で
議題化する提案に反対した。専門家筋によれば、日本政府は、軍政に対する中国の影
響力の強化に対抗する目的で、国連内でのビルマ批判を弱める方向で動くことがあ
る。
NLDは声明の中で、ガンバリ氏が今回のビルマ訪問で、NLD指導者のアウンサンスー
チー氏ら同党幹部と会見した際、NLD側が氏に提示したとする三原則を挙げている。
第1点は、すべての政治囚の無条件釈放だ。人権団体によれば、ビルマの刑務所には
2,100人以上の政治囚が存在する。
第2点は、国内の政治問題の解決のために、スーチー氏と軍事政権最高指導者タン
シュエ上級将軍との直接会談を行うことだ。第3点は、2008年に軍政主導で制定され
た憲法の見直しである。
NLD側は、これらの要求が満たされない限り、2010年の総選挙には参加しないとして
いる。
NLD幹部によれば、ガンバリ氏から最も重視する課題は何かとの質問があった際に、
NLD側は全政治囚の釈放だと述べた。
NLD筋によれば、ガンバリ特使が2008年8月にビルマを訪問した際に、同党は氏と2度
会談している。最初の会談では、ガンバリ氏はNLDに対して2010年の総選挙に参加す
るよう強く要請した。NLDは、調停役という氏の役割を越えるものだとして、この要
請を批判した。
ビルマ国内の民族政党を代表する統一諸民族連盟（UNA）は20日、NLDを支持すると発
表した。そして、政治囚の釈放、政治対話の実現、2010年総選挙への反対を呼びかけ
た。
同連盟は、国連と国際社会に対し、「軍政の一方的な（民主化）ロードマップと、軍
政が予定する総選挙への支持を行わないよう」求めた。
ガンバリ氏は今回ビルマを4日間訪問したが、カレン民族同盟（KNU）は訪問終了後の
19日に発表した声明で次のように述べた。
「わたしたちは、国連特使のビルマ訪問が、今回もまた、カレン民族同盟など、ビル
マ諸民族の真の代表との会見抜きで終了したことを憂慮している。」
KNUは、ビルマ国内の国民和解プロセスに関する今後の議論に関して、非ビルマ民族
が蚊帳の外に置かれるようなことがあってはならないとした。
出典：
‘NLD criticizes Gambari-Japan joint-statement,’ Irrawaddy, February 20,
2009, at http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=15161.
（日本語訳 ビルマ情報ネットワーク）
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UN chief to Myanmar: Free political prisoners
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon is urging Myanmar's military government to follow up its recent prisoner release by freeing all political detainees and quickly resuming talks with the opposition without preconditions.
Ban said he is willing to return to Myanmar for talks with the government, including on political issues, but he said he must first discuss the timing and agenda with the government.
He said there should not be any preconditions to his visit, but he made clear that the international community wants to see significant steps by Myanmar's military junta toward national reconciliation and "full democratization."
The secretary-general told reporters on Monday that a recent government amnesty for more than 6,300 prisoners reportedly included at least 23 political prisoners. But there are some 2,200 political prisoners and he called for all of them to be freed including detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Two Japanese films bag Oscars
http://search.japantimes.co.jp/mail/nn20090224a1.html
Tuesday, Feb. 24, 2009
'Okuribito' wins in best foreign language category, 'Tsumiki no Ie' for short animation
LOS ANGELES (Kyodo) Japanese film "Okuribito" ("Departures") won the Oscar for best foreign-language film, while Japanese entry "Tsumiki no Ie" was chosen as best animated short film at the 81st Annual Academy Awards ceremony Sunday.
Directed by Yojiro Takita, "Okuribito" depicts the dignity of life and death through the eyes of its protagonist, who makes his living placing bodies into coffins.
Nailing it: Director Yojiro Takita holds up an Oscar at the 81st Annual Academy Awards ceremony Sunday in Los Angeles after his "Okuribito" ("Departures") won for best foreign-language film as actors (from left) Masahiro Motoki, Kimiko Yo and Ryoko Hirosue look on. AP PHOTO
The film, which won the grand prix at the Montreal World Film Festival last summer, has received critical acclaim both within and outside of Japan.
It is the first time since 1956 that a Japanese film won the Oscar in this specific category.
Born in Toyama Prefecture in 1955, Takita started his career by making adult films. His 2002 sword action film "Mibu Gishi Den" ("When the Last Sword is Drawn") was chosen the best picture of the Japan Academy Prize.
At the Oscars ceremony, Takita expressed gratitude to those who were involved in creating the award-winning film.
The animated film "Tsumiki no Ie" ("The House of Small Cubes"), directed by Kunio Kato, is a 12-minute film that portrays the life of an old man who tries to keep rising water caused by global warming out of his house.
Kato commented on his award, "I am happy that I could receive such a grand award."
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Bliss found in death despite traumas Born in 1977 in Kagoshima Prefecture, Kato started creating animation films while he was a student at Tama Art University in Tokyo and has released several works via the Internet and TV.
The film has already won a number awards, including the top prize at the Annecy International Animated Film Festival last year in France.
Winners of the Academy Awards are annually selected in a vote by the roughly 5,800 members of the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences, the host organization of the awards.
Burmese Prisoner Release a ‘Positive Step’: Japan
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=15179
By WAI MOE Tuesday, February 24, 2009
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Japan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs described the release of 6,313 prisoners in Burma over the weekend as “a positive step,” although it added that it would “take some time to get the whole picture of the release.”
In a brief statement in English, the ministry said that Tokyo expects the Burmese junta “to further promote its movement of releasing political prisoners in the future and promote the democratization process in a way that involves all parties concerned.”
A slightly longer version of the statement in Japanese added that, according to Burma’s state-run media, the prisoners were released for humanitarian reasons and to enable them “to participate in fair elections to be held in 2010.”
The Japanese-language version also included information about the party affiliation or other political involvement of 13 prisoners of conscience who were freed as part of the amnesty.
According to the latest figures from the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), so far 24 of the released detainees have been identified as political prisoners.
A Japanese researcher, speaking on condition of anonymity, said that it was significant that the Japanese government quoted Burma’s state-run media without any qualification.
Tokyo is widely seen as less critical of the Burmese regime than most Western governments.
Last week, Burma’s main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), reacted angrily to a joint statement by Japanese Foreign Minister Hirofumi Nakasone and UN Special Envoy to Burma Ibrahim Gambari that appeared to endorse the Burmese junta’s plans for an election in 2010.
“Even though there are few positive moves by the Myanmar [Burmese] government, it’s a huge step for them to have announced that they would hold a general election in 2010, compared with two past decades of silence about its democratization process,” Nakasone said in the statement.
“If they take favorable action, the international community should react in a manner that encourages more positive actions,” Nakasone added.
The NLD said that the statement departed from resolutions by the UN General Assembly which honor the result of a 1990 election that the NLD won by a landslide. The NLD captured more than 80 percent of seats, but the ruling junta refused to respect its victory.
Japan has been one of Burma’s main aid donors for many years. By 2006, Burma’s debt to Japan had reached approximately US $2.5 billion.
Japan temporarily cut aid after a brutal attack by junta-backed thugs on pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her supporters in May 2003. It also suspended aid following a crackdown on demonstrators in September 2007, but resumed loans after just two months.
Unlike the US and other major developed nations, Japan has sought to promote democratization in Burma through engagement and dialogue with the regime, according to Jürgen Haacke, an expert in international relations.
