Peaceful Burma (ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းျမန္မာ)平和なビルマ

မိမိကိုယ္ကို ေကာင္းေအာင္ ေဆာက္တည္ရံုမွ်နွင့္ တာဝန္ ေက်သည္မဟုတ္။ မိမိရဲ့ ပတ္ဝန္းက်င္ေလာကကို ေကာင္း ေအာင္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးဖို ့လည္း လိုေသး၏။ သို ့မွသာ တာဝန္ေက်မည္ ျဖစ္၏။

ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေျပာတဲ့ညီညြတ္ေရး

“ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတာ ဘာလဲ နားလည္ဖုိ႔လုိတယ္။ ဒီေတာ့ကာ ဒီအပုိဒ္ ဒီ၀ါက်မွာ ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတဲ့အေၾကာင္းကုိ သ႐ုပ္ေဖာ္ျပ ထားတယ္။ တူညီေသာအက်ဳိး၊ တူညီေသာအလုပ္၊ တူညီေသာ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ရွိရမယ္။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတာ ဘာအတြက္ ညီၫြတ္ရမွာလဲ။ ဘယ္လုိရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္နဲ႔ ညီၫြတ္ရမွာလဲ။ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ဆုိတာ ရွိရမယ္။

“မတရားမႈတခုမွာ သင္ဟာ ၾကားေနတယ္ဆုိရင္… သင္ဟာ ဖိႏွိပ္သူဘက္က လုိက္ဖုိ႔ ေရြးခ်ယ္လုိက္တာနဲ႔ အတူတူဘဲ”

Thursday, November 13, 2008

A word from India

http://www.blogsofzion.com/blog/?p=1480

4. 2 (Two) Pakistani nuclear scientists close to Al Qaeda were sent to Burma (next to Bangladesh and shares open borders). In December 2001, the New York Times reported that while US authorities were investigating Mahmood and Majid, they found some links between al-Qaeda and two other Pakistani nuclear scientists, Suleiman Asad and Muhammed Ali Mukhtar. Both Asad and Mukhtar had long experience at two of Pakistan’s most secret nuclear-weapons-related installations. However, before US investigators could reach them, Pakistan sent the two scientists to Myanmar on an unspecified “research project“.

The New York Times also quoted Pakistani officials as saying that President General Pervez Musharraf personally telephoned one of Myanmar’s military rulers to ask him to provide temporary asylum for the two nuclear specialists. In January 2002, the Wall Street Journal reported that Asad and Mukhtar were possibly aiding Myanmar’s efforts to build a 10-megawatt nuclear “research reactor”. Asad and Mukhtar are still in Myanmar, well away from US reach. Read about their Taliban and Al_Qaeda links in this article: Pakistan’s forgotten al-Qaeda nuclear link.

Posted by DanielCipriani on Wed 12 Nov 2008

This was sent to me yesterday and although it isn’t directly related to Israel, it is interesting what the writer has to say regarding security and the future bases for Islamic extremists. This blog was originally posted on http://bengalunderattack.blogspot.com/2008/11/is-dirty-bomb-meant-for-usa-uk-india.html, Enjoy!

A couple of years back I was in Bangladesh on a business visit when the BNP government was in power. This party (BNP) is known for its anti-India and pro-Pakistan views and is very close to Jamaat and other religious bodies. Behind these are ex-Generals of Bangladesh Army that fought alongside Pakistan in the war of 1971. Tthey are extremely close to ISI and some of their MPs are known sympathizers.

On the other end of the spectrum is the Awami League party, which is essentially formed of ex-Mukti Bahini guirella soldiers who fought for the liberation of Bangladesh against Pakistan and earned their independence in 1971. India helped this group gain independence from Pakistan, hence supporters of Awami League are pro-India. (Bangladesh was part of Pakistan from 1947 to 1971 and was referred to as East Pakistan).

I had gone to a cocktail party arranged by one of my clients and in that party, a gentleman working in a very senior position in a private company in Dhaka came up and chatted with me. ( I DO NOT RECALL THE NAME OF THE GENTLEMAN OR THE COMPANY HE WORKED FOR - SO THOSE OF YOU DO NOT WANT TO BELIEVE THIS STORY - FINE). After initial introductions when we were suitably alone, he had something very interesting to state and it went like this:

“I am a supporter of Awami League and I do not want Bangladesh get into the Islamic morass. There is something very fishy going on and I thought of telling you this. My company’s work is near some remote granite mines and these are being excavated by the North Koreans. And I hear that some other “nationalities” to India’s west are there too. No one can go near the sites and something very wrong is going on there. The North Koreans are in the mines deep down doing something weird and not mining granite – which is just a front. I cannot do a thing about it, probably you should let your government know.”

I thought that this gentleman is perhaps testing me and thinks that I am an Indian agent and wanted to feed me “disinformation”. I did nothing with this information. I did have a bad experience with Indian embassy when I was in New York city as a student – that is for later in this blog. But I wanted to get this off my chest, however improbable this may sound.

But there are interesting things to tie the story down.

1. Right next to Bangladesh border, in North East India – there are uranium deposits. And there are enough and more stories that locals ferry this “yellow cake” illegally in local buses in jute bags and sell it to “dealers”. Where this ultimately goes, is anybody’s guess. My bet is that this is simply sent over the borders into Bangladesh. The border is open and porous in North East.

2. There are granite mines in Bangladesh and some in very remote places. And indeed there are North Korean companies working there.

3. The Chittagong port is a den of criminal activity and anything goes and lands there. “Smugglers were unloading the largest ever arms cache on the Karnaphuli coast in Chittagong on Friday with ‘help from local police’, a witness told journalists in a major twist to the seizure top intelligence officials credited to tip-off from their foreign counterparts.”

4. 2 (Two) Pakistani nuclear scientists close to Al Qaeda were sent to Burma (next to Bangladesh and shares open borders). In December 2001, the New York Times reported that while US authorities were investigating Mahmood and Majid, they found some links between al-Qaeda and two other Pakistani nuclear scientists, Suleiman Asad and Muhammed Ali Mukhtar. Both Asad and Mukhtar had long experience at two of Pakistan’s most secret nuclear-weapons-related installations. However, before US investigators could reach them, Pakistan sent the two scientists to Myanmar on an unspecified “research project“.

The New York Times also quoted Pakistani officials as saying that President General Pervez Musharraf personally telephoned one of Myanmar’s military rulers to ask him to provide temporary asylum for the two nuclear specialists. In January 2002, the Wall Street Journal reported that Asad and Mukhtar were possibly aiding Myanmar’s efforts to build a 10-megawatt nuclear “research reactor”. Asad and Mukhtar are still in Myanmar, well away from US reach. Read about their Taliban and Al_Qaeda links in this article: Pakistan’s forgotten al-Qaeda nuclear link.

Even though a blog is not a credible source, this is indeed interesting read.

If one were to piece together the points 1 though 4 above and add “North Koreans along with undesirable West Asian foreigners” doing “weird things in the pit of mines” - we need to be worried. Not to forget, ISI has home base advantage in Bangladesh.

My guess is : This is the perfect place for manufacturing a Dirty Bomb. Whoever will think of Bangladesh? And stolen uranium, pliant port and “North Koreans” and “West Asians”. A heady cocktail indeed !

BANGLADESH & DIRTY BOMB: A TRYST IN 2003. While writing this blog, I came upon the article written by Indian supercop KPS GILL - which is linked above “they are close to ISI” which states: “There were grave concerns about the possibility of Islamist extremists in the country acquiring radioactive materials and the technical know-how to build a ‘dirty bomb’, when on May 30, 2003, Bangladeshi police arrested four suspected members of a Islamist group, Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen, at a house in the northern village of Puiya. Officers also seized a football-size package with markings indicating it contained a crude form of uranium manufactured in Kazakhstan. Subsequent tests at the Bangladesh Atomic Energy Commission in Dhaka confirmed that the 225-gram ball was uranium oxide—enough to make a weapon capable of dispersing radiation across a wide area if strapped to conventional explosives.”

=======================================================

About my bad experience with Indian embassy as a student and why I kept quiet. I was in New York city on a full Presidential scholarship during graduate studies. One of my friends from India who was not on full scholarship, was working part time, illegally in a lawyer’s office downtown Manhattan. That lawyer specialized in getting green cards done for illegals - by cooking up stories on farming etc. But alarming thing was there were blank Indian passports in that office which came from “Sikhs” in Canada and USA. One senior Indian diplomat came to our University to talk about India and after his power point and Q&A, I took him aside and showed him the blank Indian passport. He did not bat an eyelid and told me to report this to FBI as this was outside his jurisdiction. I thought - excuse me - don’t you want to know where this is coming from, don’t you want to alert RAW. But he just walked away, not bothering to even ask my name. I was actually stunned at the callousness. I kept quiet for a couple of weeks and after my friend left the job at lawyers’ office, I rang up the FBI from a payphone and gave details. They raided the place in a matter of days and closed shop and arrested the errant “lawyer”. FBI did its job but my country did not.

Pakistan's forgotten al-Qaeda nuclear link
By Kaushik Kapisthalam

Novelists Dominique Lapierre and Larry Collins, authors of such bestsellers as City of Joy and Is Paris burning?, have just written a new novel titled Is New York Burning? whose plot involves al-Qaeda members, with help from a Pakistan army major, successfully smuggling a Pakistani nuclear device into New York and then using it to try to blackmail the United States into stopping support for Israel.

The Pakistani jihadi group that plays a big part in the plot is called Lashkar-e-Tibi. Even fiction writers have now started connecting the dots linking Pakistan's nuclear establishment, its home-grown jihad groups and the possibility of an al-Qaeda nuclear attack overseas. But US authorities seem curiously blase about this threat and still appear to be content with the old shibboleths about the "inviolability" of Pakistan's nuclear program.

The ones who met Osama bin Laden
In late 2001, US officials investigating the activities of Osama bin Laden discovered that the al-Qaeda head had contacted some Pakistani nuclear experts for assistance in making a small nuclear device. US officials sought two veteran Pakistani nuclear scientists in particular, Sultan Bashiruddin Mahmood and Abdul Majid, for interrogation. The two admitted working in Afghanistan in recent years, but said they had only been providing "charitable assistance" to Afghans.

Mahmood was no low-level scientist. He was one of Pakistan's foremost experts in the secret effort to produce plutonium for atomic weapons. In 1999 he publicly said that Pakistan should help other Islamic nations build nuclear weapons. He also made some public statements in support of the Taliban movement. After more interrogation, both Mahmood and Majid admitted that they had met with bin Laden and his deputy Ayman al-Zawahiri during their visits to Afghanistan and held long "theoretical" discussions on nuclear weapons.

Then the trail went cold. After months in Pakistani custody, both Mahmood and Majid were quietly released. Fearing that Mahmood's charity organization, Ummah Tameer e-Nau, could be a front for al-Qaeda, the US government placed the entity in its terrorist list and designated Mahmood himself "a global terrorist". Pakistan's government never put the two scientists on trial, and they are free men today.

The ones who got away
In December 2001, the New York Times reported that while US authorities were investigating Mahmood and Majid, they found some links between al-Qaeda and two other Pakistani nuclear scientists, Suleiman Asad and Muhammed Ali Mukhtar. Both Asad and Mukhtar had long experience at two of Pakistan's most secret nuclear-weapons-related installations. However, before US investigators could reach them, Pakistan sent the two scientists to Myanmar on an unspecified "research project".

