၁။
ေ၀ဒနာနဲ ့ စစ္ခင္း
ေသျခင္းတရား ေဒသနာ
ငါ … နာၾကားတုန္း
အေမလြတ္ေျမာက္ျခင္းသတင္း
ငါ့ ျမင္ကြင္းထဲ စီးဆင္းလာတယ္ …..။
၂။
တို ့ျပည္သူ ဟစ္ေၾကြးတဲ့
ခြပ္ေဒါင္းသံ
ကမၻာကိုလႊမ္းၿခံဳ
မိုးေျမသိမ့္သိမ့္ တုန္ေလၿပီ …..။
တည္ၿငိမ္မႈ ရင့္က်က္မႈ
ရဲရင့္မႈတို ့ႏွင့္အတူ
အနာဂတ္ျမန္မာျပည္အတြက္
လြတ္လပ္မယ့္ အလင္းေရာင္
အေမ့မ်က္၀န္းမွာ ေတာက္ေျပာင္လို ့ …..။
၃။
တလွမ္းျခင္း လွမ္းလာတဲ့
ေျခလွမ္းတိုင္းရဲ ့ခြန္အားမွာ
အမွန္တရားဟာ
ဖ၀ါးေျခထပ္မွ်လိုက္ပါ …..
…………………………………..
အမွန္တရားဟာ
ဖ၀ါးေျခထပ္မွ် လိုက္ပါ …..။
၄။
ေ၀ဒနာသည္တေယာက္
တီဗြီဖန္သားျပင္ ေရွ ့ေမွာက္မွာ
႐ိႈက္ႀကီးတငင္ မ်က္ရည္ေတြက်လို ့
အဲဒီႏိုင္ငံံံံံံံံံံံံံံံံံံံံံံံံံံံံံံံံံံသားေတြက အံ့ၾသတႀကီးၾကည့္လို ့
မ်က္ရည္ၾကားက တတြတ္တြတ္ ေရရြတ္သံ
အေမ … သက္ေတာ္ရာေက်ာ္ရွည္ပါေစ
အေမ … သက္ေတာ္ရာေက်ာ္ရွည္ပါေစ
အေမ … သက္ေတာ္ရာေက်ာ္ရွည္ပါေစ
ပတ္၀န္းက်င္မွာ လြင့္ပ်ံ ့ေနခဲ့ …..။
ရဲရင့္သက္ဇြဲ
၁၃ ၁၁ ၂၀၁၀
(အေမလြတ္ေျမာက္ေသာေန ့ ေဆးရံုေပၚမွ ခံစားမႈ)
Saturday, December 25, 2010
အေမ့အေပၚ သားတို ့ မတရားမွန္းသိေပမယ့္
News & Articles on Burma-Friday, 24 December, 2010
News & Articles on Burma
Friday, 24 December, 2010
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Suu Kyi Meets Russian Ambassador
Parliament Expected to Open in Late Januar
Asean and the Lady
Newly Elected Mon Politicians Prepare for New Parliament
Wa Conference Affirms Political and Military Stand
The Year in Review: Aung San Suu Kyi
Hu appoints new ambasaadors to WTO, Myanmar
A Secret Ballot
Wa Conference Affirms Political and Military Stand
Myanmar, S. Korea meet on energy cooperation in Nay Pyi Taw
Indonesia, Suu Kyi join efforts to push for democratic Myanmar
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Suu Kyi Meets Russian Ambassador
By BA KAUNG Friday, December 24, 2010
The Russian ambassador to Burma, Mikhail Mgeladze, met with pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi at her home in Rangoon on Thursday, in a rare encounter between one of the Burmese regime's closest allies and the country's democratic opposition.
The one-hour meeting between the Nobel Peace Prize laureate and Russia's most senior diplomat in Rangoon took place at the ambassador's request, according to officials of Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party.
“The meeting indicated that Russia, like many other countries, recognizes that the NLD continues to play an important role in national reconciliation,” said party official Ohn Kyaing, who provided no further details of the discussions.