“Given its less vocal and punitive position regarding Myanmar, Tokyo has thus, in theory, represented for the military an easier target [for aid requests] than its Western counterparts,” Haacke writes in his paper, “Myanmar's Foreign Policy: Domestic Influences and International Implications.”
UDP Leader Involved in Drugs, Money Laundering, Says Ex-agent
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=15174
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
By WAI MOE Monday, February 23, 2009
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The leader of a Burmese political party has again been tied to drug dealing and money laundering by a former official in Burma’s military intelligence, in a Voice of America (VOA) Burmese program on Sunday.
Maj Aung Linn Htut, a former intelligence officer who currently lives in the United States, said during a VOA interview that Kyaw Myint, also known as Michael Hua Hu, the executive vice chairman of the United Democratic Party of Myanmar (UDP), that the allegations took place when Kyaw Myint was a leader of the United Wa State Army’s (UWSA) treasury department in the 1990s. Kyaw Myint now lives in Canada.
He said Kyaw Myint ran a company, Myanmar Kyone Yeom, which was involved in money laundering in the 1990s. The former agent said the Wa political faction backed at least four commercial banks in Burma at the time.
Asiaweek magazine reported in January 1998 that Myanmar Kyone Yeom was accused of acting as a “money-washing machine” for the UWSA.
The company was blacklisted by the Burmese regime because “Michael Hua Hu (a.k.a. Col Kyaw Myint), who claimed to be a deputy minister of finance for the UWSA, openly and brazenly flouted Burmese business laws and regulations,” Jane’s Intelligence Review reported in November 1998.
After the ouster of Burmese intelligence chief Gen Khin Nyunt in October 2004, Aung Linn Htut sought political asylum in the US while he served at the Burmese embassy in Washington DC.
The former agent said complaints leveled by Brig-Gen Maung Maung, the secretary of the Myanmar Investment Commission, led to a 10-year prison sentence in Burma against Kyaw Myint.
“Actually, he is a fugitive [in Burma] because he broke jail when he was serving his prison term at a labor camp and escaped to Thailand,” Aung Linn Htut said in the radio interview.
Kyaw Myint came into the spotlight in Canada recently when trading in Future Canada China Environment Inc. was halted by the US Securities and Exchange Commission in late January, when the value of the company’s stock rose rapidly to more than US $1 billion.
The price jumped on the strength of a proposed merger with a company that appears to be connected to Michael Hua Hu [Kyaw Myint], according to a report in The Vancouver Sun newspaper.
“The commission temporarily suspended trading in the securities of Future Canada China Environment Inc. because questions have arisen concerning recent trading activities in the company’s stock during which its share price increased from US $ 0.92 to US $ 28.50,” the US Securities and Exchange Commission announced on January 28.
The commission cautioned brokers, dealers, shareholders and prospective purchasers that they should carefully consider the foregoing information along with all other currently available information and any information subsequently issued by the company.
“The company has negligible assets and no operating business. Its stock price ostensibly jumped on strength of a proposed merger with a company that appears to be connected to Michael Hua Hu, a former Burmese businessman now living in Vancouver,” The Vancouver Sun reported on February 4.
It said that with 38 million shares outstanding, the company had a total stock market value of US $1.1 billion.
“That's quite a premium to the company's book value, which was negative $55,000 at last count,” the newspaper said.
According to The Vancouver Sun, Kyaw Myint is also involved in NAH Development Group Inc., a company based in Canada.
Kyaw Myint denied allegations of drug dealing and money laundering in a statement responding to an article published in The Irrawaddy in late December. “I, U Kyaw Myint, have never conducted or been involved in the illegal drug business or money laundering business in my life,” said the statement, published on his Web site.
Kyaw Myint said in the statement, “All my businesses in North America and Asia are legal.”
Recently, Kyaw Myint has sought to play a role in the 2010 Burmese elections by forming the UDP in Burma.
In late January, a party statement said that Thu Wai, a veteran politician, and Ye Tun, a well-known businessman, in Rangoon, were named chairman and vice chairman.
Burmese exiles say Kyaw Myint is the financial backer of the party, and he wants to attract prominent politicians to the party.
The UDP stirred up a minor controversy when Cho Cho Kyaw Nyein, the daughter of former minister Kyaw Nyein, publicly denied she had any role in the party.
Htun Aung Gyaw, a former Burmese student leader, also denied reports he was involved in the party.
Aung Linn Htut told VOA that he believed Kyaw Myint wanted to play a significant role in politics in the 2010 election and perhaps gain an amnesty from the Burmese military government.
Gas Discovery Reported Near Rangoon
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=15181
By MIN LWIN Tuesday, February 24, 2009
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The Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) has located an inland gas deposit in Dagon Myothit Eastern Township near Rangoon, according to residents in the exploration area.
MOGE started drilling a test well on February 12 on land owned by a local farmer, Than Tun, near Laydaungkan Village, said a local farmer.
“The exploration group came into the bean fields to conduct seismic surveys in search of gas,” he said. He said drilling tests proved successful on February 14.
Another farmer from Laydaungkan Village said, “They destroyed the crops planted by Than Tun without compensation.” Than Tun was hospitalized because of stress associated with the drilling, he said.
MOGE, which operates under the Ministry of Energy, would not respond to queries from The Irrawaddy about the reported gas discovery. MOGE is the government’s exploration and production department for oil and gas in Burma.
At least 21 multinational oil and gas companies from China, Singapore, South Korea, India, Russia, Malaysia, Thailand, the United States, France, Japan and Australia have long-term contracts with MOGE. The Burmese military government began to allow foreign investments in energy production in 1988.
The military government has signed gas and oil contracts with multinationals such as Total of France; CNOOC and SNPC of China; Daewoo of South Korea; onGC of India; Danford Equities of Australia and PTTEP of Thailand.
According to the Rangoon-based Myanmar Times weekly journal, the Burmese energy sector, including hydropower, oil and gas, comprises 65 percent of Foreign Direct Investment, which is made up of 12 economic sectors that include power, energy, mining, manufacturing, hotels and tourism, livestock and fisheries, transportation and telecommunications.
Burmese Media Gather in Chiang Mai
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=15173
By WAI MOE Monday, February 23, 2009
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Burmese journalists have gathered in Chiang Mai, Thailand, to discuss issues at the Burma Media Conference’s 6th anniversary.
The conference, organized by the Burma Media Association (BMA), was held from February 21 to 23. About 150 Burmese journalists, writers, poets and bloggers from various countries attended the conference.
The three-day conference included recorded video messages from Burma by well-known writer Dagon Tayar and veteran journalists Win Tin and Ludu Sein Win.
“Accuracy is important for us,” Ludu Sein Win told the conference. “The Burmese media in exile must report truthfully. There is no substitution for the truth.
“In Burma, the media should be biased on behalf of the oppressed. In the Burmese conflict, there is only a choice between two—the people who bully and those who are bullied,” he said, adding: “Good journalism means being biased toward the truth.”
During the first day of the conference, Eint Khaing Oo, a young female journalist who is in prison in Burma, was presented in absence with the “Kenji Nagai Award," in memory of the Japanese video journalist who was killed by Burmese troops during a crackdown on demonstrators in Rangoon on September 27, 2007.
Shawn W Crispin, of the Committee to Protect Journalists, told the conference on Sunday that military-ruled Burma is one of the worst places in the world for journalists.
On the second day of the conference, Soe Myint, the editor-in-chief of exiled news agency Mizzima, spoke about his organization’s experiences of virus attacks over the last two years.