The New York Times also quoted Pakistani officials as saying that President General Pervez Musharraf personally telephoned one of Myanmar's military rulers to ask him to provide temporary asylum for the two nuclear specialists. In January 2002, the Wall Street Journal reported that Asad and Mukhtar were possibly aiding Myanmar's efforts to build a 10-megawatt nuclear "research reactor". Asad and Mukhtar are still in Myanmar, well away from US reach.

The Lashkar-Nuke link
Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) is a terrorist group based in Muridke, Pakistan. Although founded by the chief promoter of the Afghan jihad and bin Laden mentor, Sheikh Abdullah Azzam, LeT claims ousting India from Kashmir as its main goal. But experts say LeT shared training camps with al-Qaeda and that many al-Qaeda-linked Afghan-Arabs have been found fighting for LeT in Indian-administered Kashmir. The LeT fought on the side of the Taliban in Afghanistan as well.

An Australian named David Hicks, who was picked up by coalition forces in Afghanistan and who is now in Guantanomo prison in Cuba, was trained by LeT. LeT has also provided training for jihadis from Southeast Asia, Central Asia and Chechnya. In December 2001, the US banned LeT after it was implicated in a terrorist attack on India's parliament. Pakistan subsequently banned LeT in January 2002, but allowed it to operate under a new name - Jamaat-ud-Dawa. Prior to being banned, LeT used to hold massive annual conclaves in Pakistan, preaching jihad against India, Israel and the United States. Today, it is widely believed that LeT is operating as a global al-Qaeda "franchisee", even though it is still active in Indian Kashmir.

In a sensational claim, French journalist and author Bernard Henri-Levy stated that Pakistan's disgraced "father" of the nuclear bomb, Dr Abdul Qadeer Khan, was in fact a member of LeT. What is definite is that Khan did attend the last openly held LeT moot, in April 2001, as an honored guest. Accompanying Khan on the dais was none other than Sultan Bashiruddin Mahmood, the plutonium expert who met bin Laden. According to the South Asia Analysis Group, bin Laden himself was known to address LeT annual meets over the phone for many years, even when he was hiding in Afghanistan and Sudan.

Despite being banned, the Pakistani media have frequently reported that LeT has openly collected funds under its new name. Pakistani authorities have allowed LeT's leader or "emir", Hafiz Mohammed Saeed, to barnstorm Pakistan, calling for jihad against the United States, in particular. In the recent past, Saeed has stated in his public meetings and rallies that Pakistan's nuclear weapons should be used to benefit all Islamic nations and that Pakistan must share its nukes with such nations as Iran and Saudi Arabia. More alarming, in a 2002 statement Saeed released to the LeT website, he claimed that people loyal to his organization "control two nuclear missiles". He is claimed to have said that the two missiles with warheads would be used against "enemies of Islam".

In 2002, top al-Qaeda leader Abu Zubaida was arrested from a LeT safe house in Faisalabad, Pakistan. Pakistani officials did not, however, arrest LeT leader Hameedullah Khan Niazi, who had housed Zubaida. In late 2003, the brother of Indonesian terrorist Hambali and many of his Indonesian and Malaysian associates were also arrested from a LeT-owned seminary in Karachi.

In what is now known in the United States as the "Virginia Jihad" conspiracy, nine terrorist suspects were recently arrested from Maryland, Virginia and Pennsylvania. The men were later convicted on terrorism-related charges. As per the indictment, all were members of LeT and trained in LeT camps in Pakistan.

Last October, a French-born terrorist named Willie Brigitte was arrested in connection with his actions in Australia. Brigitte admitted to be a member of LeT. Australian police later arrested a Pakistani architect - Faheem Lodhi, who was also a member of LeT, and was supposedly Brigitte's co-conspirator in a plot to conduct a major terrorist attack in Australia. Reports indicate that Lodhi's and Brigitte's target was supposedly the electrical grid. Other targets considered included the Lucas Heights nuclear research center outside Sydney and various military facilities and natural-gas pipelines. It is also known that both Lodhi and Brigitte received funds and took orders from a mid-to-high-level LeT member in Pakistan named Sheikh Sajid. More alarming, Brigitte told interrogators that he had personally seen a Chechen chemical-weapons expert named Abu Salah experiment with chemical weapons in an LeT camp in Pakistan.

Why the Pakistan threat is real
Despite all the ominous-sounding facts mentioned above, some readers might wonder whether the Pakistan nuclear-terrorism threat is a credible one. Indeed, some analysts do feel that the idea of Pakistan's nuclear warheads falling into the hands of terrorist groups such as LeT is an exaggeration. After all, it is widely believed that Pakistan's nuclear weapons are under the secure safekeeping of the nation's army, the only institution in Pakistan that is supposedly free of al-Qaeda influence. But is that really so?

Just recently, Musharraf revealed that some "junior" Pakistani army and air force officers had colluded with al-Qaeda terrorists in the two attempts on his life last December. The Pakistani newspaper the Daily Times revealed that the "junior officers" referred to by Musharraf may include an army captain, three majors, a lieutenant-colonel and a colonel. This is extremely significant. While many retired Pakistani generals and intelligence chiefs have openly associated with groups such as al-Qaeda, their actions have been glossed over because they weren't in active service. But when we know that serving Pakistani military officers have been conducting joint operations with al-Qaeda, the possibility of a Pakistani nuclear device falling into the hands of al-Qaeda appears more credible.

Even if al-Qaeda never gets hold of a Pakistani nuclear warhead, thanks to US technical safeguards, the possibility of it building a Pakistani-designed radiation dispersal device or a "dirty bomb" looks plausible. A recent analysis by US nuclear experts David Albright and Holly Higgins found strong evidence that Pakistani nuclear scientists Sultan Mahmood and Abdul Majid "provided significant assistance to al-Qaeda's efforts to make radiation dispersal devices". Therein lies the most overlooked Pakistani threat - the knowledge in the heads of nuclear experts sympathetic to the jihad movement, and jihadi groups with weapons-of-mass-destruction ambitions such as LeT operating secure facilities and training camps in Pakistan with only the most minimal of restraints.

Assuming that the US might be secretly monitoring Pakistani nuclear fuel and weapons sites, such actions would not be enough to prevent, for instance, radioactive materials stolen from the former Soviet Union by Chechen LeT members and delivered to Pakistan, packaged into a dirty bomb designed by a Pakistani nuclear scientist (or an improvised nuclear device based on a Pakistani warhead design) in an LeT compound and delivered by a Pakistani-trained Western citizen taking orders from a handler in Karachi or Lahore.

For those who are skeptical of such a scenario it is worthwhile to recall that there have been reports of every one of its individual elements over the past three years, including the smuggling of radioactive and fissile material in to the region. This March, Tajik authorities arrested a man with a small quantity of plutonium that he allegedly planned to sell in Afghanistan or Pakistan. Indeed, Pakistan remains the single most important country of focus in preventing an attack using a dirty bomb or even an improvised nuclear device.

Even before September 11, 2001, al-Qaeda had been interested in launching suicide attacks on nuclear reactors, turning them in effect into huge dirty bombs. For instance, in a 2002 interview with alJazeera reporter Yosri Fouda at a secret location in Karachi, September 11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and his associate Ramzi bin al-Shibh claimed that the September 11 attacks were originally going to target nuclear reactors, but they "decided against it for fear it would go out of control". Scientists and engineers from Pakistan's nuclear program could provide essential advice that could make the difference between success and failure. For instance, Sultan Mahmood, who played an important role in the construction of Pakistan's Khushab nuclear reactor, could have given specific tips to terrorists on how to breach nuclear reactors.

Unlearning the lessons of September 11
This summer is slated to be a period of high tension for the West, the United States in particular, with multiple threats of terrorist attacks by al-Qaeda and its affiliates, according to US officials. As horrific as the September 11 attacks on the US were, many terrorism experts have been warning that the next al-Qaeda attacks could be much worse. Even as the US struggles to deal with the aftermath of a war to remove Saddam Hussein from Iraq, where the threat from weapons of mass destruction was highly ambiguous, it appears that US policymakers are unresponsive to a more alarming threat from Pakistan.

Kaushik Kapisthalam is a freelance journalist based in the United States.

(Copyright 2004 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)