Russian ambassador to Burma Mikhail Mgeladze, left, meets with Aung San Suu Kyi in August 2009, when the Burmese pro-democracy leader was on trial for violating the terms of her house arrest.
According to NLD officials, Mgeladze was among the many Rangoon-based ambassadors who went to Suu Kyi's home the day after her release on Nov. 13 to pay their respects.
Although Suu Kyi has met with a number of foreign ambassadors in Rangoon since her release from house arrest last month, this meeting was seen as unusual because Russia, which enjoys a close relationship with the ruling regime, normally keeps its distance from Burma's democratic opposition.
“The meeting was quite remarkable in that Russian and Chinese diplomats have never come to ceremonies organized by the NLD. Also, they have never invited opposition groups to their embassy parties,” said Aye Thar Aung, an Arakanese ethnic political leader close to Suu Kyi.
“But this is just a symbolic diplomatic overture to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi because of her expanded political clout after her latest release,” he said. “I think she probably asked the ambassador to make a positive contribution, instead of just standing idly on the sidelines of our country's political deadlock.”
Like China, Russia has not only been a major provider of weapons—particularly military aircraft—to the Naypyidaw regime, and but also a staunch defender of its human rights record at the United Nations.
On its website, the embassy states that the Russian government sees Burma's political situation as an internal affair which should be solved by the Burmese people through consultation and dialogue.
It also says that a “high level of political relationship and active multilateral diplomacy cooperation” has been restored between the two countries since their bilateral relationship came almost to a full stop in the early 1990s following the collapse of the Soviet Union.
Burma has sent thousands of military officers to Russia in recent years, reportedly to receive training in nuclear and missile technology. About 2,800 Burmese students have studied at 11 institutions in Russia, including 1,000 who have already returned to Burma, according to the Russian embassy website.
In 2007, Russia formally announced plans to build a nuclear research center in central Burma. However, the project, which would have included a 10 MW light-water reactor and facilities for processing and storing nuclear waste, did not materialize, reportedly because the Burmese regime couldn't pay for it.
There are also at least three Russian companies involved in exploratory oil and natural gas projects in Burma.
Last month, China's state-run Xinhua news agency reported that a Russian company, Noble Oil, was exploring crude oil and natural gas in Homalin Township, Sagaing Division, in cooperation with Htoo Trading Company, which is owned by Burmese businessman Tay Za, who reportedly played the role of a major negotiator for the regime in buying arms and military equipment from Russia.
“Russia is no different from China because it only cares about its economic interests in our country,” said a Burmese journalist in Rangoon. “We have even heard about a link between Tay Za and the Russian arms dealer Viktor Bout, who is now detained in the US.”
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20408
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Parliament Expected to Open in Late January
By WAI MOE Friday, December 24, 2010
The opening session of the new Burmese parliament's lower house will take place in late January, according to official sources.
The sources said they had learned that the military junta will announce the date within the next few days as it must be made public one month in advance. “It's likely to be on January 27,” said one official source.
Intelligence officials agreed that January 27 is the most likely day for the opening of parliament as its two numerals add up to the astrologically favorable number of nine and a lucky day of the month in the Burmese calendar—particularly for the superstitious generals.
Elected members of the junta proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party met this week in Naypyidaw to prepare for the parliamentary opening.
Junta leader Snr-Gen Than Shwe has finalized the appointment of military officials who will fill the 25 percent of the upper and lower houses and regional parliaments allotted to the military.
According to the 2008 constitution, the “first session of a term of the Pyithu Hluttaw (the people’s assembly) shall be held within 90 days” after the elections and the first parliament meeting “shall be held by the State Peace and Development Council after the Constitution comes into operation.”
The junta recently summoned military officials and hundreds of USDP elected members to a meeting in Naypyidaw to discuss immediate post-election issues such as parliamentary matters and the selection of a president and two vice-presidents.