Later, the managing editor of The Irrawaddy, Kyaw Zwa Moe, spoke on the ethical dilemmas inherent in journalism.
Larry Jagan, a British journalist who specializes on Burma, said that the Burmese media in exile plays a significant role. He said he had learned from military families in Burma that the ruling generals regularly read the exiled media.
A Burmese blogger, Mr Thinker, shared the history and role of Burmese bloggers in recent years. “The military junta sees bloggers as enemies,” he said. “That’s why they arrested Nay Phone Latt.”
The conference was originally due to be held in late 2008, but had to be postponed until February because of the unstable political situation in Thailand.
WHO helps Myanmar treat leprosy disease in N division
http://english.people.com.cn/90001/90777/90856/6598606.html
February 23, 2009
The World Health Organization (WHO) of the United Nations is helping Myanmar cure nearly 600 leprosy patients in the country's northern Mandalay division annually, sources with the anti-leprosy authorities said on Sunday.
Mandalay division is a tropical region where infectious leprosy virus Myeo Bacterium can spread easily, medical experts were quoted by the weekly Voice as saying.
Myanmar has implemented anti-leprosy campaign for over half a century since 1952, introducing Multi Drug Therapy (MDT) in 1986 for treatment recommended by the WHO and paving way for the eradication of leprosy with integrated services expanding to more areas in the country.
Myanmar was once regarded as one of the countries where leprosy prevalence was high.
Due to decades' efforts in leprosy eradication, especially some measures taken by the government after the Third Meeting of Global Alliance for Elimination of Leprosy in 2003, the prevalent rate in Myanmar declined to 0.47 patient per 10,000 population at the end of 2006 from 0.6 per 10,000 population in 2003, according to official figures.
The figures also showed that over 260,000 cases were treated and cured between 1988 and 2005.
Source:Xinhua
記事紹介【日刊ベリタ】「これは日本の問題でもある！」 在日ビルマ人労組が窮状と長期的支援策を訴える
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ビルマ市民フォーラム メールマガジン 2009/2/23
People's Forum on Burma
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先週末2月21日に実施した第55回PFB例会「外国人労働者は今・・・ 在日
ビルマ人・外国人労働者のおかれている状況について」の内容の一部が、
インターネット新聞『日刊ベリタ』に掲載されました。
以下、ご紹介いたします。
ぜひご一読ください。
ＰＦＢ事務局
http://www1.jca.apc.org/pfb/
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【日刊ベリタ】 外国人労働者
2009年02月23日11時21分掲載
http://www.nikkanberita.com/read.cgi?id=200902231121571
------------------------------------------------------- 「これは日本の問題でもある！」
在日ビルマ人労組が窮状と長期的支援策を訴える
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
昨秋から始まった未曾有の経済危機により、日本国内でも派遣
社員や期間工の雇い止めが大きな問題となっている。なかでも、
ほとんど報道されることのない外国人労働者の“クビ切り”は深刻で、
雇用保険にも加入できず、低賃金で働かされたうえ、真っ先に切り
捨てられているのが外国人労働者の現状だ。「私たち外国人労働者の
置かれた状況や想いを、多くの方々に知ってもらいたい」と、「在日
ビルマ市民労働組合」（ＦＷＵＢＣ）会長のティンウィンさん（55歳）は
2月21日、東京・池袋のECO豊島で開かれたビルマ市民フォーラム
例会で窮状を訴えた。（和田秀子）
▼記事全文・つづきはこちらから
http://www.nikkanberita.com/read.cgi?id=200902231121571
Breaking News – AAPP (B) immediate release -BDD
22 February 2009
The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma) can confirm that 19 political prisoners have been released from various prisons in Burma today.Yesterday the ruling military regime announced that it would release 6,313 prisoners from 21 February.
The list of released:Myintkyina prison
1. Dr. Zaw Myint Maung, Member of Parliament from the National League for Democracy party, was released from Myitkyina Prison. He has been in jail since 1991.
2. U Pe Sein, Township organizer, Mohnyin, Kachin State.
3. U Naw Naw Insein prison
4. U Kaythara (a) U Kyaw Min Thet
5. U Ingura (a) U Aye Tun Thar
6. U Thireina (a) U Kyaw Moe
7. U Marlaina (a) U Min Zaw Aung
8. U Ardatesa (a) U Aung Ko
9. U Takekanateya (a) U Maung Zaw
10. U Damitika (a) U Tun Tun
11. U Tun Zaw Htay (a) Tun Tun
12. U Khaing Ba Myint
13. U Soe
14. U Nandathiri (a) U Htay Ye Tun
15. U Sandima (a) U Zaw Min Htet
16. Ma Hmwe (a) Ma Kyin Haw
17. Ma Khin Khin Leah
18. U Tin Hlaing
19. U Thet Wai
-ENDS-
AAPP For more information,
please contact: Tate Naing at +66-(0)81-2878751
Bo Kyi at +66-(0)81-3248935
Posted by BURMA DEMOCRACY & DEVELOPMENT at 2/23/2009
Burma: “Kenji Nagai Award” or an Encouragement towards journalists under junta's oppression
http://www.asiantribune.com/?q=node/15729
Mon, 2009-02-23 02:35
By Zin Linn
Burma Media Association will have to launch its sixth annual conference (from 21 to 23 February 2009) in Chiang Mai. The association was formed in 2001by exile Burmese journalists and writers based in various countries. This year there will be a special event of delivering "Kenji Nagai Award" to an imprisoned female journalist in Burma.
The first award commemorating slain Japanese video journalist Kenji Nagai will be presented in the Burma Media Conference to a female reporter who reported about an area of the country that was devastated by Nargis cyclone last year. Last October, the media association made a proposal to set up the memorial award to Nagai's parents through APF News in Japan -- with which the Japanese journalist had a contract -- and the parents gave their consent to the idea.
Eint Khaing Oo, a 24 year old female journalist from Eco-vision journal, was arrested on 10 June 2008, while covering about a peaceful rally initiated by Nargis victims. Police accused her of taking photos of the victims with an intention of sending those pictures to foreign-media. She was charged under the Criminal Code section 505 (b) and 124 (a) of crime against public tranquility and sentenced to 2 years imprisonment. According to her lawyer Khin Maung Shein, she didn't commit any crime under this section. Eint Khaing is a reporter and she was doing her job. And the news was not based on untrustworthy data and she didn't send fictitious news to other news agencies. She is now in the notorious Insein Prison.
Burma was at the forefront of press freedom in Southeast Asia before 1962 military coup. The country enjoyed free press without censorship. As many as three dozen newspapers, including English and Chinese dailies, existed between 1948 and 1962 under civilian government. Even the prime minister’s office never closed for the journalists in those days. There were also freedom to set up relation with international press agencies.
The situation changed in 1962, when the military seized power. All newspapers were nationalized by the junta led by Gen. Ne Win. It established a Press Scrutiny Board (PSB) to enforce strict censorship on all forms of printed matter including advertisements and obituaries. Since then, military junta's censorship and self-censorship are commonplace in Burma and these have severely restricted political rights and civil liberties.
Press Scrutiny and Registration Division (PSRD) is a major oppressive tool of the incumbent military regime. Not surprisingly, Burma stands downgraded from a free state to a prison state. All news media in Burma are strictly censored and tightly controlled by the military -- all daily newspapers, radio and television stations are under supervision of the junta. Whatever some privately-owned journals and magazines are there, they are strictly under the PSRD scanner. No printed matter can bring out without PSRD permission.