Freedom from Fear 2-FROM TOM BROWN

ဗားစလဗ္ ဟာဗဲလ္၏ စကားဦး
ဗားစလဗ္ဟာဗဲလ္ (Vaclav Havel) သည္ အထူးရိုေလးစားျခင္းခံရေသာျပဇာတ္ႏွင့္ စာေရးဆရာ ျဖစ္ၿပီးယခုအခါတြင္
ခ်က္ (Czech) ႏိုင္ငံ၏ သမၼတ ျဖစ္သည္။ ခ်ာတာ"၇၇" ဟု ထင္ရွားေသာ လူ ့အခြင့္အေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈကို "၁၉၇၇" ခုႏွစ္၌
စတင္တည္ေထာင္ရာတြင္လည္း ပါဝင္ခဲ့သည္။ ဤလႈပ္ရွားမႈေၾကာင့္ခ်က္ကိုစလိုဗားကီးယား (Czechoslovakia) တြင္
ဒီမိုကေရစီကို က်င့္သံုးလာႏိုင္ျခင္း ျဖစ္၏။ တပါတီအာဏာရွင္စနစ္ေအာက္တြင္ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ေထာင္ခ်ခံရျခင္း၊
ေနအိမ္တြင္ အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္ျဖင့္ဖမ္းဆီးခံရျခင္း စသည့္ အေတြ ့အႀကံဳမ်ား ရွိခဲ့သူ ျဖစ္သျဖင့္"ဗားစလဗ္ဟာဗဲလ္" သည္
ေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အေပၚတြင္ အထူး စာနာေထာက္ထား၊ ရိုေသေလးစားသူ ျဖစ္သည္။ သူမကို "၁၉၉၁" ခုႏွစ္၌
ႏိုဘဲလ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးဆုေပးရန္ အဆိုျပဳသူမ်ားထဲတြင္ ၎ပါဝင္သည္။
ဂ ဂ ဂ
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္သည္ ႏိုဘဲလ္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးဆု ကို ရရွိခဲ့ ၿပီ ျဖစ္သည္။ လြတ္လပ္မႈႏွင့္
လူ ့ဂုဏ္သိကၡာအတြက္ အာဏာရွင္စနစ္အား ဆန္ ့က်င္သည့္ သူမ၏ တိုက္ပြဲကို ယခုအခါ အျပည္ျပည္ဆိုင္ရာက
အသိအမွတ္ျပဳလိုက္ျခင္းပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။ သူမသည္ ဤဆုႏွင့္ အလြန္ပင္ ထိုက္တန္သူတဦးျဖစ္သည္။ သူမသည္
ရွင္းလင္းျပတ္သားသားခိုင္မာစြာ ေျပာဆိုသူ ျဖစ္သည္။ သူမအား ႏႈတ္ဆိတ္သြားေစရန္ ရည္ြယ္၍ ႏိုင္ငံျခားသို ့ အၿမဲတမ္း
သြားေရာက္ေနထိုင္ပါရန္ ဆြဲေဆာင္ကမ္းလွမ္းလာသည္ ကို သူမက လက္မခံဘဲ ျငင္းပယ္ထားပါသည္။ အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္
က်ခံေနရသည့္ဘဝတြင္ သစၥာတရားကို ေစာင့္ထိန္းလ်က္ရွိသည္။ အာဏာမဲ့သူတို ့၏ စြမ္းအား ကို သူမက
အလြန္ထင္ရွားစြာဥပမာျပေနပါသည္။ ႏိုဘဲလ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးဆုအတြက္ သူမအား အဆိုျပဳခဲ့ရသည္ ကို က်ေနာ္
ေလးနက္စြာ ဂုဏ္ယူမိသည့္အေလ်ာက္ သူမအား ေရြးခ်ယ္လိုက္သည္ ကို ေကာင္းခ်ီးဩဘာေပးၾကသူမ်ားတြင္
က်ေနာ္အပါအဝင္ ျဖစ္သည္။
ျမန္မာျပည္၌ ဒီမိုကေရစီႏွင့္ လူ ့အခြင့္အေရးရရွိရန္ ဦးတည္ေသာ တိုက္ပြဲတြင္ ဘဝကို ျမဳပ္ႏွံထားျခင္းျဖင့္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္သည္ သူမ၏ တိုင္းျပည္၌ တရားမွ်တမႈရွိရန္အတြက္သာမက မိမိတို ့၏ ပန္းတိုင္ ကို
မိမိတို ့ကိုယ္တိုင္ လြတ္လပ္စြာ ေရြးခ်ယ္လိုသူ အားလံုးအတြက္ပါ ရဲရင့္စြာ ေျပာဆိုေနျခင္း ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
ကမၻာတခြင္လံုးတြင္ လြတ္လပ္မႈရရွိေရးအတြက္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းအားထုတ္ရန္ လိုအပ္ေနသမွ် ကာလပတ္လံုး
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၏ ထုတ္ေဖာ္ေျပာဆိုခ်က္ကဲ့သို ့ေသာ ေျပာဆိုမႈမ်ားသည္ အျခားသူမ်ား ကိုပါ
လံႈ ့ေဆာ္သိမ္းသြင္းလာလိမ့္မည္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ လြတ္လပ္ေရး ေတာင့္တသည့္ ဟစ္ေႂကြးသံသည္ဥေရာပအလယ္ပိုင္းမွ
ထြက္ေပၚလာသည္ ျဖစ္ေစ၊ ရုရွားမွ ျဖစ္ေစ၊ အာဖရိကမွ ျဖစ္ေစ၊ သို ့မဟုတ္ အာရွမွ ျဖစ္ေစ တသံတည္းထြက္ေနပါသည္။
၎မွာ လူသားအားလံုးကို လူ ့ဂုဏ္သိကၡာႏွင့္အညီ ဆက္ဆံပါရန္ႏွင့္ လူသားအားလံုးတြင္ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ရွိရန္
လိုအပ္သည္ဟူေသာ ဟစ္ေႂကြးသံပင္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္သည္ အမွန္တရားကို ေျပာဆိုေန၍၎၊
သူမ၏ စကားမ်ားသည္ ျမန္မာႏွင့္ ကမၻာ့အေျခခံအယူအဆ ကို ေရာင္ျပန္ဟပ္ေန၍၎၊ သူမအား ႏႈတ္ဆိတ္ေအာင္
မျပဳလုပ္ႏိုင္ပါ။ လူသား၏ သေႏၶပါဂုဏ္သိကၡာ၊ လူသားႏွင့္ ခြဲခြာ၍မရေသာ ညီမွ်ေသာ အခြင့္အေရးမ်ား ကို
အသိအမွတ္ျပဳသည့္ အယူအဆ၊ လူတိုင္းတြင္ အမွားအမွန္ ေဝဖန္ပိုင္းျခားႏိုင္ေသာ အသိဉာဏ္ႏွင့္
ဆင္ ျခင္တံုတရားရွိသည္ကို လက္ခံထားေသာ အယူအဆ၊ လူလူခ်င္း ညီအကိုေမာင္ႏွမသဖြယ္ ေမတၲာထားရန္
အႀကံ ျပဳေသာ အယူအဆ စသည့္ အေတြးအေခၚအယူအဆတို ့သည္ မိမိတို ့၏ တန္ဖိုးထားမႈမ်ားႏွင့္ မည္ကဲ့သို ့
ဆန္ ့က်င္ဘက္ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္မည္ကို ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသူ ႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ားအေနႏွင့္ နားမလည္ႏိုင္ေအာင္ ျဖစ္ရေပသည္ဟု
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကိုယ္တိုင္ေရးသားထားပါသည္။ ရဲရင့္သတၲိရွိေသာ ဤအမ်ိဳးသမီးအား
ႏိုဘဲလ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးဆု ခ်ီးျမွင့္ျခင္းသည္ တရားမွ်တမႈကို ႀကိဳးစားရွာေဖြေနၾကသူ က်ေနာ္တို ့အားလံုးအတြက္ သူမက
ေျပာဆိုေနသည္ကို ရွင္းလင္းစြာျပသလိုက္ျခင္းပင္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။

Lawmakers urge UN to enquire into excessive prison sentences in Myanmar/Burma

http://www.asiantribune.com/?q=node/14148

Thu, 2008-11-13 02:22
Kuala Lumpur, 13 November, (Asiantribune.com): Legislators from ASEAN States are calling on the office of the United Nations Secretary-General and other relevant bodies of the United Nations to immediately enquire into Myanmar’s authorities’ reported sentencing of human rights defenders to 65 years imprisonment.

Parliamentarians from Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, Philippines, Cambodia and Indonesia, who make up the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC), are extremely concerned with reports that these jail-terms were reportedly handed down in a closed-door ‘Special Court’ hearing in Yangon’s Insein Prison on 11 November 2008.

"These are draconian sentences. Moreover, these extraordinarily lengthy sentences were reportedly handed down to these activists whom did not have legal representation at that time. This is against basic judicial principles and cannot still be occurring in a time when international conventions exists that protect human rights and justice for people," said AIPMC President Kraisak Choonhavan.

"The fact that the Myanmar military regime has ratified the ASEAN Charter is also enough grounds to call into question the legality of these sentences. Regional and international leaders must act," he added on behalf of his regional parliamentary colleagues from AIPMC.

AIPMC urges the United Nations to commission its various Special Rapportuers – such as the Special Rapportuer on the Independence of Judges and Freedom of Lawyers, Special Rapportuer on Human Rights Defenders, Special Rapportuer on Torture and Special Rapportuer on Freedom of Expression – to investigate and respond to these reports.

‘Mr. Ban Ki-moon has on numerous occasions expressed his concern with what happens in Myanmar. It is with great hope that we urge him, the UN Special Rapportuers and various bodies in the UN to investigate these happenings, and should these reports be accurate, the UN must intervene and hold accountable the military for its acts of tyranny towards its citizens,” added the AIPMC President.

Reports indicate that apart from the 14 pro-democracy and human rights defenders, whom were sentenced to the 65-year prison term, one blogger was sentenced to 20 years while many others were handed a varied amount of long jail terms.

- Asian Tribune -

Burma Moves to Silence the Opposition -Written by Larry Jagan

http://asiasentinel.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1542&Itemid=168&limit=1&limitstart=0

Written by Larry Jagan
Wednesday, 12 November 2008
Page 1 of 4
A new crackdown on dissidents

If there was ever any doubt about the Burmaese military rulers' real intentions, they have been revealed clearly with a spate of harsh sentences handed out to scores of dissidents in a clear signal that they intend to eliminate and silence anyone who opposes their authority, especially in the lead-up to planned elections in two years time.

The crackdown must also put into doubt the forthcoming planned visits to Burma by top UN officials. The UN secretary-general’s special envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, was considering a return visit to Burma in the next two weeks, and the special rapporteur for human rights in Burma was also contemplating a fresh mission as well in the coming weeks. It may also have put paid to any prospect of the UN Secretary General, Ban-Ki Moon’s visiting after attending the ASEAN summit in Thailand in mid-December.

In what is the biggest crackdown on the opposition in Burma since the massive pro-democracy demonstrations in 1988, all activists who the regime believes pose a challenge to their control are being targeted. A series of harsh sentences have been doled out to many artists, activists, bloggers, journalists and lawyers.

More than 40 dissidents, including Buddhist monks, members of the 88 Generation Students Group, a prominent labor activist and community activists have been sentenced to jail for up to 65 years. As a result, the number of political prisoners languishing in Burma’s prisons has more than doubled in the last 12 months.

"The junta is clearly conducting a major crackdown on all dissent in the country," Zin Linn, a leading Burmese dissident and former political prisoner based in Bangkok said in an interview. "They want to silence all opposition before the planned elections in 2010."

In the latest case earlier this week, 14 leading Burmese political activists, including five women from the 88 generation group were each sentenced to 65 years for their involvement in the monk-led uprising, dubbed the Saffron Revolt, against increased fuel prices and rising food costs. Most of them had been detained before the brutal crackdown on the demonstrators in September 2007.

According to the United Nations, at least 31 people were killed when Burma's military rulers sent in troops to end the mass demonstrations led by columns of shaven-headed Buddhist monks -- the biggest challenge to military since it seized power 20 years ago. Opposition activists put the figure at more than 200 dead, however. Sveral thousand people were also arrested and are still detained, many without trial.

The 14 were convicted of various charges, including a law under which anyone who demonstrates, makes speeches or writes statements undermining government stability can be given 20 years. They were also found guilty of having links to illegal groups and violating restrictions on foreign currency, video and electronic communications.

The sentences were handed down behind closed doors – members of their families and the groups’ defence lawyers were barred from the court. “Is this [65 years] all you can do?” one of the activist, Min Zeya reportedly shouted at the judge. What is most absurd, according to human rights advocates, is that these sentences are far longer than the expected life-span of the defendants.

Page 2 of 4

Nine other leaders of the group, including the top two -- Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi -- were recently sentenced to six months in prison for contempt of court. They continuously interrupted the court proceedings shouting down with the judge. They refused to accept the court’s authority and insisted they would continue to oppose the judicial system using Gandhian tactics of non-violent civil disobedience.

More than 20 members of the group, including those already found guilty of contempt, face more than a dozen other charges in the coming days. They are also likely to be given hefty sentences for their activities during the anti-government protests last year.

“The current convictions are only the tip of the iceberg,” Benjamin Zawacki, the Burma officer for the UK-based human rights organization Amnesty International told Asia Sentinel. Most of them have been held for more than 12 months without trial – and in some cases without being charged, he added. “This is probably only the start of a season of trials and convictions.”

Many of the group were at the forefront of the mass pro-democracy demonstrations in 1988 and were tortured and given lengthy prison terms after the military coup. The activists resumed political activities after they were freed in November 2004, and have spearheaded the protests against the junta – usually focusing on the country’s deteriorating economy.

Many analysts believe that the junta fears the students even more than the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by the detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi which convincingly won the 1990 elections, but was never allowed to form a civilian government. Aung San Suu Kyi has spent most of the last 20 years under house arrest in her home in Rangoon.

“They think they can handle the NLD, but they know they cannot control the students,” said a western diplomat in Bangkok who deals with Burma. These sentences will leave them in prison well past the election.

Burmese courts have also been handing out harsh sentences to other dissidents. The prominent labor rights activist, Su Su Nway, was sentenced to more than 12 years in jail for her political activities. She had already served nine months in prison some two years ago for her work to stop forced labor. Five monks from one of Rangoon’s main monasteries were each prison sentences of six years and six months.

Nine members of the NLD from Bogalay in the Irrawaddy Delta were also sentenced to eight to 24 years in prison for their involvement in the anti-fuel prices protests last year, according to an NLD spokesman, Nyan Win.

“These sentences are a clear signal to everyone that the regime will not tolerate any opposition in the lead up to the elections in 2010,” Zawacki said.