At the meeting, the office of the commander in chief (Army) also known as the Ka Ka Kyi, listed a quarter of the Lower House members from the military, or 110 out of 440 representatives, and a quarter of the Upper House members, or 56 out of 168 legislators, as well as 25 percent of the seats in all 14 regional parliaments.
The junta appears to have already chosen the president, two presidents (one will be of ethnic background) and the chairmen of the parliaments. Ex-Gen Shwe Mann is tipped to be the president, while Agriculture and Irrigation Minister ex-Maj-Gen Htay Oo, who is also general secretary of the USDP, is favorite for the post of union parliament head, overseeing the lower and upper houses.
Burma’s last parliament session was in September 1988. Amid the 1988 uprising and just a few days before the coup on Sept 18, 1988, the former one-party system regime of the Burmese Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) held an extraordinary congresses of the ruling party. The last BSPP session was under the BSPP chairman, Yale-educated law expert Maung Maung, who succeed late dictator Ne Win and Sein Lwin.
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20409
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GUEST COLUMN
Asean and the Lady
By KAVI CHONGKITTAVORN DECEMBER, 2010 - VOL.18, NO.12
Aung San Suu Kyi’s release from house arrest offers Asean a chance to re-engage with Burma on the issue of democratic reform
In the afternoon of Nov. 22, an official of the Philippines’ ruling Liberal Party received a call from his counterpart in Burma’s outlawed National League for Democracy. Moments later, the phones at both ends changed hands, and soon Philippine President Benigno Aquino III was speaking with Burmese Nobel Peace Prize laureate and pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi.
During their 15-minute conversation, Suu Kyi thanked Aquino for supporting democracy in Burma, and he responded by saying that he would do whatever he could to promote reform in the military-ruled country. He went on to say that instability in Burma was adversely affecting its neighbors, as seen recently with the influx of refugees into Thailand due to fighting near the two countries’ border. He also reiterated that while other leaders from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) were not as vocal in expressing their desire to see real change in Burma, they shared his view that the country must move toward democracy and stabilitynot only for its own sake, but also for that of its neighbors.
A senior aide to Aquino told The Irrawaddy that the president also discussed the limits of his role in dealing with Burma. According to the aide, Aquino informed Suu Kyi that diplomatic and political protocols within Asean made it difficult for him to be more overt in his efforts to help Burma, but added that he would try to play a role within those parameters. At the Hanoi summit in October, Aquino was the only Asean leader calling for Suu Kyi’s freedom.
This sentiment immediately harked back to similar diplomatic maneuvers of more than a decade ago. In July 1999, Thailand’s then foreign minister, Dr Surin Pitsuwan, surprised his Asean colleagues during an informal meeting in Manila by proposing that the time had come to adopt a more proactive “flexible engagement” policy to address issues related to Burma. As he envisaged it, this approach was about open and frank discussion on issues of mutual concern among members that would lead to common solutions.
When it comes to the situation in Burma, Aquino and Surinwho is now the secretary-general of Aseanshare a common vision of how the grouping can deal with problems facing member states and the organization as a whole. This vision is still very much alive, despite the Burmese regime’s recalcitrance. It was most recently in evidence 10 days before Burma’s controversial Nov. 7 election, when Asean leaders appealed to the junta to ensure that the country’s first vote in two decades was free, fair and inclusive. The regime gave its usual assurances that this would be the case, but at the same time spurned offers of help with the election. Despite the consistent refusal of Burma’s ruling generals to accept the so-called Asean peer review and assistance, however, the grouping has never totally given up on the country. The views that Aquino alluded to among his colleagues are the product of long-standing perseverance and engagement with Burma. The attempt to get the regime to accept Asean involvement in the election was just the bloc’s latest effort to push the envelope.