The stratocracy took control of the censorship bureau after the purge of Prime Minister Khin Nyunt and his military intelligence office in October 2004. The Ministry of Information takes charge of censorship job and a new Press Scrutiny and Registration Division (PSRD) was established in April 2005. All publications were subjected to reregister with the PSRD. All periodicals have to follow providing detailed information about editorial-staff, ownership, and financial sponsorship.
Moreover, the junta also dominates the media industries through alternate publication companies owned by generals and their cronies. Photos, cassette tapes, movies and video footage also need the censor's stamp before reaching the people. At the same time, the military concentrates to stop the flow of uncensored radio news in Burmese version available from international broadcasting stations.
The radio, television and other media outlets are monopolized for propaganda warfare by the military regime and opposition views are never allowed. The regime even does not allow the religious discourse. The media is special tool for the military regime and no space for the opposition party. The political debates are not allowed even at the National Convention. That's why the National Convention lost its credibility and regarded as a sham.
The foreign periodicals with news reports on Burma have not been seen in the news-stands since September 2007. The owners of the Internet Cafes have been forced to sign an agreement to follow restrictions by the authorities and dare not allowing users to get out of the regime's filters. Moreover, the owners have to inform the details of their customers to the authorities. Currently, freedom of press situation in Burma is getting worse and worse. Media related people are feeling defenseless. Voices of peoples are constantly blocked.
Despite salvos of international condemnation over the lack of improvement on human rights abuses, especially freedom of expression and freedom of association, and talks with Aung San Suu Kyi, the junta envisaged to soften the pressure by allowing the United Nations special rapporteur for human rights, Tomas Ojea Quintana, to visit Yangon's notorious Insein prison on 16 February 2009.
U Win Tin, famous journalist of Burma who spent 19 years in junta’s jail, dismissed the special invitation of Mr. Quintana as he thinks it’s an agenda of the junta making a show-case to soften down the international pressure.
The International News Safety Institute (INSI) organized a regional conference on ‘Creating a Culture of Safety in the Media in Asia-Pacific’ (Dec. 15-16, 2008), which assembled participants from 11 countries. A member of Protection Committee for Burmese Journalists who wishes to remain anonymous said the junta had set up rules under a 2006 law on electronic media and 1996 law on film and computers that restricted how journalists could work.
Under the laws, journalists are not allowed to take pictures that might "pose a threat" to the regime, with wrongdoers facing up to 59 years in prison. Internet users are also under strict surveillance by the regime, which requires service providers to check every five minutes websites visited by users and to immediately report suspicious or dangerous activities.
In 2008, 12 journalists and bloggers were arrested in Burma, the Burmese Journalists Protection Committee says. Several popular websites, including yahoo.com and hotmail.com, have also been blocked as the junta further isolates its people from the outside world. Nay Phone Latt (age 28), who was arrested in January 2008, was sentenced to 20 years and 6 months in prison in November 2008 under video law and electronic acts. He was moved to Pa-an prison in Karen state of Burma in November 2008 from Insein prison in Rangoon.
Kyaw Ko Ko and Nyan Linn Aung from All Burmese Federation of Student Unions, were sentenced to 3-year imprisonment each by a Rangoon-township court on 9 February 2009 under the infamous ‘1996 Television and Video Law’.
However, on this 21 February 2009, Eint Khaing Oo becomes the first winner of "Kenji Nagai Award" which commemorating slain Japanese video journalist during Burma’s Saffron Revolution in September 2007. The Burma Media Association founded the award in honor of Mr. Nagai, who was shot dead while videotaping anti-junta demonstrations in Burma in 2007, to recognize those who have reported the truth about the junta-ruled country.
To give confidence and courage to the new blood of journalists in the military ruled country, Burma Media Association and Tokyo-based APF News Agency jointly founded the award in honor of the late "Kenji Nagai" who bravely made an effort to cover the Saffron Revolution of Burma in September 2007.
- Asian Tribune -
Political prisoners among 6,000 freed in Myanmar
http://nz.news.yahoo.com/a/-/world/5337062/political-prisoners-among-6000-freed-in-myanmar/
February 22, 2009, 9:25 pm
YANGON (Reuters) - Nineteen political prisoners, including allies of pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi and five Buddhist monks, have been freed in military-ruled Myanmar as part of a general amnesty, an exile group said on Sunday.
The regime announced the release of over 6,000 inmates on Friday after United Nations human rights rapporteur Tomas Ojea Quintana ended a five-day visit during which he called for the progressive release of "prisoners of conscience."
On Saturday, 16 political detainees were freed from Yangon's Insein prison and three from a prison in northern Kachin state, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners ( Burma ) said on its website www.aappb.org
The Insein group included five Buddhist monks arrested in 2003 and members of Suu Kyi's opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) and other political groups.
Nobel laureate Suu Kyi, who began her latest detention in May 2003, is among more than 2,000 people jailed in Myanmar for their political or religious beliefs, rights groups say.
The military junta, which has ruled unchecked since 1962, denies the existence of any political prisoners, saying all detainees have committed crimes.
State-owned MRTV said on Friday the prisoners were being released for the "social consideration of their families" and to take part in elections promised for 2010, part of a seven-step "roadmap to democracy."
Western governments dismiss the roadmap as a charade, and human rights groups accuse the regime of seeking to eliminate all political opposition ahead of the election.
Special courts have sentenced scores of dissidents to lengthy prison terms of up to 65 years in recent months.
The most prominent activists have been sent to the furthest corners of the country, making it almost impossible for relatives to deliver food and medicine to them, raising the possibility of the prisoners dying behind bars.
Among those released on Saturday was Thet Wai, an NLD official in Yangon who was sentenced to two years in jail in 2008 for reporting incidents of forced labour to the International Labour Organisation (ILO), an NLD spokesman said.
Three other NLD members were freed from Myitkyina Prison in northern Kachin state.
They included Dr. Zaw Myint Maung, an NLD MP elected in the 1990 election that his party won only to see the military ignore the results. He had been in prison since 1991.
(Editing by Darren Schuettler and Sanjeev Miglani)
In Exile or At Home, Working in Burma's Media Isn't Easy
http://www.mindanaoexaminer.com/news.php?news_id=20090221073604
Saturday, February 21, 2009 08:36:04 PM
Despite the numerous challenges they grapple with, the Burmese media in exile still play a crucial role in urging the people to speak out against Burma's repressive military government and take the long and dangerous road to democracy, says Burmese journalist Htet Aung Kyaw.
Speaking at about the role of the media at a conference earlier this February in Barcelona, Spain, the journalist for the Norway-based Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), a non-profit media organisation run by Burmese exiles and journalists, gave an overview about the media situation in the South-east Asian country ruled by the Gen. Than Shwe-led junta.
"Here in Barcelona, Spain, or elsewhere in Europe, the United States, Australia and Japan, media workers are safe and sound. But in Burma, while the world's most notorious military junta is still in power, it is very difficult and dangerous work," he said.
Apart from Japanese photojournalist Kenji Nagai, who was shot at the height of the September 2007 demonstrations, Htet said that citizen journalists in his country are still missing. Twelve journalists, including some undercover reporters for the DVB TV were detained in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis and the constitutional referendum in 2008, he added.
Burma's government controls majority of the country's multi-media, including 75 percent ownership of private print media ranging from journals to magazines numbering to about 300.
Htet Aung Kyaw said that there are some media-in-exile organisations that offer satellite TV, short wave and radio services. These are the DVB, Radio Free Asia, Voice of America and the BBC's Burmese Service. The Internet also has the Thailand-based English-language 'The Irrawaddy' and India-based 'Mizzima', as well as the New Era and Network Media Group.