Page 3 of 4

The sentences for the 88 group came the day after the jailing of Burma’s best-known blogger, Nay Phone Latt, for more than 20 years for publishing a cartoon of the country’s top military leader, General Than Shwe on his website. His trial was also held behind closed doors in Insein prison special court. A well-known poet, Saw Wa was given two years after he published a poem mocking Than Shwe entitled "February 14" was published in the Ah Chit [Love] Journal. The first words of each line of the poem spelled out "Power Crazy Senior General Than Shwe".

The discrepancy between the sentences given to the blogger and the poet for essntially the same crime – belittling Than Shwe – suggests that the regime is particularly worried about the opposition’s use of technology, especially the internet. They were horrified by the reports, pictures and videos that were transmitted through the internet and mobile phones during the Saffron Revolt and the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis.

“They [the junta] are extremely worried about things they don’t understand and cannot control,” said Mr Zawacki. “The bloggers’s sentence reflects the greater level of threat they see in postings on the internet compared to poetry.”

In the lead-up to the election in 2010, the regime is worried about how to control the flow of information, both inside and outside the country. During the Saffron Revolt they tried to control the internet by periodically shutting down the servers, often for days at a time. They also realised that firewalls intended to prevent access to certain websites have failed miserably in Burma, as they are easily by-passed. Now they are resorting to their tried and tested tactic of generating fear.

“The message is clear, the dissemination of information and images through new technology will be severely punished,” said Mr Zawacki.

In recent weeks there has also been a spate of lawyers being convicted for contempt of court. At least five lawyers who have tried to defend these dissidents have ended up in prison – either for challenging the court on their clients’ behalf or because their clients had dismissed them because of the futility of being represented in the court when they were clearly unable to do their jobs.

“It’s complete intimidation,” Zawacki continued. “Lawyers are being punished for being the messenger. They are clearly being warned you must play by our rules and not any accepted rules of procedure.”
More than 15 journalists – reporters and photographers -- are still in dentention awaiting trial, according to the Burma Media Association. Most are accused of publishing material on the conditions in the cyclone-devasted area and pointing out inadequacies of the relief effort. Several other bloggers are also awaiting trial.

“The sentencing of the 88 activists and the further arrests in recent days -- of journalists, bloggers and forced labour complainants -- is further evidence of the extent to which conditions in this country are deteriorating in terms of basic political freedoms,” a western diplomat based in Rangoon said on condition of anonymity. “It clearly shows what we can expect in 2010.”

Page 4 of 4

But above all the junta is deliberately snubbing the UN and the international community. In recent weeks the regime has been urged to honor its promises to release all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, in the runup to the 2010 elections. The UN human rights rapporteur recently put forward several suggestions on how to make the election internationally credible – including the release of political prisoners and allowing the political parties to operate normally, free of harrassment and intimidation.

The regime’s clear response has been to lock up even more political activists. The number of political prisoners in Burma’s jails has more than doubled to well over 1,000, according to both the UN and Amnesty International. There are perhaps more political prisoners now than anytime since 1988, according to Amnesty International. And all this comes during a time when there is far more engagement between Burma and the international community, especially the UN, than ever before. The UN rapporteur for human rights in Burma, Tomas Ojea Quintana, visited in early August and the UN special envoy Gambari has made two visits so far thos year. Some of the highest-level UN visits have also taken place – with John Holmes (in charge of the UN’s humanitarian ope4rtions), Noleen Heyzer (head of the regional UN office ESCAP) and even the Secretary General, Ban K-moon himself visiting the country – albeit related to the UN response to the devastion wrought by Cyclone Nargis in May.

The international community can no longer cooperate with the junta on humanitarian issues related to the cyclone and turn a blind eye to the political crisis. The regime remains set in its military mentality. Burma has been under military rule of one form or another since 1962. Although the generals may have scheduled elections in 2010, as one of the final stages in its seven-step "roadmap to democracy", it is obvious that it is merely a ploy to maintain power and control over the country.

Everyone who is opposed to the roadmap and the constitution the regime forced through a referendum by intimidation and manipulation, is being targeted.
“It’s business as usual,” Zawacki said. “There is no shift in practice – they are using draconian prison sentences to warn people not to stand up to the regime, all that’s changed is their rhetoric – there’s no roadmap to political change.”

Cynthia Maung and Zoya Phan Win Ovations in Barcelona -IRRAWADDY

http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=14618

By THE IRRAWADDY Wednesday, November 12, 2008

BARCELONA — Karen physician Cynthia Maung and pro-democracy campaigner Zoya Phan gave impassioned speeches and called for more international support for the democratic movement in Burma as they accepted the 20th Catalonia International Prize at the Palau de la Generalitat in Barcelona on Tuesday night.

Cynthia Maung received the award in recognition of her selfless humanitarian work at the Mae Tao clinic in Mae Sot, Thailand, while Zoya Phan, the international coordinator of Burma Campaign UK, accepted the award on behalf of detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

At the ceremony hosted by the president of the Catalan government, the two Burmese women were presented with a statue and will share prize money of 100,000 euros (US $128,000). The Catalonia International Prize is awarded annually to persons who have made a remarkable contribution to the development of cultural, scientific or human values anywhere in the world.

Previous recipients include oceanographer Jacques Cousteau and Brazilian bishop Pere Casaldàliga. According to observers, this year’s award was significantly political in its choice of Burmese opposition leader Suu Kyi.

In a televised address, US first lady Laura Bush congratulated Suu Kyi and Cynthia Maung, saying they “inspired millions of people in Burma.” Laura Bush praised Suu Kyi for her “non-violent struggle” against the Burmese military government.

Spain’s growing interest in Burma was evident at the presidential palace with hundreds of dignitaries, officials and activists in attendance. Spanish and Catalan TV and radio covered the event.

Cynthia Maung spoke candidly about Burma, human security issues and the military regime’s obstruction of humanitarian assistance to cyclone survivors in the Irrawaddy delta region earlier this year. She also highlighted the failure of the UN mission to Burma and repeatedly mentioned the people of Catalonia and compared their past struggle against dictatorship [during the reign of fascist Gen Franco] to present-day Burma.

Cynthia Maung was applauded loudly and received an ovation for her rousing speech before Zoya Phan took the stage.

Zoya Phan strongly criticized the Burmese junta’s fear of Suu Kyi and their attempts to silence her.

“The regime wanted the world to forget about Suu Kyi and Burma,” she said. “Suu Kyi represents freedom,” said Zoya Phan, adding that Suu Kyi remains “a symbol of unity in Burma.”

The young Karen activist—whose father, former Karen National Union general-secretary Mahn Shah, was gunned down in February—sobbed as she addressed the hushed audience.

Zoya Phan charged the military regime with ethnic cleansing and called for a multinational approach to Burma, saying the international community was not doing enough. She said world leaders were quick to praise Suu Kyi, but slow to listen to her message in which she has called for more international support for the democracy movement.

“We will never give up. We will stand firm,” said Zoya Phan. As she concluded her speech, much of the audience stood and gave her a long ovation.

Addressing the audience, Catalan government President José Montill said he understood the feeling of the Burmese people and sent them a message of solidarity and hope.

The Burmese delegation and the jury of the Catalonia International Prize were later invited to a formal dinner at the presidential palace with the president and his advisers.

Tragedy and Hope in Burma

http://cynicsandidealists.wordpress.com/2008/11/12/tragedy-and-hope-in-burma/

November 12, 2008 · No Comments

A Burmese prison cell (AAPP museum)
Dreadful news out of Burma today. Fourteen pro-democracy activists were sentenced to 65 years in prison by the Burmese junta…65 years in a Burmese prison is essentially a death sentence. These fourteen activists, all members of the 88 Generation organization (named after Burma’s 1988 democracy uprising), represented Burma’s greatest hopes. They wanted reconciliation not revolution. Peace not war. Democracy over dictatorship. Yet, once again, the military junta has smashed Burma’s hopes. Among those sentenced was one Nilar Thein, a brave young woman who had spent a year in hiding following last year’s democracy uprising, a year in which she was not even able to see her young baby. I woke up this morning to a BBC World Service interview with Nilar Thein recorded last January, when she was still in hiding. You can listen here: BBC interview with Nilar Thein

When BBC’s Jonathan Head asked if Nilar Thein ever had any moments of doubts and weakness after months in hiding, away from her baby daughter, this is what Nilar said:

“No, I have no doubts. After spending years in prison, I have become very firm in my beliefs. I was held in solidarity confinement, my health was failing, but I refused to sign the statements the authorities gave me. What I want to say is that if you hold onto your beliefs you can overcome anything. Today, there is every chance that I will be captured. But until that day, I will do what I can do.”

In addition to the fourteen 88 Generation activists sentenced, another 26 people were sentenced, including monks, a well-known labor rights activist, Su Su Nwe, and Nay Phone Latt, a 28 year old blogger. It’s strange…I’m 28 and I’m here blogging about politics…but I can hardly conceive of Nay Phone’s being given a 20 year prison sentence merely for posting a cartoon of Burma’s dictator, Senior-General Than Shwe on his blog.

Many of these activists had already spent years in Burmese prisons, and knew the harsh conditions that would await them. Yet that knowledge did not discourage them from taking up their struggle once more. They could have gone back to their lives, to their families and children, to their monastaries. Instead they willingly gave their lives to an ideal: a free and democratic Burma. That ideal has long been a dream deferred in Burma. I am, as this blog’s title suggests, an idealist, but I am also a cynic. And I know that Burma’s struggle is a long and hard road, that grows only longer and harder by the day. Last year’s incredible uprising, taken against all odds, inspired…but also failed to further the democracy movement’s goals.

There is always hope, however. As the sentences were being meted out today, Min Zeya, the 88 Generation activist, is reported to have cried out: ““Only 65 years? We will never be frightened.”

Much of the world was buoyed with hope by the US’s election of Barack Obama this week. Hope is a good thing. A necessary thing. Hope is like the breathing machine that keeps the incredible Burmese democracy activist and writer Ludu Sein Win alive in his home in Rangoon, where he is apparently considered too frail by even the Burmese junta to re-arrest him despite his defiance and outspokenness (though not too frail to continue his rails against the dictatorship!). Hope is what enabled Nilar Thein to hold onto her ideals all those terrible months in hiding. Hope is, I’m sure, what keeps Aung San Suu Kyi’s spirit alive despite all those grinding years under house arrest.

And while I am distraught about all of these activists being thrown into hell, I too can at least be hopeful

Ko Bo Kyi accepting the Human Rights Watch award
that there are people like the Burmese human rights activist Ko Bo Kyi fighting on their behalf from exile. Last Thursday, Ko Bo Kyi was bestowed with Human Rights Watch’s highest honor at its annual Voices for Justice dinner in New York. I was able to attend as Ko Bo Kyi’s guest. Ko Bo Kyi is the co-director of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners-Burma (AAPP), an organization based on the Thai-Burma border that advocates for prisoners in Burma. Ko Bo Kyi himself spent seven years in Burmese prisons. He was first arrested when he was 18. He was tortured. And, during one prison sentence, he spent three years in solitary confinement. When Bo Kyi finally left Burma, to escape a third round in prison, he fled to Thailand where he established AAPP in exile. Bo Kyi is one of the most selfless individuals I have ever met. Since he escaped to Thailand, Bo Kyi has worked tirelessly on behalf of Burma’s political prisoners. He has helped win prisoners their freedom, and helped provide them with material support. He has also given them hope. Here is a recording of Bo Kyi’s acceptance speech.

Hope will keep Burma’s movement alive, of that I am sure. And Burma’s people will one day succeed in their struggle. But Burma needs so much more than hope right now.

Noam Chomsky, in an interview with the Bangkok Post over the summer, questioned the power of non-violent protest in a country like Burma:

“The rulers have a good thing going for themselves, nothing to gain by yielding power and no major risks in using it violently. So that’s what they’ll probably do, until the military erodes from within. Mass non-violent protest is predicated on the humanity of the oppressor.”