On other occasions, these efforts have clearly paid off. The rehabilitation of the Irrawaddy delta in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis demonstrated how resilient Asean could be in coping with a stubborn member country. Citing principles and norms enshrined in the Asean Charter and the concept of collective responsibility, the grouping finally managed to persuade the regime to allow outsiders to play a role in dealing with a domestic crisis. Asean successfully spearheaded an international humanitarian assistance effort, working alongside the junta and the United Nations and international relief agencies. This process of re-engagement with Burma despite restrictions will not only continue but will intensify in the post-election period.
At present, Asean leaders are saying very little about the current political transition. They are willing to watch from the sidelines for the time being, waiting for a new government to be formed early next year. They are hoping to forge a concrete proposal to assist Burma in reinforcing future changeswhatever they might be.
Informal discussions have already begun on various plans to work with the new government’s leaders and to help strengthen new institutions that have to be set up following the election.
One concern is that the new Burmese government could end up displaying the same kind of resistance to change that its predecessor did. As the incoming Asean chair, Indonesia will thus face twin challenges in interacting with Burma. First of all, Jakarta will play a pivotal role in further integrating the new government into the Asean scheme of things, to ensure that it will be accepted by the international community, which uniformly condemned the flawed election. To increase its credibility, Burma will certainly assume the Asean chair, which it skipped in 2005, in 2014, after Cambodia and Brunei have taken their turns. Secondly, Indonesia, as the only Southeast Asian member of the G20, will have to walk a tightrope to balance between regional and international expectations. Failure to do so could easily undermine Jakarta’s ambition of raising the Asean community’s international stature.
Seen from this perspective, the release of Aung San Suu Kyi following the election was a source of relief for Asean. Much is at stake in how Suu Kyi—one of Asean’s most prominent citizens—is treated. The Asean Charter and all of the other sacred documents produced by the grouping will be seen as worthless if Suu Kyi’s case is mishandled.
More than the Asean leaders would like to admit, Suu Kyi has a moral authority that far exceeds anything they can claim for themselves. She can challenge them to look at her case and honor their pledge to protect her rights as a citizen of Asean. There is no need to remind them that the Asean Charter begins with the words, “We the peoples,” echoing the preamble of the American Declaration of Independence. During the drafting process of the terms of reference in 2007, this choice of words was approved quickly and without dissension.
Suu Kyi has to capture that high moral ground by reaching out to all stakeholders within Asean, especially its leaders and bureaucrats. Unlike the restrictive situation that prevailed when she was released for the first time in 1995, there are now more Asean citizens living in a democratic environment than ever before. Indonesia, which used to serve as a model of the current Burmese military junta, has transformed itself into a vibrant democracy. All Asean members have also pledged to make the grouping a people-oriented community.
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20385
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Newly Elected Mon Politicians Prepare for New Parliament
By LAWI WENG Friday, December 24, 2010
The All Mon Regions Democracy Party (AMDP), which won 16 seats in Mon State in the election, will hold a two-day meeting to prepare for the opening of the new Burmese parliament, according to party leaders.
“At the meeting, all our candidates will discuss what we can do when they are in parliament,” said Nai Ngwe Thein, the AMDP chairman.
The meeting will be held on Monday and Tuesday, party officials said.
Sixteen AMDP candidates out of a total of 34 who ran in the election won seats. Party leaders said many of their candidates lost due to the use of rigged advance votes.
The AMDP is the main opposition party of the the regime-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) in Mon State. The party won seven seats in the State Parliament while the USDP won 14 seats. The National Unity Party won two seats.
Many of the elected AMDP candidates are civil servants, and this is their first foray into politics.
“There are many advantages for them [the junta] in the new Constitution. There are less for us. In the long term, our party needs to work for a federal system in order to have more equality,” said Nai Ngwe Thein.
About 60 committee members of the AMDP held a three-day workshop last week designed to foster party solidarity. Committee members exchanged ideas on how to develop policy for the social development of Mon State, particularly in the areas of education, health care and the economy.
Ethnic Shan and Arakan elected candidates have already held similar meetings which discussed the new parliament and party policies.