Ethnic-language Internet news service also abound, with the independent 'Mon News Agency', 'Kachin News Group', 'Kaladan Press', 'Kantarawaddy Times', 'Kaowao News', 'Khonumthung News', 'Narinjara News' and 'Shan Herald Agency for News' leading the pack. The number of anti-government blogs within and outside the country is also increasing.
Htet Aung Kaw noted that due to this tight control of content in his country's media, people have begun to "lose interest on the government-owned media" and instead, turn to Korean teledramas and movies. When they do buy newspapers, "they skip the front pages and go straight to the back pages to read the obituaries section".
"Journalists working for the 300 private journals and magazines have no chance to write about political, economic or social issues as these are censored by the Press Scrutiny Board (PSB)," he said. Thus, it's no surprise that many reading fare in Burma offer nothing but photos of sexy women, fashion, pop music, horoscopes and foreign sports news.
Htet also said that the media-in-exile have their share of problems. "Journalists in exile, especially donor-based media organisations, face a different form of censorship or self-censorship," he explained referring to an "unofficial warning" from Burmese pro-democracy groups to the media to avoid criticising the former. "'You can criticise the military regime as much as you want but leave us alone' has become a running joke in our circle. Many politicians in exile and inside the country have a limited understanding of the role of independent media," he said.
Continued Htet: "Some politicians have even told me that this is not the right time to criticise the movement, as all it will do is benefit the enemies of the pro-democracy movement."
Other excerpts from his speech:
"Some pro-democracy groups have sent letters of complaint to donors when we have criticised the weak points of the government-in-exile. This could make it very hard for media organisations that want to play an independent role in the coming 2010 elections, which most pro-democracy groups oppose. They are still holding on to the result of the 1990 election and are demanding this result be respected before new election can be held."
On censorship:
"The main job of publishers and chief editors is to try to strike a good deal with PSB officials, which means giving gifts of whisky, tobacco or money to encourage them to approve their stories on time."
"Moreover, every journal and magazine must add at least one story from the Information Ministry ・either propaganda about government activities or an attack on the opposition and the pro-democracy movement."
"Every journalist needs permission from the relevant ministers to interview any civil servant. Young and active journalists have often been detained on the accusation that they have not had proper permission from a minister."
On the international community's role:
"I would like to urge the European Commission and the western community to support the media-in-exile and look for opportunities to challenge the Burmese government-controlled media. Unless the generals' negative view of independent media is changed, it will be hard for foreign journalists to go to Burma." (http://www.theasiamediaforum.org/node/1014)
UN is told of failings on Burma reform
http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/9200665e-ff7e-11dd-b3f8-000077b07658.html?nclick_check=1
By Harvey Morris at the United Nations
Published: February 20 2009 22:50 | Last updated: February 20 2009 22:50
The United Nations Security Council heard on Friday there had been no progress in persuading Burma’s military regime to reform.
This followed an acknowledgment from Hillary Clinton, US secretary of state, that a dual policy of sanctions and engagement had failed.
EDITOR’S CHOICE
Burmese ruby ban likely to be undermined - Nov-17Burmese junta jails fuel protesters - Nov-11Indian help sought on Burma - Oct-30Burma’s junta frees Suu Kyi aide - Sep-23In depth: Burma - Nov-15UN envoy defies call to scrap Burma mission - Sep-13Ibrahim Gambari, UN special envoy to Burma, reporting on his seventh diplomatic mission to the country, said there was “no tangible outcome” from his talks with government leaders.
Mrs Clinton said earlier this week during her Asian tour: “It is an unfortunate fact that Burma seems impervious to influences from anyone. The path we have taken in imposing sanctions hasn’t influenced the Burmese junta, but reaching out and trying to engage them has not influenced them either.”
The effectiveness of a sanctions regime by the US and other western states has been undermined by China’s resistance in the security council to imposing punitive action that would be binding on all member states.
Human-rights activists are banking on diplomatic encouragement by President Barack Obama’s administration to wean Beijing away from support for Burma and other regimes, such as Sudan and Zimbabwe, for which it has provided diplomatic cover at the UN.
Diplomats at the UN said the weighty foreign policy agenda facing the new US administration meant Burma might be relatively low on its list of priorities. The issue of rights violations by the regime – in particular the prolonged detention of Aung San Suu Kyi, the opposition leader – was kept to the forefront during the Bush administration by the personal engagement of Laura Bush, the former president’s wife.
Signalling a review of current policy, Mrs Clinton said in Tokyo this week that Washington was “looking for ways that we could more effectively help the Burmese people”.
Jean-Maurice Ripert, French ambassador to the UN, said on Friday that the European Union was also conducting a review.
Jeremy Woodrum, of the Washington-based US Campaign for Burma, noted that US sanctions had widespread bipartisan support in Congress and had enjoyed the backing of both Mr Obama and Mrs Clinton. Joe Biden, the US vice-president, sponsored a bill banning the import of Burmese jade and gemstones when he was chairman of the Senate foreign relations committee. Mr Woodrum said he did not think a policy review necessarily presaged an easing of measures already in place.
Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2009
BURMA: Non-application of law
http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/WO0902/S00362.htm
Saturday, 21 February 2009, 3:04 pm
Press Release: ALRC
A written statement submitted by the Asian Legal Resource Centre (ALRC), a non-
governmental organisation with general consultative status
BURMA: Non-application of law and the cases arising from September 2007 in Myanmar
1. For a number of years that the Asian Legal Resource Centre (ALRC) has worked closely and consistently on the situation of human rights in Myanmar it has stressed the need for international organisations and others concerned with the situation there to concentrate their attention on the features of and defects in the criminal justice system as a means to better understand the mechanisms both for persistent authoritarian control of the state there and to deny redress for abuses of fundamental rights.