There is no humanity within the leadership of the Burmese junta. These are men that give orders to soldiers to shoot Buddhist monks. That give orders to soldiers to rape young girls. Men who horde humanitarian aid designated for victims of a devastating cyclone.

Perhaps then, it is time to stop treating the junta as if they can be reasoned with. Time to stop these diplomatic games with the UN. Time to try something new. How long must the Burmese people wait before the world acts? Another forty years in hell? I’m not sure even hope can live that long.

Categories: Uncategorized

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL PRESS RELEASE

http://www.abitsu.org/?p=3088

By Stanley | November 12, 2008

For immediate release 11 November 2008
Myanmar: Harsh sentences for 14 dissidents reveal government’s true intentions

Today’s sentencing of at least 14 dissidents who took part in the 2007 anti-government demonstrations to 65 years’ imprisonment each is a powerful reminder that Myanmar’s military government is ignoring calls by the international community to clean up its human rights record, Amnesty International said.

“In the midst of its so-called ‘Roadmap to Democracy’, the government of Myanmar reveals its true intentions by sentencing these dissidents for nothing more than peacefully expressing their views during last year’s demonstrations,” said Benjamin Zawacki, Amnesty International’s Myanmar researcher.

Three of those sentenced are Min Zeya, Kyaw Min Yu (also known as Ko Jimmy), and Ko Jimmy’s wife, Nilar Thein. They are prominent 88 Generation Students group leaders - former student activists who spearheaded the pro-democracy uprising in Myanmar 20 years ago.

The sentences against them were related to their involvement in the 2007 demonstrations, popularly known as the ‘Saffron Revolution’. Additional charges against them remain outstanding.

Another person sentenced today was Myanmar blogger Nay Phone Latt, given 20 years and six months in prison for, among other offences, disrespecting Senior General Than Shwe in his blog. More than 2,100 political prisoners are currently behind bars in Myanmar.

“Even as the government continues to claim that its new constitution and plans for elections in 2010 are genuine efforts toward increasing political participation, this sentencing sends a clear signal that it will not tolerate views contrary to its own by handing down such severe sentences,” said Benjamin Zawacki.

“These sentences and the ongoing trials should disabuse anyone of the notion that the Myanmar government has any intention of honouring its assurances to the United Nations that it would improve its human rights record and increase political participation. It knows only repression,” said Benjamin Zawacki.

Background

The 14 dissidents known to have been sentenced today are: Min Zeya, Kyaw Min Yu (also known as Ko Jimmy), Nilar Thein, Mie Mie, Zaw Zaw Min, Than Tin (also known as Kyi Than), Zayya (also known as Kalama), Ant Bwe Kyaw, Kyaw Kyaw Htwe (also known as Marky), Pannate Tun, Thet Zaw, Mar Mar Oo, Sandar Min (also known as Shwe), and Thet Thet Aung.

In addition, labour activist Su Su Nway was sentenced to 12 years and six months.

At least another 23 members of the 88 Generation Students group are on trial in Myanmar, including prominent dissidents Min Ko Naing, Htay Kywe, and Ko Ko Gyi, and it is expected that they will also be given additional sentences soon.

END/

Public Document

Japan governor under fire for Tokyo quake comments

http://news.yahoo.com/s/nm/20081112/od_uk_nm/oukoe_uk_japan_quake_governor_1

Wed Nov 12, 1:49 am ETTOKYO (Reuters) – A Japanese governor has come under fire for comments appearing to suggest that a huge earthquake in Tokyo would be an opportunity for western Japan to boost its economy.

Toshizo Ido, governor of Hyogo prefecture -- where 6,400 people were killed by a 7.3 magnitude quake in 1995 -- made the remark at a meeting of governors from western Japan Tuesday.

"If there were a big earthquake in Kanto (eastern Japan), Tokyo would suffer great damage. This would be a chance, and we should take advantage of it," media reports quoted Ido as saying.

A government panel has estimated that a magnitude 7.3 earthquake hitting Tokyo Bay would probably kill up to 11,000 people and leave 7 million people homeless. Estimates of economic damage have topped more than $1 trillion (647 billion pounds).

Ido later said he was referring to the concentration of economic activity in Tokyo, whose more than 12 million residents make up about a 10th of Japan's population, and meant backup elsewhere was vital to be ready for a quake in the capital.

"I should have used a different word," he told reporters.

Japan accounts for about 20 percent of the world's earthquakes of magnitude 6 or greater. The 1995 quake, Japan's worst in more than 50 years, devastated the western port city of Kobe and caused an estimated $100 billion in damage.

In 1923 a magnitude 7.9 quake hit the Tokyo area killing more than 140,000 people.

(Reporting by Linda Sieg)

Life on the edge in eastern Burma

http://www.abitsu.org/?p=3076#more-3076

By MG | November 11, 2008

United Press International: Over half-a-million people in eastern Burma are living in temporary dwellings, forced out of their villages as a result of fighting, insecurity and the whims of local army commanders. Around 100,000 are hiding in jungles, valleys and hills.

That is the latest assessment of the Thailand Burma Border Consortium, which brings international and local donors together in a common effort to support and work with people in some of the most militarized areas of Burma.

The consortium once concentrated its efforts on refugee camps and makeshift settlements immediately opposite Thailand. However, since 2002, it has increasingly studied and documented the movements of people throughout areas deeper inside Burma, in order to get a better picture of who is moving, where they go, and why.

The picture is disturbing. According to the consortium’s new report, army orders, insecurity and related factors forced people in 142 villages and hideouts across the frontier areas to move in the past year alone. This is on top of the roughly 3,200 sites abandoned since 1996.

There has been little if any improvement for people in areas where civil war has stopped. While some 66,000 in the last year fled their homes because of conflict or human rights abuses, tens of thousands more left because of arbitrary taxes or demands for unpaid work on government projects. Coal and gold mines, dams and biodiesel farms are among the schemes to which they are told to contribute money or labor, or for which they are obliged to surrender their lands.

In some areas, costs of food and other basics have skyrocketed since last August, when the government ramped up official fuel prices. In southern Shan State, a small bag of salt reportedly costs eight times more than it did six months ago, and even desperately poor people there have been ordered to donate money, ostensibly for victims of Cyclone Nargis.

The consortium does not make any of the glib recommendations that are popular among humanitarian and rights groups these days, but it does frame its report in terms of the global debate around crimes against humanity and the international duty to protect civilians where a national government is a predator rather than a patron.

Perhaps one reason for its reluctance to recommend anything is that while there is a case to be made for crimes against humanity in eastern Burma, it’s hard to see anyone wanting to do anything about it. There are numerous examples in recent times to prove the point that powerful countries and bodies today act, as they have always done, only where their own interests are advanced or threatened.

This could be cause for despair if international law and diplomacy were the only games in town. But they’re not.

There are, to begin with, groups like the consortium that practice an evolved and informed sort of relief work that is not constrained by borders and treats recipients of rice and cooking oil as partners rather than mouths to feed.

This is not a starry-eyed approach to quaint rural dwellers. It is hard-nosed and practical, acknowledging that the affected people are not passive victims but tenacious survivors who can teach aid agency professionals more than a thing or two about how to deal with a protracted crisis.

For years many of the people whose villages count among the statistics in the consortium’s report have found ways to accommodate, undermine or avoid the demands of military officers, and carry on with lives that are as far removed from those in Rangoon or Mandalay as they are from others in Bangkok or Beijing.

Many have moved and adapted so many times that they’ve lost count. For them, clearing a new hillside and building a house away from the place that a local army command set aside for them is just an unwelcome fact of life.

The problem is not that they haven’t figured out how to organize themselves and resist duress, but that the rest of us haven’t figured out how they’re doing it. As their techniques don’t fit into the typologies of experts and theorists, they don’t count.

In a recent article, Kevin Malseed describes the confused looks on the faces of a group of academics and activists at a big conference on agrarian movements after he asked if their overt formal struggles had policies to engage with people whose struggles are covert and informal.

“When the time for answers came, my question was nowhere in sight, dropped in favor of firing more broadsides at the WTO, World Bank and others,” he writes.

Malseed, who has worked with villagers on the border of Thailand for over a decade, is convinced that there are ways for engagement. But that his question was alien to the experiences and thinking of the conference participants shows how far international debate has to go to catch up with people living on the edge in eastern Burma.

In the meantime, the Thailand Burma Border Consortium and groups like it deserve continued strong support, even as the opportunities for similar work from inside Burma, rather than from across the border, increase. Their delivery of assistance remains vital; their detailed accounting of displacement, unique, and their lessons learned, irreplaceable.

Topics: Daily News, Human Rights |

Burma: Free Activists Sentenced by Unfair Courts

http://hrw.org/english/docs/2008/11/11/burma20181.htm

Draconian Laws Invoked Against September 2007 Protestors
(New York, November 11, 2008) – Burma’s military government should immediately exonerate and free about 70 activists who are being tried by unfair courts for their peaceful participation in the protests in September 2007, Human Rights Watch said today. A court inside Rangoon’s notorious Insein prison today sentenced 14 of them to 65-year prison terms.

It’s no secret that Burma’s military rulers show no respect for law, but these last few weeks show a more concentrated crackdown on dissent clearly aimed at intimidating the population. These peaceful activists should not be on trial in the first place, let alone thrown in prison for years after unfair trials.
Elaine Pearson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch

In the past two weeks the Burmese government has stepped up legal proceedings against dissidents from the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) and the “’88 Generation Students.” More than 70 political activists, monks, nuns, journalists, and labor activists who participated in the August and September 2007 demonstrations are being tried or have been summarily convicted in secret trials in prisons and closed court hearings.

“It’s no secret that Burma’s military rulers show no respect for law, but these last few weeks show a more concentrated crackdown on dissent clearly aimed at intimidating the population,” said Elaine Pearson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “These peaceful activists should not be on trial in the first place, let alone thrown in prison for years after unfair trials.”

Family members often have not been permitted to attend the current trials. In some cases legal representation has been denied, and four lawyers for political activists have been sentenced to prison time for contempt when they tried to withdraw their representation at their clients’ request or protested unfair hearings.

Human Rights Watch said that the increased efforts to prosecute political activists confirm that Burma’s rulers are undermining basic freedoms more strongly than ever as they prepare for multi-party elections in 2010. Members of opposition parties and political activists have been sentenced under archaic laws that criminalize free expression, peaceful demonstration, forming organizations, and holding foreign currency without permission.

“Burma’s leaders are clearing the decks of political activists before they announce the next round of sham political reforms,” Pearson said. “Prosecuting lawyers who defend activists shows that the generals don’t want to leave anything at these trials to chance.”

At least three reporters have also been convicted in the current round of trials, including a prominent blogger, Nay Phone Latt, who was sentenced on November 10, 2008, to 20 years in prison for his reporting during the September 2007 demonstrations, and two journalists reporting on a corruption case, who received three months each.

Human Rights Watch urged countries in the region, particularly China, India, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, to press the Burmese government to drop charges or exonerate political activists, lawyers, and others detained for exercising their internationally protected rights to freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly.

“The arrests of Nay Phone Latt and two other journalists is a clear attempt to intimidate Burma’s independent media from reporting on these trials,” said Pearson. “Countries able to influence the Burmese junta should not stand by and let this happen.”