The regime-backed USDP won 77 percent of the seats contested. About 30 percent of the remaining seats are held by various pro-democracy political parties.
“All the ethnic groups need to work together around key ideas and be united in the future. If we are united, we can fight for our people's rights,” said Nai Ngwe Thein.
Most ethnic political parties have expressed support for pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and the idea of a second Panglong conference. In addition, they have emphasized national reconciliation in the country, human rights and the basic principles of democracy.
Meanwhile, about 400 newly elected USDP candidates on Thursday concluded a special conference in Naypyidaw to prepare for the opening of parliament and the formation of a new government, according to party officials. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20403
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Wa Conference Affirms Political and Military Stand
By SAI ZOM HSENG Friday, December 24, 2010
Tension with the military junta and forming alliances with other armed ethnic groups are likely to be main topics on the agenda of a conference being held by the United Wa State Party (UWSP) that began on Monday.
Maintaining good relations with the Chinese is thought to be another item on the UWSP's agenda—the UWSP is the political wing of the United Wa State Army (UWSA), the largest ethnic armed group resisting junta demands to integrate their militia into a border guard force (BGF) under the command of the Burmese military.
Sino-Burmese border sources said the UWSP's vice chairman, Xiao Ming Liang, is chairing the conference and more than 1,000 representatives from Wa infantry divisions and battalions are attending.
“The conference began with a message from Wa leader Bao Yu Chang describing the current situation, followed by discussions by UWSP leaders about regional development programs,” said a source close to the UWSP.
“The UWSP leaders explained their intentions for regional development and declared they will not initiate attacks against the Burmese military junta but will staunchly defend their territory if government forces attack them,” he said.
A source in Panghsang, where the UWSA headquarters is located, said though the UWSA is not a part of the ethnic military alliance which formed in November, they are cooperating with other anti-BGF ethnic armed groups such as the Kachin Independence Army, the Shan State Army (North) and the New Mon State Party of the National Democratic Alliance Army.
The second main item of discussion is the anti-drug issue.
A report by the UN Office on Drugs and Crime published in December accuses the UWSA of being the main producer of drugs in Burma and Bao Yu Chang is on the wanted list of the US government's Drug Enforcement Agency.
The conference will also appoint members to the UWSP's new central executive committee, according to a source close to the UWSA.
The conference currently taking place at the headquarters of UWSP is the largest conference held in Burma in 2010.
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20399
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The Year in Review: Aung San Suu Kyi
When freedom is no liberty at all
By Peter Popham
Friday, 24 December 2010
As the deadline for Aung San Suu Kyi's release approached, nobody had a clue whether or not it was going to happen. A rumour that she would be freed a day early proved baseless. That disappointment was followed by new chatter that the junta was trying to put restrictive conditions on her freedom, conditions she was certain to reject.
So when workmen turned up in University Avenue without warning on the afternoon of 13th November and began dismantling the barricades that have prevented access to Suu Kyi's house ever since protesting monks did a peace walk to her gate in September 2007, joy was unbounded. News spreads fast in Burma these days, despite everything the junta can do to stop it – sim cards suddenly became affordable a few months back and now mobile phones are everywhere, central Rangoon is dotted with little internet cafés, the Democratic Voice of Burma, an opposition station based in Norway, beams its satellite TV broadcasts into many Burmese homes – and in no time a large crowd had formed. When the lady herself, an incredibly youthful-looking 65, emerged and clambered up behind the steel gates to greet them, she was met by applause and raucous cheers.