2. Since the massive September 2007 monk-led demonstrations, the ALRC has documented numerous cases brought against persons accused of involvement in the protests that together again underline the telling need for this approach to the situation of human rights in Myanmar. Just a few of the violations of provisions of Myanmar domestic law, to say nothing of international law, and comments upon their ramifications for the judicial system in Myanmar as a whole, follow:
a. Coerced signing of confessions and “pledges” that had no basis in law
Persons in civilian clothes waylaid Khin Sanda Win, 23, on 29 September 2007 outside the Pansodan Department Store in Kyauktada Township, Yangon, tied her hands behind her back and took her to the town hall where she was put together with ten men who were unknown to her and then they were each photographed with various weapons, including knives, slingshots and pellets. Then they were allegedly forced to sign confessions that the weapons had been found in their bags. Khin Sanda Win was sent to the special interrogation centre at Kyaikkasan and she was kept there without charge, warrant or otherwise until October 7, when she was transferred to the central prison and held there, again without charge, warrant or any other legal order until October 25, when she was sent to the Hlaing Township Peace and Development Council office where in the presence of the council chairman and her parents she was told to sign a pledge that she would not take part in any anti-state activities, after whic h she was released. Accor
b. Illegal arrest and arbitrary detention in violation of section 59 of the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) of Myanmar, which requires a detainee to be taken to a police station and section 61, which requires a detainee to be brought before a magistrate within 24 hours
U Ohn Than, 60, on 23 August 2007 went by himself to the front of the then-Embassy of the United States of America in Kyauktada, Yangon and held a placard with a series of points written on each side. On one, he called among other things for the UN Secretary General to intervene and support the people’s will for the restoring of parliament in Myanmar. On the other, he called on soldiers to uphold the armed forces’ dignity and defy the orders of their superiors in order to bring an end to dictatorship. Like other protestors, Ohn Than was not arrested according to any law. After being bundled away in a vehicle by men in plain clothes who did not identify themselves to him, he was taken to the Kyaikkasan special military interrogation camp rather than a police station where he was kept incognito for 160 days until the end of January 2008 when his case was finally brought into a court (by brought by Inspector Soe Naing, Kyauktada Township Police, Serial No. La/147569). Like others, he was not tried
c. Closed trials in violation of section 2(e) of the Judiciary Law 2000 and section 352 of the CrPC, and denial of the right to appeal against maltreatment of court
Ko Htun Htun Oo, Ko Maung Maung Latt and Ko Aung Kyaw Moe, and Ma Htar Htar Thet, had four cases pending before Judge Daw Aye Myaing of the Hlaing Township Court, Yangon, at a special courtroom within the Insein Central Prison, under an order from the Supreme Court on 3 October 2008 when their family members were not allowed to enter the courtroom nor leave food for them. Thereafter, at the hearing on October 6, Ko Htun Htun Oo, speaking on behalf of the four defendants, informed the court that as the family members had been denied the right to attend the hearings and as the defendants “no longer had faith in the judicial process” they had decided that they would no longer cooperate with the court. They would refuse to be examined, give testimony, or cross-examine witnesses through their counsel. They also would withdraw the power of attorney from the two lawyers at the next hearing. After he made this statement, the judge instructed that the same be put to the court thr ough the lawyers. When th
d. Denial of the right to a lawyer and the right to make a proper defence under section 340 of the CrPC and section 2(f) of the Judiciary Law 2000 as well as denial of the right to present witnesses
Police arrested 34-year-old Ko Thiha on the night of 7 September 2007 south of Mandalay, near the town of Wundwin, over some allegedly inflammatory publications. They brought him to the Mandalay District Court (although by law it should have been initiated in the local township court) and charged him with sedition and upsetting public tranquility under sections 124A/505(b) of the Penal Code (charges brought by Police Captain Win Myint, Special Branch). The trial was held at a special court inside the Mandalay Prison. Thiha did not have a lawyer to represent him, even though he was facing a life sentence. He was not able to call any witnesses or defend himself in court. Meanwhile, the witnesses that the police called were not the ones present when Thiha was actually arrested. The police did not present any evidence to strongly support the charge of sedition and instead called another judge who briefly testified that Thiha had made a confession before him, which was presented as evide nce. However, Thiha claim
e. Evidence-less cases or cases consisting of inadmissible evidence under the Evidence Act
Ma Honey Oo, 21, was accused of having had contact with overseas radio stations to give out information at the time of the protests, and having been involved in making a student union. She was taken into custody on 9 October 2007 but was not brought before the Yangon Eastern District Court until 20 December 2007. The police accused Honey Oo of having been involved in a student union, having talked to foreign media by telephone and of having participated in protests at the Yuzana Plaza and on the road from Mingalar Market to Natmauk on 25-6 September 2007. However, when pressed in court they could not produce any evidence to support any of their claims and on the contrary showed ignorance and confusion about the laws under which she had been brought. The investigating detective, Sub-Inspector Soe Moe Aung (Serial No. La/134172, Tamwe Township Police) said that the information they had that Honey Oo was part of the group accused of having contact with overseas media was from a reliabl e source, but he could no
3. There are large numbers of cases and further violations of domestic law since the September 2007 events that the ALRC has documented in detail and could use to further illustrate the point that the Government of Myanmar is disinterested or unable to apply its own domestic law, let alone the standards to which the United Nations subscribes, in handling criminal cases of this sort. However, the bigger point that needs to be made here is that it is not merely these cases and the accused persons that are of concern. Rather, as a consequence of this sort of deliberate misuse and degrading of the institutions of criminal justice, there is a flow-on effect into the system as a whole. The perverting of due process in the courts, the encouragement of police and other state officials to ignore even the most basic procedures in arrest and detention, and the denial of the most fundamental rights to accused persons persist across all institutions thereby making the notion of justice for anyon e in Myanmar in any case
4. In keeping with this analysis, the Asian Legal Resource Centre has urged and again urges the concerned Special Procedures of the Council, in particular to the Special Rapporteur on the situation on human rights in Myanmar but also the mandates concerning arbitrary and illegal detention, independence of judges and lawyers, human rights defenders, and the question of torture to take up and pursue cases arising from extraordinary events, including the September 2007 protests and May 2008 cyclone, in the broader frame of systemic failure of criminal justice that impinges directly upon the lives of everyone in Myanmar, not merely those who have been targeted because of their supposed attempts to arouse dissent to the current government or others in cases of special interest. It is in the profound consequences for the lives of everyone in the country that these cases have their special importance and deserve, indeed demand, our attention.
About ALRC: The Asian Legal Resource Centre is an independent regional non-governmental organisation holding general consultative status with the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. It is the sister organisation of the Asian Human Rights Commission. The Hong Kong-based group seeks to strengthen and encourage positive action on legal and human rights issues at local and national levels throughout Asia.
ENDS
Myanmar junta announces 6,300 convicts to be freed
http://www.google.com/hostednews/ap/article/ALeqM5g_UN7MAufh6uPG_uZaGy9d6icM_QD96FG5O01
3 days ago
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) — Myanmar's military government announced an amnesty Friday night for more than 6,000 prisoners but did not mention whether any political detainees will be among those released.
State radio and television announced that the convicts from various prisons would be released starting Saturday. The brief announcement said that 6,313 prisoners were being freed in recognition of their good conduct and so that they would be able to participate in a general election planned for next year.
Human rights groups estimate that the regime holds more than 2,100 political detainees, including pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who is under house arrest. Nobel Peace Prize laureate Suu Kyi has spent 13 of the past 19 years in detention without trial.
When the junta freed 9,002 prisoners last September, only about a dozen were political detainees.
In recent months, the junta's courts have sentenced more than 100 dissidents, including some of the country's most prominent activists, to prison terms that would keep them incarcerated well past the 2010 polls. The junta says the elections will restore democracy, but critics charge they will be a sham to keep the military in control.
The top U.N. envoy to Myanmar, Ibrahim Gambari, who recently visited the country, told reporters at U.N. headquarters in New York that he had not received any official communique from the government and was waiting to see how many of the prisoners were criminals and how many were political prisoners.
"At the same time I believe it's fair to welcome the release of prisoners, particularly political prisoners," Gambari said.
Asked for Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon's reaction, U.N. spokeswoman Michele Montas echoed Gambari, saying "it still remains unclear whether and how many political prisoners this deal may include."
"We encourage the government to release all political prisoners including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi," she said.
Myanmar, which has been under military rule since 1962, is shunned by Western nations because of its poor human rights record. The ruling generals came to power in 1988 after crushing a pro-democracy uprising and killing as many as 3,000 people.
The junta called elections in 1990 but refused to honor the results when Suu Kyi's party won overwhelmingly.
On Myanmar, UN May Help with 2010 Election Under Flawed Constitution, Rohingya Not Discussed
http://www.innercitypress.com/unsc4myanmar022009.html
Byline: Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press at the UN: News Analysis
UNITED NATIONS, February 20 -- Myanmar's general Than Shwe refused to meet with UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari during his trip two weeks ago to that country.