Background Information

After the major demonstrations in September 2007, the Burmese military government arrested hundreds of political activists and protesters (http://hrw.org/reports/2007/burma1207/ ). According to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners in Burma (AAPPB), more than 2,100 political activists are now in prison in Burma, more than double the number of political prisoners before the September 2007 protests.

Trials of activists and lawyers since late October 2008 include:

• On October 23, the North Okkalapa Court sentenced seven Buddhist monks and seven nuns to four years of hard labor for “injuring or defiling a place of worship” (section 295 of the Penal Code) and “insulting ... either spoken or written ... another religion” (295(A)). They were arrested at two schools in Rangoon in September 2007, and include a 65-year-old abbot, U Yevada, and an 80-year-old nun, Daw Ponnami. Family members were not permitted to attend their trials, and their lawyers were often barred from attending hearings.
• On October 24, six members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) in Mandalay – Daw Win Mya Mya, Tin Ko Ko, U Than Lwin, U Kan Tun, Win Shwe, and Min Thu – were sentenced on charges of “intent to cause rioting” (section 153) and “statements conducting to public mischief ... which is likely to cause fear or alarm to the public” (section 505(B)), to prison terms ranging from two to 13 years for their involvement in demonstrations in September 2007.
• In late October, 11 members of the NLD youth wing from Hlaing Thar Yar township in Rangoon went on trial in the local public court, charged with instigating public unrest. They were arrested in 2007 and again in September 2008 for staging peaceful protests. Their lawyers were arrested on October 30 for protesting unfair legal proceedings (see below).
• On October 29, nine members of the ’88 Generation Students group – Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi, Hla Myo Naung, Htay Kywe, Mya Aye, Nyan Lin, Phone Cho, Aung Thu, and Aung Naing – went on trial in Insein prison. They were among 34 activists arrested in August 2007. The nine are charged with a total of 22 offenses including unlawful association, criticizing the National Convention constitutional process (Law 5/96 of 1996), engaging in anti-government propaganda, and instigating public unrest, which could garner each activist an estimated 150 years in prison.
• The nine defendants protested against the trial being conducted at Insein in secret. As a result, on the same day, all nine were charged with contempt of court and sentenced to six months in jail. They were subsequently transferred to a remote prison in Maubin in Irrawaddy Division, where family members and supporters cannot visit them, to continue the trials. On October 30, four lawyers representing NLD defendants were charged with contempt of court. Nyi Nyi Htwe and Saw Kyaw Kyaw Min were sentenced to six months in prison for contempt of court under section 228 of the Penal Code for trying to call a senior government official as a witness in a case against two people who had demonstrated against the military government.
U Aung Thein and U Khin Maung Shein were sentenced to four months each under section 3 of the Contempt of Court Act, after their clients asked them to withdraw counsel in protest against restrictive measures during trial, including lacking access to an important witness and not permitting family members of the accused to attend proceedings. Three of the lawyers are already in custody and one is in hiding.
• On November 2, five labor activists – Thu Rein Aung, Kyaw Min, Kyaw Kyaw, Wai Lin, and Nyi Zaw – were transferred from Rangoon to prisons in Western and Northern Burma to begin closed trials related to their activities during the September 2007 demonstrations.
• On November 3, eight activists from newly formed local groups “The Justice” and “The Best Manure” went on trial, charged with offenses related to illegally forming organizations. They had been arrested in September 2008.
• On November 5, five Buddhist monks arrested at Ngwe Kyar Yan monastery during the September 2007 crackdown went on trial at the South Okkalapa Court in Rangoon, charged with “injuring or defiling a place of worship” (section 295) and “intent to cause fear or alarm in the public” (section 505(B)). After staging a brief demonstration outside the court by chanting prayers, the five were additionally charged on November 5 with obstructing the course of justice (section 353), for which they face an additional two-year sentence.
• On November 5, two journalists, Khin Maung Aye and Tun Tun Thein from News Watch Journal, were arrested over articles in their July publication exposing local corruption and summarily sentenced to three months in prison.
• On November 10, the blogger Nay Phone Latt was sentenced to 20 years in prison for his web postings and reporting of activities during the September 2007 demonstrations. He was arrested in January 2008.
• On November 11, 14 activists arrested during the August 2007 demonstrations were sentenced by a tribunal inside Insein prison to prison sentences of 65 years each for offenses such as holding foreign currency without permission and lacking permits for various types of ordinary equipment. In addition, a prominent labor activist, Ma Su Su Nway, was sentenced to 12-and-a-half years in prison for her peaceful protests in August and November 2007. She was charged with treason (section 124) and intent to cause fear or harm to the public (section 505(B)).

လူမ်က္ႏွာေပ်ာက္တဲ့လူသား-ေဇယ်ာေသာ္-Generation Wave

FROM TOM BROWN

လူအခ်င္းခ်င္း…..

မီးထက္ၿပင္းတဲ့ထိုးႏွက္မွူေတြ

အခ်စ္ကို၀ယ္စားၾကသူေတြနဲ႕

အခ်စ္ကိုေရာင္းစားၾကသူေတြ

ေစ်းေခၚေနတဲ့ စာရိတၱေတြနဲ ့

ေမတၱာမဲ့တဲ့ႏွလံုးသားေတြ

ဘယ္သူေသေသ …

ငေတမာရင္ၿပီးေရာေပါ့။

ငါတို ့ေခတ္မွာ လူသားေတြဟာ

တေယာက္ရဲ့အတၱအတြက္

တေယာက္က အၿခားတေယာက္ရဲ့

ေမ်ွာ္လင့္ခ်က္ေတြကိုရုိက္ခ်ဴိး

အေသြးအသားေတြကို၀ါးမ်ဳိ

အရုိးေတြနဲ ့မီးလံႈ

ယံုၾကည္ခ်က္ေတြ တိုးတိုက္မိၾကေပါ့….။

ငါတို ့ေခတ္မွာ

ကမာၻရဲ့သစၥာနဲ႕

ေပ်ာက္ဆံုးေနတဲ့ေလာကပါလဟာ

ဘယ္မွာမွရွာမရသလို

အတၱမ်က္မွန္ၿပာေတြတပ္

ေမာဟအေမွာင္တိုက္ထဲတိုး၀င္…..

ဟင္!

လူသားေတြဟာ …..

လူမ်က္ႏွာေတြေပ်ာက္ေနၾကၿပီ။ ။

၂၇.၆.၀၈

Burma condemned for rights sentences

http://world.123goclick.com/2008/11/13/burma-condemned-for-rights-sentences/

Human rights groups and Western governments have condemned the harsh sentences handed to pro-democracy activists in Burma.

Dissidents were this week given sentences of up to 65 years.

Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch deplored what they said were efforts to curb dissent ahead of planned elections.

Burma’s military junta has cracked down harshly on dissidents since crushing monk-led protests in mid-2007.

At least 23 activists were each sentenced to 65 years in prison on Tuesday, while a leading blogger and a poet who wrote a coded criticism of junta leader Than Shwe were among six people sentenced to up to 20 years in jail on Monday.

Fourteen of those jailed on Tuesday are former students who were members of the “88 Generation”, which led a major uprising 20 years ago that the military regime also suppressed.

The junta says that it will hold elections as part of its “road map to democracy” in 2010.

Opposition figures and governments, including the European Union say those elections will be meaningless when much of the opposition is behind bars.

Western worries

Reaction from the countries neighbouring Burma, and from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, of which it is a member, has been more muted.

"Burma’s leaders are clearing the decks of political activists before they announce the next round of sham political reforms"
Elaine Pearson,
Human Rights Watch

But US state department spokesman Robert Wood said: “The United States strongly condemns the Burmese regime’s harsh sentencing of at least 30 political activists to between two and 65 years in prison.

“We also call on the regime to begin a genuine dialogue with democratic and ethnic minority representatives and to immediately release all Burma’s over 2,000 political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi and those convicted in recent days.”

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said he was “deeply concerned” by the Burmese government’s action and pleaded for all Burmese citizens to be allowed to participate freely in their country’s political future.

New York-based Human Rights Watch called the trials “unfair”.

Elaine Pearson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch, said: “These last few weeks show a more concentrated crackdown on dissent clearly aimed at intimidating the population.

“Burma’s leaders are clearing the decks of political activists before they announce the next round of sham political reforms.”

Britain’s junior foreign minister Bill Rammell said: “Those detained have done nothing other than exercise their right to express themselves and have at all times underlined their willingness to work with others for a better Burma.”

Family support

Relatives of the detained said they would continue to support them.

“We understand and are proud for them although we cannot do anything right now. We are not frightened,” said Amar Nyunt, 63, whose son Jimmy and daughter-in-law Nilar Thein were among those to receive 65-year jail terms.

She told Agence France-Presse news agency that she was caring for the jailed couple’s 19-month-old daughter.

Sein Linn, 67, the father of Pannate Tun, another of the activists sentenced on Tuesday, told AFP that he fell ill after hearing of the punishment.

“I do not understand politics but I cannot afford to do anything apart from feel for him,” he said.

Human Rights Watch said more than 70 dissidents - monks, nuns, journalists and labour activists - had been on trial over the past two weeks, mostly in secret hearings with family members barred, and in some cases with no legal representation

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

US condemns Myanmar sentences

http://news.yahoo.com/s/afp/20081112/pl_afp/myanmarpoliticsdemocracyuscondemn_081112170855

Wed Nov 12, 12:08 pm ET
Featured Topics: Barack Obama Presidential Transition AFP/File – Heavily armed police block off a street in downtown Yangon in 2007. The US State Department on Wednesday … WASHINGTON (AFP) – The US State Department on Wednesday strongly condemned Myanmar's "harsh sentencing" of dozens of political activists.

"The United States strongly condemns the Burmese regime's harsh sentencing of at least 30 political activists to between two and 65 years in prison," State Department deputy spokesman Robert Wood told reporters.

The State Department refers to Myanmar as Burma, the country's name before the military junta started calling it Myanmar in 1989.

"These brave democracy activists are peaceful citizens whose only crime was to challenge the regime's illegitimate rule," Wood told the daily news briefing.

More than 30 activists were imprisoned this week, ranging from pro-democracy veterans to a popular blogger, in the wake of a crackdown on people involved in protests in mid-2007 that were brutally crushed by the military government.

"We further condemn the manner in which the trials were conducted. The regime held closed-court sessions and did not allow family members or lawyers to attend," Wood said, reading a statement.

"We reiterate our call for the regime to cease harassing and arresting civilians for peacefully exercising their internationally recognized human rights," he added.

"We also call on the regime to begin a genuine dialogue with democratic and ethnic minority representatives and to immediately release all of Burma's over 2,000 political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi and those convicted in recent days," he said.

Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party won a landslide victory in 1990 elections, but Myanmar's junta never allowed them to take office.

She has spent most of the intervening years under house arrest in the country, which has been ruled by the military since 1962.

She is among more than 2,000 political prisoners in Myanmar, according to Amnesty International.

The US Campaign for Burma meanwhile urged Washington to convene an emergency UN Security Council meeting to formulate an international response to Myanmar, including imposing an arms embargo.

When asked whether the US government would push for such a meeting, Wood replied: "I don't want to talk about what we may or may not do, but we obviously are going to raise this issue at various levels."

Japan set to offer billions to help emerging economies

http://news.yahoo.com/s/afp/20081113/bs_afp/financeeconomyjapan_081113074920

by Daniel Rook Daniel Rook – 1 hr 45 mins ago AFP/File – The International Monetary Fund's logo outside the financial group's headquarters in Washington, …

TOKYO (AFP) – Japan is ready to lend 100 billion dollars to help emerging nations battered by the financial crisis, reports said Thursday, as a central banker warned Asia's largest economy also faces a long slump.