It was more than seven years since she had last come face-to-face with her fellow Burmese. In the interim her party (according to American diplomatic cables released by Wikileaks) had become increasingly smug and sclerotic and a generation of Burmese had grown up for whom the great events of 1988 to 1990, when the democratic forces Suu Kyi led came tantalisingly close to achieving a revolution, were tales whispered by their parents. Yet the crowds that massed to greet her were far larger and more enthusiastic than on her last release back in 2002. Despite everything the regime has done to obliterate her name and achievements, Aung San Suu Kyi still matters. Yet the world-wide euphoria prompted by her release was in a sense misplaced, for her liberation was nothing to do with pressure from activists inside the country or diplomats outside, let alone a sign of the regime giving ground: the generals were merely applying their own rules by the book. In May 2009 the Nobel Peace Prize winner, who had already spent a total of 12 years in detention, was sentenced to three years' additional house arrest for the crime of allowing a cranky American who had swum across Lake Inle to stay in her home for two nights. In a coup de theatre in the courtroom, that sentence was cut in half by the personal order of Than Shwe, the regime's strongman.
http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/the-year-in-review-aung-san-suu-kyi-2168124.html
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Hu appoints new ambasaadors to WTO, Myanmar
(Xinhua) Updated: 2010-12-24 15:51
BEIJING - Chinese President Hu Jintao appointed a new representative and ambassador to the World Trade Organization(WTO) and a new ambassador to Myanmar, according to a statement from the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPC) on Thursday.
Yi Xiaozhun, 59, previously a vice commerce minister, was appointed representative and ambassador to the global trade body, replacing 64-year-old Sun Zhenyu, who was the country's first WTO representative since China's accession to the WTO in December 2001.
Li Junhua was appointed ambassador to Myanmar, succeeding the 54-year-old Ye Dabo.
Prior to Thursday's appointment, Li was deputy director of the International Organizations and Conferences Department of the Chinese Foreign Ministry.
The appointment was in line with the decision made by the Standing Committee of the NPC, China's top legislature.
http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2010-12/24/content_11752381.htm
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A Secret Ballot
THE IRAWADDY: NOVEMBER, 2010 - VOL.18, NO.11
B.D. Prakash is a senior political analyst with the Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL), a nongovernmental agency formed in 1997 as Asia’s first regional network of civil society organizations. It strives to promote and support democratization at national and regional levels in Asia.
Question: Did ANFREL contact Burma’s Union Election Commission (EC) to offer its services as an observer during the Nov. 7 general election? If so, what was the EC’s response?
Answer: ANFREL has not contacted the EC. In fact, ANFREL has already stated that the prevailing conditions under which the elections are being held need to be improved, otherwise the elections would not be credible. Factors like transparency, accountability, responsibility, fairness, management and neutrality are essential for ensuring a free and fair process.
Q: What’s your position on the junta not allowing polling station observers in during the Burmese election?
A: The restrictions are not surprising as it is clear that in a country where democracy is suppressed by a military dictatorship, it would be difficult for ANFREL to observe the election. But we will continue to maintain a close watch from the outside on all the developments relating to the election.
Q: Why did ANFREL urge the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) to review the credibility of the election in a recent statement?
A: We urged Asean to review the credibility of Burma’s election because a formal process can have more impact. Asean has shown great interest in pressuring the Burmese government to make the process more credible. We support any initiative that can allow for free and fair elections.
Q: Can you cite some factors that indicate the election will not be free and fair?
A: In a recent statement we mentioned undue restrictions on campaigns by certain political parties and alliances, which clearly violates the three basic rights—freedom of expression, assembly and association. These are the basic tenets of democracy and have to be upheld at any cost. In any democratic process all parties and candidates should have the right to comment on or criticize other parties on their policies and performance in the past. Opposition parties and new parties must be given sufficient room to fully showcase and introduce themselves to people in public without threat, obstruction or violence. These are among the many factors that are not conducive for a credible process to unfold.
From the way things have shaped up during the run up to the election, it undoubtedly indicates that the EC is not able to work independently or freely, which is a reflection of its composition of 18 commissioners selected by the junta. In addition, the military is too involved in the election and the media is not free and is under total control and censorship. There is also a lack of transparency in absentee voting, advance voting and ballot counting.
Q: What are the main differences between the preparations for the election in Burma and those in other countries in the region?