On his way back to New York, Gambari met with Japan's foreign minister, who after the meeting put a positive gloss on the military regimes move to consolidate its power in 2010 with elections in which the main opposition figure, Aung San Suu Kyi of the NLD, is not allowed to run, using a constitution enacted in 2008 just after Cyclone Nargis, in a referendum in which it was illegal to speak against the proposed constitution.
Not surprisingly, the NLD has criticized what it called Gambari's and Japan's joint statement.
Following a closed door Security Council meeting on Friday, Inner City Press asked Gambari about the NLD's criticism. Gambari responded that it was not a joint communique, but acknowledged that he had told those Myanmar official with whom he met that the UN might favorably view a request for electoral assistance if it followed "broad consultations." He said that the NLD is "free to take positions." Video here, from Minute 7:01.
Japan's Ambassador Yukio Takasu, this month's Council president, went further, telling Inner City Press that "there was no communique," rather an answer by his foreign minister to a question from the media. Takasu said that the NLD wants to "turn back the clock to 1990," the last time credible elections were held. Video here, from Minute 1:48.
Inner City Press asked if it is Japan's position that the 2008 constitution, with all its flaws, is credible. Takasu did not answer directly, but rather calls for efforts before 2010. Video here, from Minute 5:10.
Inner City Press asked UK Ambassador John Sawers about the situation of the Rohingya, Muslims refugees from Myanmar many of whom were towed back out to see by Thailand and died. Video here, from Minute 2:53. Sawers said called this a serious situation, but said that Gambari had not raised it, which Gambari confirmed, saying it was not among the points given to him by the Group of Friends on Myanmar, with which Ban Ki-moon is slated to meet on February 23.
UN's Gambari on Feb. 20, use of WFP helicopters duly noted, but Rohingya not mentioned
A recurring question was whether Ban Ki-moon should go to Myanmar, even if Than Shwe does not release Aung San Suu Kyi. Inner City Press asked France's Jean-Maurice Ripert if Ban should go. It is not up to us if Ban goes, Ripert answered. Video here, from Minute 5:01.
John Sawers of the UK went further, saying it would be "well-judged" if Ban went to Myanmar. From this we can conclude that Than Shwe is winning at the UN, or at least that carrots (instead of sticks) are being prepared for him.
Inner City Press was told that U.S. disagrees with the impression that Hillary Clinton has signaled a move from sticks to carrots, but US Permanent Representative Susan Rice was not at the meeting -- in fairness, it was said she returned to Washington for family time -- and the US Representative who was present, who is quite articulate on other matters, did not speak at the stakeout. Watch this site.
Footnote: after the Council meeting and stakeouts, the always affable Ibrahim Gambari told Inner City Press that he had, while in Myanmar, been transported by the World Food Program, and not in military helicopters. As Inner City Press asked about at a UN noon briefing this week, that was the UN's ostensible human rights expert Mr. Quintana....
UN: Food Shortages, Poverty Forcing Rohingya to Flee Burma
http://www.voanews.com/english/2009-02-20-voa18.cfm
By Ron Corben
Bangkok
20 February 2009
The United Nation's World Food Program says food insecurity and malnutrition faced by Burma's Muslim Rohingya people, remains a key reason for thousands of Rohingya fleeing the region each year. The WFP is calling on Burma's military government to ease transport restrictions in the country to improve overall food security.
The United Nations World Food Program (WFP) blames poverty and chronic food shortages as a key factor behind the ongoing exodus of Burma's ethnic Muslim minority, Rohingya, despite more than a decade of international assistance to the region.
The Rohingya people, largely live in Burma's northern Rakhine State, the most western region of the country bordering on Bangladesh. Most have been denied citizenship. The WFP has been providing food relief to the Rohingya Rakhine state since 1994.
World Food Program regional spokesman, Paul Risley
Paul Risley, WFP's regional communications advisor, says the levels of food shortages and malnutrition is adding to a sense of desperation among the Rohingya community.
"Poverty is still the greatest challenge," he said. "The people in Rakhine State are often found to be without food between harvests. There is a growing sense of desperation that's measured by the very high malnutrition rates we found in the recent assessment."
Recent WFP briefing papers say one third of Burma's children under five are underweight, with over 100,000 of them dying each year.
Currently the WFP plans to provide some 1.6 million people across northern Rakhine state, Shan state and the Magway Division - covering Chin and Kachin states - with food assistance.
The WFP is already providing food relief for over one million people in the Irrawaddy Delta region devastated by cyclone Nargis in May last year. The cyclone claimed thousands of lives.
Risley called on Burma's authorities to ease restrictions on the movement of goods and food from elsewhere in the country where the WFP and other non-government organizations are currently operating.
"Simple markets, that allow food grown in one area to be sold in areas where food is not present; that is the greatest factor that is holding back proper food security and an end to high malnutrition rates for people in Burma today," he said.
The WFP also said that other restrictions placed on the Muslim population were adversely affecting livelihoods, leaving them "vulnerable."
The Rohingya plight has been highlighted over recent months as hundreds of the Muslim minority have fled Burma and Bangladesh by boat in the hope of finding work in Southeast Asia, in particular Malaysia.
Hundreds in the boats have washed up along the shoreline of Thailand and Indonesia triggering widespread debate and accusations of law enforcement and military abuses in forcing boatloads of the refugees back into open waters.
Thailand, preparing to host the regional summit of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) this month, is calling on regional governments to look to solutions to the problems of the Rohingya in the run up to the meeting.
NLD Special Statement– 2/12/09
National League for Democracy
No. 97/b, West Shwegondine Road
Bahan Township, Rangoon
February 17, 2009
Special Statement – 2/12/09
1. The State Peace and Development Council issued the Statement No. 1/2007 on 4th October, 2007 regarding the dialogue between Senior General Than Shwe, the Chairperson of SPDC and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, General Secretary of NLD. Instead of arguing each other about some facts described in the paragraph (7) of above mentioned statement, these two people who are playing a decisive role for the future of our country, should meet each other without prior conditions. Therefore, it would be the best way for them to solve the problems face to face instead of corresponding each other.
2. Dialogue becomes an international practice in the age of globalization in order to solve domestic as well as international problems. NLD has also been attempting to bring about a dialogue for the benefit of the country and its people. NLD always welcomes the authorities' remarks saying the door for dialogue is always open. It is also needed to meet one another and solve problems through the 'open door of dialogue'.
3. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has publicly issued her position on 6th May, 2002, in which she said that she would accept any dialogue in flexible manner in order to have best result for Burmese people.
4. Confrontation, utter devastation, economic sanctions and total block which are described in the paragraph (7) of SPDC's Statement No. 1/2007 are not beneficial to the country and all people. Therefore, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi informed authorities through U Aung Kyi, Minister for Relation, that she was ready to cooperate and issue the joint communiqué to prevent these problems from happening. NLD, with a good will, urges again these two people who could decide the country's problems, to make a dialogue.
5. It is not true that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi refused to meet U Aung Kyi, Minister for Relation on 2nd September, 2008. In fact, she was not able to meet him at that time. It is important that dialogues benefit the country and its people.
6. When the NLD CEC members including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi met with Mr. Ibrahim Gambari on 2nd February, 2009, we explained lack of rights to defend with lawyers and lack of rights for lawyers to enter court room when authorities placed lawsuits against democracy and human rights activists, long sentences and lack of proper procedures on legal appeals, and so on, to demonstrate lack of rule of law. In so doing, we just emphasized the 'rule of law' which is one of authorities' political goals.
7. Another point we discussed with special envoy was about economic development for our country.. NLD representatives responded that it could not be discussed as we still did not know the causes for economic development and how to bring about it.