Prime Minister Taro Aso will announce the plan at a summit on the financial crisis this weekend in Washington that will bring together leaders of the Group of 20 industrialised and emerging countries, Japanese media reported.

Japan is willing to lend up to about 10 percent of its 980-billion-dollar foreign exchange reserves to the International Monetary Fund , which counts on Tokyo as its second-largest donor, the Nikkei business daily reported.

It said Japan would offer to lend the reserves in the form of US Treasuries which the IMF could use as collateral to raise money should it experience a shortage of funds.

Finance Minister Shoichi Nakagawa said the government was still finalising its plans.

But not everyone is happy about the prospect of Japan lending so much money to ease the global slump -- and boost its clout -- at a time when its own economy is facing a likely recession.

"Of course, it is important to save emerging economies, but how about our own country? We would be much happier if the same amount was earmarked for us," said Daisuke Uno, chief strategist at Sumitomo Mitsui Banking Corp.

"Although Japan is not seeking to have fun poked at it as the 'world's wallet,' this sort of action will only renew the joke," he said.

Japan's economy shrank in the second quarter of this year and there are increasing fears that it is set for a long downturn.

The Tokyo stock market has lost almost half its value this year. The Nikkei dropped 5.25 percent on Thursday after the US government scrapped a plan to buy toxic mortgage debts.

The Japanese economy, the second-biggest in the world, faces an extended slump because of the global financial crisis, a member of the central bank's interest rate-setting committee warned.

The financial crisis is curbing economic growth, "putting the Japanese economy on the brink of a long-term adjustment phase," Bank of Japan policy board member Seiji Nakamura said in a speech in southwestern Japan.

The Bank of Japan last month cut its super-low interest rates for the first time in seven years, joining central banks around the world fighting the worst financial crisis in decades by reducing the cost of borrowing.

Aso has said he wants to play a leading role in the G20 summit, sharing Japan's experience in beating its own banking sector crisis and economic implosion in the 1990s.

Tokyo is the second-largest donor after Washington to many global institutions, including the IMF, but its attempts to raise its voice on the world stage have often ended in failure.

"Aso can always offer money. That is what probably everybody else wants him to do," said Noriko Hama, a professor at Doshisha University in Kyoto.

"This is potentially a great time for Japanese diplomacy. But the Japanese are notoriously bad at making the most of these kind of opportunities. They trip up in front of the goal posts," she said.

At the Washington summit, Japan also plans to call on other countries with ample foreign exchange reserves, such as China and Middle Eastern oil-producing nations, to provide funds, the Nikkei said.

The IMF has about 200 billion dollars in surplus funds but it is scrambling to bolster its finances because it is expected to make several large loans to countries such as Iceland, Serbia and Ukraine, it noted.

OBAMA SILENT ON 70000 MYANMAR REFUGEES-SPILL OVE TO MANIPUR STATE

http://nsanajaoba.blogspot.com/2008/11/obama-silent-on-70000-myanmar-refugees.html

Guwahati,11 November,2008
________________
Heroin production,AIDS,7oooo Burmese refugees,maritime insecurity,human rights abuses and the democracy-impasse characterise Manipur's ancient neighbour- Myanmar[Burma]. Burmese refugee spill-overs reach out to small state like Manipur and the drug-trajectory passes through Manipur as the nodal point.

Barack Obama may shift his focus to China rather than giving a thought to Burma and the Asean.However, two of his senior advisors- Frank Januzzi and Robert Gelbar- have been urging upon him to sign the TAC in order to join the East Asia summit.The region with a population of 500 million souls may not be under-focused by any leader worth the salt.

His would- be- predecessor Bush had not been invited to the East Asan summit,since the USA had refused to sign the non-aggression pact- the TAC. USA need not shy away from being a dignified party to non-aggression pacts, in order to demonstrate to the world that rogue-state need not be tagged to the US.

Maritime security,environmental issues, climate change, sustainable development fall within Barack Obama's agenda for change.Burma matter need not be dragged into the UN security council agenda,as somes states wished to do so.Basically,Obama seems to welcome a 'change from within' Myanmar which could remain a wishful foreign policy speculation as long as the region is not taken care of in the Asian initiative.Manipur had been Burma's ancient neighbour which gives shelter to Burmese refugees in a small way though.Obama's change is yet to be made pragmatic in the usual American sense.
Posted by Naorem Sanajaoba,Professor of Law,Assam,India at 9:27 AM

【PFB緊急声明】民主化活動家14名への懲役65年の刑に抗議する

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　　　　ビルマ市民フォーラム　メールマガジン　　　　　2008/11/12
People's Forum on Burma　　　
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昨日午後、民主化運動に関わったためビルマで拘束されている
「88世代学生グループ」14名が懲役65年の刑に処せられたことを
うけ、本日、ビルマ市民フォーラムは以下の声明を発表いたします。

ビルマ市民フォーラム
　代表　永井　浩
http://www1.jca.apc.org/pfb/

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【PFB緊急声明】 2008.11.12
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民主化活動家14名への懲役65年の刑に抗議する
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ビルマ市民フォーラムは，ビルマ軍事政権（SPDC）が昨年以降，
民主化活動を行った学生リーダーや市民の身柄を拘束し続け，
昨日11月11日に，主要な民主化活動家14名を，懲役65年の刑に
処したことに対し，強く抗議するとともに，拘束した人々を
直ちに釈放するよう強く要請する。判決は11月11日の午後1時，
インセイン刑務所にて下され，その手続きは家族にすら非公開で
行われた。

2007年8月15日，SPDCが燃料価格・日用品価格を大幅に引き
上げたことに対して，8月17日夜，民主化運動団体「88世代
学生グループ」は国民が直面している社会経済的な苦境を打開
するよう求める声明文を発表し，翌日以降「88年世代学生グル
ープ」や市民数百人が抗議行動を行った。

この学生グループの平和的な抗議活動に対し，SPDCはこれを
たちどころに弾圧し，ただちに彼らを逮捕・拘束した。そして
今回の懲役65年の刑が言い渡された。今回のかかる処分は，
彼らに対して終身刑を科することを意味するものであり，軍事
政権の容赦のない強硬な姿勢を示すとともに，民主化を希望する
彼らとの対話を一切拒否していることの証でもあって，民主化と
平和を求める国民の声を完全に封じ込めようとする行為であると
言わざるを得ない。

ビルマ市民フォーラムは，SPDCに対し，直ちに彼らを含む
全ての政治囚を早期に釈放し，ビルマ国民の声に真摯に耳を
傾け，対話による事態の改善に取り組むよう強く要請する。

また，ビルマ市民フォーラムは今回の判決の内容に深く憂慮し，
日本政府において，SPDCに対し，彼らへの終身刑にも匹敵する
処分は，ビルマの民主化を希求するビルマ国民と国際社会に対
する重大な挑戦であって，許されざる行為であることを明確に
伝え，直ちに彼らを含む全ての政治囚を即刻，無条件に釈放
することを求めるよう要求する。

2008年11月12日

ビルマ市民フォーラム
代表　　永井　　浩

（追記）
ビルマ市民フォーラムは1996年12月に結成された市民団体で，
ビルマ（ミャンマー）における人権の確立と民主化の推進を目標に，
国内在住のビルマ人（難民および難民申請者を数多く含む），
ならびにこの問題に関心を有する多くの日本人と共に，さまざまな
活動を続けています。

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①Thin Thin Aye (aka) Mie Mie（女性）

②Nilar Thein （女性）

③Kyaw Min Yu (aka) Jimmy（男性）

④Min Zaya（男性）

⑤Zaw Zaw Min（男性）

⑥Than Tin (aka) Kyi Than（男性）

⑦Zaya (aka) Kalama（男性）

⑧Ant Bwe Kyaw（男性）

⑨Kyaw Kyaw Htwe (aka) Marky（男性）

⑩Pannate Tun（男性）

⑪Thet Zaw（男性）

⑫Mar Mar Oo（女性）

⑬Sandar Min (aka) Shwee（女性）

⑭Thet Thet Aung.（女性）

以上、14名の「88世代学生グループ」メンバー。

この他、スースーヌウェさん（以前、国際労働機関（ILO）に対して、強制労働を
告発したために拘束された経験をもつ、女性活動家）に対し、懲役12年6ヶ月の
刑が下され、僧侶5名にも懲役65年の判決が下された。

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＜参考＞

▼ビルマ政治囚支援協会（本部タイ／英語）
http://www.aappb.org/
元政治囚により設立された団体で、政治囚の状況を広く世界に伝えたり、国内の
政治囚の家族への支援、元政治囚のサポートなどを行っている団体。

▼スースーヌウェさんについてはこちら・・・
【アジア太平洋資料センター　ウェブサイトより】
精神の革命―ビルマ民主化蜂起と「理念」の力 (文＝箱田　徹）
http://www.parc-jp.org/alter/2007/alter_2007_11_tetsugaku.html

▼上記、②Nilar Thein さんに関する記事はこちら・・・
【日刊ベリタ】2009年9月13日付
昨年の民主化蜂起の女性リーダーが逮捕　
潜伏先から日本の支援求めるメッセージも
http://www.nikkanberita.com/read.cgi?id=200809132144226

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以上、
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　　　　　　◇　ビルマ市民フォーラム事務局　◇　
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
〒160-0004　東京都新宿区四谷一丁目18番地6　四谷1丁目ウエストビル4階　　
いずみ橋法律事務所内　
電話０３－５３１２－４８１７（直）／　FAX:０３―５３１２－４５４３
E-mail： pfb@xsj.biglobe.ne.jp
ホームページ：　http://www1.jca.apc.org/pfb/
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GREETING TO DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI ON HER RELEASE(13-11-2010)

ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုႀကည္ကိုယ္စိတ္နွစ္ျဖာက်န္းမာပါေစ

ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုႀကည္ေဘးရန္အေပါင္းမွကင္းပါေစ

ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုႀကည္ တိုင္းရင္းသားျပည္သူေတြအက်ိဳး

စထက္တံပိုးသယ္ပိုးနိုင္ပါေစ

ျပည္ေထာင္စုျမန္မာနိုင္ငံေတာ္ေအးခ်မ္းပါေစ

ျပည္ေထာင္စုသားအားလုံးကိုယ္စိတ္နွစ္ျဖာက်န္းမာခ်မ္းသာပါေစ

INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS DAY-2009-TOKYO

Human Rights day is observed throughout the international community every year on December 10th because that commemorates the date in 1948 on which the UN adopted the Universal Declaration on Human Rights.

The theme for Human Rights Day 2009 is the fundamental importance of non-discrimination as captured in the slogan "Embrace diversity, End discrimination."
Again this year, on December 10, let’s observe Human Rights Day in Japan.