A: It is less than 30 days to the polling day and the EC has yet to prepare a comprehensive voter education program, no outreach, no equal access for political parties to media and no advance voting has been announced. None ot the political parties—except the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP)—have received information about the electoral process or information that would allow them to train their party workers. Many people still do not know which document they can use to show poll officers before voting. They do not even know the location of polling stations or how to check their names. What can be done if their names are not on the list? Many voters have some information about USDP candidates but they have not seen much about new parties or the opposition. Many illiterates do not know how to mark the ballots because there are no sample ballots to show them.
Q: Why is media freedom important for the Burmese election?
A: only a free media can ensure that a democracy is functioning properly. Not only for Burma but for all democracies it is important that the media is free from any sort of control, either by the state or other groups or institutions. If the media is gagged as is the case in Burma, then democracy, even after several elections, will be impossible to sustain.
Q: What is ANFREL’s opinion of the USDP led by Prime Minister Thein Sein?
A: The USDP appears to be clearly enjoying government support. Its formation and dependency on the government are sufficient indication to suggest that this party gets undue preference over other political parties. There are lots of allegations against the USDP and so far neither the government nor the EC has shown any interest in setting up an investigation, much less questioning the USDP leadership. If the USDP can have access to the media and voters, other parties deserve the same treatment.
Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=19879
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Wa Conference Affirms Political and Military Stand
By SAI ZOM HSENG Friday, December 24, 2010
Tension with the military junta and forming alliances with other armed ethnic groups are likely to be main topics on the agenda of a conference being held by the United Wa State Party (UWSP) that began on Monday.
Maintaining good relations with the Chinese is thought to be another item on the UWSP's agenda—the UWSP is the political wing of the United Wa State Army (UWSA), the largest ethnic armed group resisting junta demands to integrate their militia into a border guard force (BGF) under the command of the Burmese military.
Sino-Burmese border sources said the UWSP's vice chairman, Xiao Ming Liang, is chairing the conference and more than 1,000 representatives from Wa infantry divisions and battalions are attending.
“The conference began with a message from Wa leader Bao Yu Chang describing the current situation, followed by discussions by UWSP leaders about regional development programs,” said a source close to the UWSP.
“The UWSP leaders explained their intentions for regional development and declared they will not initiate attacks against the Burmese military junta but will staunchly defend their territory if government forces attack them,” he said.
A source in Panghsang, where the UWSA headquarters is located, said though the UWSA is not a part of the ethnic military alliance which formed in November, they are cooperating with other anti-BGF ethnic armed groups such as the Kachin Independence Army, the Shan State Army (North) and the New Mon State Party of the National Democratic Alliance Army.
The second main item of discussion is the anti-drug issue.
A report by the UN Office on Drugs and Crime published in December accuses the UWSA of being the main producer of drugs in Burma and Bao Yu Chang is on the wanted list of the US government's Drug Enforcement Agency.
The conference will also appoint members to the UWSP's new central executive committee, according to a source close to the UWSA.
The conference currently taking place at the headquarters of UWSP is the largest conference held in Burma in 2010.
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20399
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Myanmar, S. Korea meet on energy cooperation in Nay Pyi Taw
14:18, December 24, 2010
Representatives of Myanmar and South Korea have met in Myanmar's new capital of Nay Pyi Taw, discussing issues on energy and natural resources cooperation, the official daily New Light of Myanmar reported Friday.
The 4th meeting, which took place at the office of the Ministry of Energy on Thursday, was attended by Deputy Minister of Energy U Than Htay from the Myanmar side and Vice-Minister of Knowledge Economy Park Young-June from the Korean side.
The two sides touched upon cooperation in development of block A-1 and A-3, technology development in petroleum and natural gas, exploring natural resources, supplying electricity and conducting work efficiency course for staff and more participation in Myanmar 's energy projects, the report said.
An international consortium, led by a giant South Korean oil company of Daewoo, has been engaged in gas development project in three gas fields -- She, Shwephyu and Mya in western Myanmar's offshore Rakhine state covered by blocks A-1 and A-3.