8. Moreover, UN General Secretary issued a statement calling for the SPDC, NLD and democratic forces to meet one another without prior conditions with intention for the National Reconciliation and meaningful dialogues.
9. NLD welcomes the above mentioned statement. However, although NLD has been attempting to bring about a dialogue in flexible manner, SPDC is still absent to do so to bring about the dialogue.
As per the decision of the Central Executive Meeting held on 16-02-09,
Central Executive Committee
National League for Democracy
Rangoon
Burma needs to speed up democracy: Indonesia FM
http://www.abc.net.au/news/stories/2009/02/20/2497324.htm?section=justin
By Sen Lam for Connect Asia
Posted Fri Feb 20, 2009 5:07pm AEDT
Updated Fri Feb 20, 2009 5:59pm AEDT
Dr Wirajuda is in Australia on a three-day official visit. (Reuters: Daniel Munoz)
Sen Lam speaks to Indonesian Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda (ABC AP APNC) Related Story: Connect Asia speaks to Indonesian FM Indonesia's Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda has criticised Burma's lack of progress towards democracy, as well as its human rights record.
But he says the international community must stay engaged with Indonesia's fellow ASEAN member, arguing that pressure and sanctions have proved ineffective in achieving change.
Dr Wirajuda has told Sen Lam on ABC Radio Australia's Connect Asia program that the regional problem created by the outflow of Rohingya refugees only emphasises the need for an international approach.
"There is a sign of moving here and as a process of course you can not expect that we can change tomorrow," he said.
"But we are all working and in fact I would say that the neighbouring countries of Burma, not only ASEAN, have also worked together."
Dr Wirajuda is in Sydney for two days of discussions with the Australian Government.
Travel warnings
Dr Wirajuda says he will keep raising the issue of Australian travel warnings, despite failing in his latest appeal for them to be lifted.
Australia says travel advisories are assessed regularly on the basis of expert advice.
But he says there have not been been any recent terrorist bombings, and potential threats are often exaggerated.
He says Australia should follow the example of countries such as the United States and lift its travel advice.
"It's more a matter of Australians to decide of course, but it has to be commensurated through the developments on the ground," Dr Wirajuda said.
"First there has been no incidents of terrorism bombings in Indonesia in the past three years and countries like the United States and Canada have lifted their travel warnings since last year.
"The fact there has been quite a flowing of tourists from Australia it is also a fact, the Australian people themselves decide whether to travel to Indonesia by their own judgement, so it is in this context that we see that it is timely for the Australian government to lift the travel advice.
"Indonesia is one of the most successful countries in combating terrorism so the potential threat was often overblown, our police have been very effective in their task to combat terrorism."
Tags: government-and-politics, federal-government, foreign-affairs, australia, indonesia, burma
Myanmar poor turn to poppies
http://www.thenational.ae/article/20090220/FOREIGN/108877265/1015/NEWS
Larry Jagan, Foreign Correspondent
Last Updated: February 20. 2009 9:30AM UAE / February 20. 2009 5:30AM GMT
Terraces in the Shan State where most of Myanmar’s poppy cultivation takes place. United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
BANGKOK // Opium poppy cultivation in Myanmar has increased alarmingly in the past two years amid fears the region’s worsening economic crisis will encourage an even greater spurt in growth, the UN warns.
Falling international commodity prices and increasing political instability in Myanmar’s border areas has fuelled fears that many of the country’s poppy farmers will find it impossible to resist the temptation to return to their former ways. There is a real danger of an explosion of poppy growing and opium production, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC).
In the past few years, there has been a dramatic fall in the area under poppy cultivation and opium production, but these gains have been reversed in the past two years, according to the UNODC’s annual survey released recently.
“The problem of poppy production in the region has been contained but not solved,” said Gary Lewis, the UNODC regional head based in Bangkok.
“There have been significant increases, especially in Myanmar, which are threatening to rise further because of the worsening economic conditions faced by former poppy farmers.”
More than 90 per cent of the poppy grown in South East Asia – Myanmar, Laos, Thailand and Vietnam – is grown in Myanmar’s north-eastern Shan State.
Poppy cultivation has fallen from more than 120,000 hectares in 2000 to about 30,000 in 2008. Opium production has fallen from more than 1300 tonnes to 410 tonnes during this period. This is the equivalent of producing 40 tonnes of heroin.
The reduction had been largely due to international pressure, particularly from Beijing, on two of the largest opium producers in Myanmar’s Golden Triangle – which borders China, Laos and Thailand – the Kokang and the Wa. Both are rebel ethnic groups, with large guerrilla forces, but have ceasefire agreements with the Myanmar government. Most poor farmers in the northern part of the country have grown poppy for several decades.
“The poor peasants in this region needed to have a cash crop to supplement their meagre income from farming,” said Col Hkham Awang, Myanmar’s anti-narcotics police chief. “They earned less than US$200 [Dh734] from each crop – and that all went on necessities, like clothes and shoes, and extra rice in the lean season.”
The Kokang virtually ceased opium production in 2003 and the Wa in 2006. But in the past two years both poppy cultivation and opium production have restarted.
“The trend is certainly upwards with a significant increase in the land under cultivation in Myanmar,” said Leik Boonwaat, the UNODC chief in Laos, who has also been stationed in Myanmar.
“For former opium farmers who already live in dire poverty they are facing twin levers of increasing opium prices and falling commodity prices that may encourage them to increase poppy growing.”
The prices of most commodities grown or produced in Myanmar as alternative crops to poppy, particularly maize and rubber, have fallen by more than 50 per cent, according to the UN’s annual drug report.
Most of the Wa and Kokang’s alternative crops – tea, rubber and fruit – are sold to traders across the border in China. But these merchants are no longer interested in buying these products. Chinese traders are not even buying jade from the Pangsan market, near the border with China.
“The price of opium has doubled in the past few years – from $153 a kilogram in 2004 to $301 currently on the Myanmar market – making it hard for former opium growers to ignore this incentive to return to poppy cultivation,” Mr Boonwaat said.
Already there are signs that Myanmar’s poppy growers are returning to their old trade. The greatest increase has been in southern Shan state, where the Wa leadership is in the hands of Wei Xiao Gang – an alleged gangster who is wanted on drug trafficking charges in the United States.
There has also been a steady increase in the north-east of Shan State. More worrying is the steady increase in cultivation in both Kachin and Kayah states over the past two years that had been nearly free of poppy fields for more than five years.
The Wa leaders admit there is pressure to reverse their poppy ban. “Everything is getting worse,” said a 60-year-old former poppy farmer in the Wa area. “People are desperate for food and clothes. They want to know why there was an opium ban in the Wa area when there is no ban in other places.”
The fragile situation in the northern Wa areas is also of great concern to international anti-drug agencies, according to senior Thai intelligence officers.
So far the Wa ban on poppy production, punishable by death, is holding. Wa leaders have always known that the situation remained precarious – the ban was never a popular move – and depended on the poor Wa farmers having greater food security and an alternative source of a cash income.
“The Wa leaders may even be forced to renege on their promises to the UN and international community if the economic and security situation deteriorates further,” said a UN drugs official familiar with the problems in Shan state.
The political problems in Myanmar – the planned elections in 2010 and the junta’s efforts to disarm certain groups, including the Wa – is increasing instability in the border regions, which have been the traditional opium producing areas, putting further pressure on former opium growers to return to their poppy fields.
“There is no room for complacency,” Mr Lewis said. “There is much more that needs to be done.”
ljagan@thenational.ae
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