Natural gas deposits were found at block A-1 (She field and Shwephyu field) and block A-3 (Mya field) in the Rakhine offshore area in January 2004 and April 2005 respectively, explored by the Daewoo-led consortium of oil companies. Other companies go to South Korea Gas Corporation, ONGC Videsh Ltd of India and GAIL.
Myanmar and South Korea have been launching extensive cooperation this year, especially in the fields of technology, trade and investment, and education, bringing its bilateral cooperation to a new high.
The bilateral cooperation includes establishment of an automobile-related technical training school in central part's Magway, joint investment in food production industry with its Myanmar counterparts, trade and investment in Myanmar's mining, agriculture, forestry, marine, pharmaceutical, hotel, construction, electronic and computer sectors.
According to the latest official statistics, Myanmar-S. Korea bilateral trade amounted to 484 million U.S. dollars in 2009 and 332 millions dollars in the first seven months of 2010.
In 2009, Myanmar exported to South Korea 78 million dollars, while importing from the country 406 million dollars.
In the first seven months of 2010, Myanmar exported to South Korea 58 million dollars, while importing from the country 274 million dollars
Meanwhile, South Korea's investment in Myanmar has risen 10 times in the first four months of the fiscal year 2010-11, hitting 2.658 billion U.S. dollars as of August 2010 since 1988.
The sharp increase of South Korea's investment in the sectors of mining and oil and gas has prompted the country to rise up to the position of 5th from 10th in Myanmar's foreign investment line- up.
South Korean investment grew from 239.318 million dollars in March, the end of 2009-10 fiscal year.
The East Asian country's investment accounted for 8.3 percent of Myanmar's total foreign investment of 31.895 billion dollars.
Source: Xinhua http://english.people.com.cn/90001/90777/90851/7241767.html
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Indonesia, Suu Kyi join efforts to push for democratic Myanmar
Mustaqim Adamrah, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Fri, 12/24/2010 11:04 AM | World
The Indonesian government and Burmese Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi have pledged to work together to urge Myanmar’s government toward democracy.
Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa said Thursday the Indonesian government and Suu Kyi were determined to make sure there would be open discussions and reconciliation in an attempt to promote a democratic Myanmar.
“We must ensure that there will be conditions conducive for dialogue between Aung San Suu Kyi and the [Myanmar] government, and between her supporters, the government and the other political parties,” Marty told The Jakarta Post following a phone conversation on Wednesday morning with the pro-democracy icon who was visiting the Indonesian Embassy in Yangon.
Marty said Suu Kyi told him she appreciated the role Indonesia had played over the years in promoting democracy in Myanmar.
He said he told her in response that Indonesia had consistently pushed for her early release over
the years.
It was the first communication the Indonesian government has had with Suu Kyi since the latter’s release from house arrest on Nov. 13 — almost a week after Myanmar’s first elections in two decades.
She had been under arrest for 15 of the last 21 years.
The Myanmar elections were won in a landslide by the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), which is backed by the ruling military junta.
Top junta members were among those who won seats. They included Prime Minister Thein Sein, who also heads the USDP.
The election results were slammed by the US and its allies but were welcomed by Myanmar’s major ally China and its neighbors in ASEAN, including Indonesia, as a step toward democracy.
“Of course we are aware that the election was not by any means perfect. It wasn’t perfect. But, it was an important development. And the release of Aung San Suu Kyi is an even more important development,” Marty said.
“When I spoke to Aung San Suu Kyi, what struck me most was her very constructive demeanor, her very constructive attitude, and, as a result, [I was] even more convinced that she is truly part of the solution for Myanmar’s progress in the future.”
Marty said Suu Kyi said she was open to suggestions and input from Indonesia on what kind of contribution she could make to promote democracy in Myanmar.
http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2010/12/24/indonesia-suu-kyi-join-efforts-push-democratic-myanmar.html
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