Place – In front of United Nations University, Shibuya-ku, Jingumae 5–53–70, Tokyo 150-8925
Date – December 10, 2009 (Thursday)
Time – 3 PM to 5 PM
Contact – JAC
090-4964-9718,
090-9831-7192,
090-1506-2893,
090-5318-5054,
090-6505-6858

PEACEFUL BURMA GROUP(FORMED IN 09-09-2009)

OUR AIM

-TO FIGHT AGAINST THE BURMESE MILITARY REGIME

-TO PROMOTE DEMOCRACY AND PEACE IN BURMA

-TO PROMOTE KNOWLEDGE BASE SOCIETY IN BURMA

-TO PROMOTE PEACEFUL COEXISTANCE BETWEEN

BURMA AND NEIGHBOURING COUNTRIES

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私達の目標

-ビルマ軍事政権との闘い

-ビルマの民主主義そして平和を促進するため

-ビルマの知識ベースの社会を促進するため

-ビルマと近隣諸国間の平和共存を促進するため

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OUR TEAM

PHONE HLAING

MANAGING DIRECTOR

THAN WIN

DIRECTOR

DOCUMENTATION AND MEDIA

MAR LAR

DIRECTOR

ARTS , PUBLICATION AND MEDIA

HAN NI NI HTUN

DIRECTOR

PERFORMING ARTS AND MEDIA

MAUNG KYI SHEIN

DIRECTOR

MASS MEDIA

在日ビルマー人共同行動実行委員会（ＪＡＣ）参加団体

1 Arakan League for Democracy ALD Exile-JP
アラカン民主連盟（亡命／日本）
2 Burma Democratic Action Group BDA Group
ビルマ民主アクショングループ
3 Chin National Community CNC-Japan
チン民族コミュニテイ-
4 Democratic Federation of Burma DFB
ビルマ民主連合
5 Kachin National Organization, Japan KNO-JP
カチン民族機構6 Kachin State National Congress forDemocracy (Liberated Area-Japan)KNCD (LA-JP)
カチン州民主民族評義会（解放地域―日本）
7 Karen National League KNL-JP
カレン民族連盟（日本）
8 Karen National Union - Japan KNU-JP
カレン民族同盟（日本支部）
9 Naga National Society NNS
ナガ民族社会
10 National Democratic Front (Burma)Representative for JapanNDF (B)
民族民主戦線（日本支部）
11 Palaun National Society PNS
パラウン民族社会
12 Punnyagari Mon National Society PMNS
ポンニャカリモン民族社会
13 Shan Nationalities for Democracy - Japan SND-JP
在日シャン民族民主主議会
14 Shan State Nationalities for Democracy -JapanSSND-JP
シャン州民族民主化（日本）
15 Confederation of National Youth forBurma (Japan Branch)CNYB (JB)
ビルマ国民青年連盟（日本―支部）
16 Save Burma
17Peaceful Burma (ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းျမန္မာ)
平和なビルマ

２００９－OCTOBER-25

Joint Action Committee of Burmese Community in Japan
( J A C )

Aung San Suu Kyi

The only real prison is fear, and the only real freedom is freedom from fear.
唯一の実質の刑務所は恐れであり、唯一の実質の自由は恐れからの自由である。
့တကယ့္အက်ဥ္းေထာင္အစစ္ ဟာ
ေႀကာက္ရံြ ့မႈ-အေႀကာက္တရားဘဲ
တကယ့္လြတ္လပ္မႈအစစ္ကေတာ့
ေႀကာက္ရံြ ့ျခင္းကလြတ္ေျမာက္မႈဘဲ
Burmese Translation-Phone Hlaing-fwubc

ႊႊႊဤဘေလာက္၏ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္-Aim-目的

သိရိွသင့္ေသာကမၻာသတင္းနွင့္ ျမန္မာနိုင္ငံ၏နိုင္ငံေရးရာအျဖာျဖာ
ကိုဒီမိုကရက္တစ္ျမန္မာသတင္းမီဒီယာမ်ားနွင့္လက္တဲြ၍တင္ျပ
ေဆြးေႏြးသြားရန္၊ အထူးသျဖင့္ ျမန္မာနိုင္ငံ၏အေျခအေနအျဖစ္မွန္
မ်ားကိုဂ်ပန္နိုင္ငံသားမ်ားအႀကားပိုမိုနားလည္လာေစရန္အတြက္
သတင္းျဖန္ ့ေ၀သြားရန္ရည္ရြယ္ပါသည္။
To report and discuss suitable world news and the situation of Burma in co-ordinate with other democratic Burmese medias , especially to provide the japanese people with true Burmese news in order to better understanding of our country.
ビルマの適したワールド・ニュースそして状態を論議することは他の民主的なビルマ媒体と報告し、特に私達の国の理解をよくするために本当のビルマのニュースを日本人に与えるために調整する。

NLD ဆိုတာ သိခ်င္ရင္ဖတ္ႀကည့္

NLD ကိုေတာ္လွန္ေရးတစ္ခုလံုး မျပီးလို ့အျပစ္ေတြပံုခ်မယ္ဆိုဒီလူငယ္ေတြနဲ ့အတူ ခင္ဗ်ားတို ့ခန ေလးသြားရပ္ႀကည့္ပါ။။။စာန ဲ ့ေရးဖို ့အသံနဲ ့ေအာ္ဖို ့သိတ္လြယ္တဲ့ေခတ္မွာ ေရးလို ့ေအာ္လို ့ ရတာေပါ ့ဗ်ာ တကယ္လက္ေတြ အသက္နဲ ့ေထာင္နဲ ့ရင္းျပီးျပည္သူေရွ ့မွာမားမားရပ္ေန တာ NLD ပါ ။၈၈၈၈မ်ိဳးဆက္အဖြဲ မရွိစဥ ္ကလည္း ပြဲတိုင္း ရက္ျမတ္တိုင္းမွာေရွ့ထြက္ခဲ့တာNLD ပါပဲ ၈၈၈၈ မ်ိဳးဆက္အမ်ားစုေထာင္ထဲ၀င္သြားရလည္း ဆက္ တိုက္ေနတာNLD ပါ ဘယ္အဖြဲအစည္းဘယ္အုပ္စုမွ ဒီလိုထြက္တိုက္ဖို ့ မရဲ၀ံ့တဲ့အေျခအေနမွာNLD ကို၀န္းရံ ရမယ္ NLD ကိုအားေပးရမယ္ စစ္မွန္တဲ့အေျခအေနတရပ္ကိုလက္ခံရမယ္ ျပည္တြင္းအားဟာအဓိကဆိုရင္မ်က္ေမွာက္ေရွ့ကအမွန္တရားကို လက္ကိုလက္ခံရမယ္
Posted by laminkhin at 5:15 AM 3 comments

ဘဝ

ဘဝဟူသည္ စစ္ေျမျပင္ျဖစ္၏။ ဘဝစစ္ေျမျပင္တြင္ အကုသိုလ္နွင့္
ကုသိုလ္ တို ့သည္ အျမဲတေစ အခ်င္းခ်င္းတိုက္ခိုက္ေနႀက၏။ ဓမၼနွင့္
အဓမၼ တို ့သည္ ခဏမစဲ တိုက္ခိုက္ေနႀက၏။ ကုသိုလ္ကနိုင္လ်ွင္
ခ်မ္းသာ၏။ အကုသိုလ္ကနိုင္လ်ွင္ ဆင္းရဲ၏။ ဓမၼကနိုင္လ်ွင္ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္း
၏။ အဓမၼကနိုင္လ်ွင္ ဆူပြက္၏။

人権の普遍的な宣言 -Universal Declaration of Human Rights

人権の普遍的な宣言 " 皆に平和なアセンブリおよびassociation."の自由に権利がある; -記事20 " 皆におよび表現言論の自由に権利がある; この権利は意見をinteferenceなしで持ち、追求するために自由を含んでいる; あらゆる媒体によってそしてフロンティアにもかかわらず情報および考えを受け取り、与えなさい。 " -記事19

Universal Declaration of Human Rights"Everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association." - Article 20 "Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without inteference and to seek; receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers. " -Article 19

AUNG SAN SUU KYI

Biography*
伝記
1942:
September 6. Marriage of Aung San, commander of the Burma Independence Army, and Ma Khin Kyi (becoming Daw Khin Kyi), senior nurse of Rangoon General Hospital, where he had recovered from the rigours of the march into Burma.
昂山、司令官、およびビルマの独立軍隊のMa Khin Kyi (なるDaw Khin Kyi)の9月6.日の結婚、彼がビルマに行進の厳しさから回復したラングーンの総合病院の年長の看護婦。

1945:
June 19. Aung San Suu Kyi born in Rangoon, third child in family. "Aung San" for father, "Kyi" for mother, "Suu" for grandmother, also day of week of birth.Favourite brother is to drown tragically at an early age. The older brother, will settle in San Diego, California, becoming United States citizen.
6月19日。ラングーンで耐えられるAung San Suu Kyi家族の第3子供。 " 昂山の" 父のため、" Kyi" 母のため、" Suu" 祖母のため、また生れの週の日。好みの兄弟は若年時に悲劇的に浸るべきである。より古い兄弟はサンディエゴ、カリフォルニア、なる米国ので、市民解決する。

1947:
July 19. General Aung San assassinated. Suu Kyi is two years old. Daw Khin Kyi becomes a prominent public figure, heading social planning and social policy bodies.
7月19日。暗殺される昂山概要。 Suu Kyiは2歳である。 Daw Khin Kyiは顕著な著名な人物になり、社会的な計画および社会政策ボディの先頭に立つ。

1948:
January 4. The Independent Union of Burma is established.
1月4.日。ビルマの独立した連合は確立される。

1960:
Daw Khin Kyi appointed Burma's ambassador to India. Suu Kyi accompanies mother to New Delhi.
Daw Khin KyiはBurma'を任命した; インドへのsの大使。 Suu Kyiはニューデリーに母に伴う。

1960-64:
Suu Kyi at high school and Lady Shri Ram College in New Delhi.
ニューデリーの高等学校および女性Shri Ram CollegeのSuu Kyi。

1964-67:
Oxford University, B.A. in philosophy, politics and economics at St. Hugh's College (elected Honorary Fellow, 1990).British "parents" are Lord Gore-Booth, former British ambassador to Burma and High Commissioner in India, and his wife, at whose home Suu Kyi meets Michael Aris, student of Tibetan civilisation.
哲学のオックスフォード大学、B.A.、St. Hugh'の政治および経済学; sの大学(名誉上Fellow 1990年と選ばれる)。イギリスの" parents" 主、前のイギリスの大使、および家のSuu KyiにミハエルArisに会う彼の妻はインドのビルマそして高等弁務官に、チベット文明の学生あるゴアフース。

1969-71:
She goes to New York for graduate study, staying with family friend Ma Than E, staff member at the United Nations, where U. Thant of Burma is Secretary-General. Postponing studies, Suu Kyi joins U.N. secretariat as Assistant Secretary, Advisory Committee on Administrative and Budgetary Questions. Evenings and weekends volunteers at hospital, helping indigent patients in programs of reading and companionship.
彼女はビルマのU. Thantが事務総長である国際連合にEより家族の友人Maと、職員とどまる大学院の調査のためのニューヨークに行く。調査を延期して、Suu Kyiは補助秘書、管理上および予算上の質問の諮問委員会としてU.Nの秘書課を結合する。夕方は読書および交際のプログラムの貧しい患者を助ける病院でボランティアの週末を過ごし。

1972:
January 1. Marries Michael Aris, joins him in Himalayan kingdom of Bhutan, where he tutors royal family and heads Translation Department. She becomes Research Officer in the Royal Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
1月1.日はミハエルArisと、結合する彼が王室を個別指導し、翻訳部を先頭に立つブータンのヒマラヤ王国の彼を結婚する。彼女は高貴な外務省の研究の役人になる。

1973:
They return to England for birth of Alexander in London.
それらはロンドンのアレキサンダーの生れのためのイギリスに戻る。

1974:
Michael assumes appointment in Tibetan and Himalayan studies at Oxford University.
ミハエルはオックスフォード大学でチベットおよびヒマラヤ調査の任命を仮定する。

1977:
Birth of second son, Kim at Oxford.While raising her children, Suu Kyi begins writing, researches for biography of father, and assists Michael in Himalayan studies.
第2息子、オックスフォードの金の生れ。彼女の子供を育てている間、Suu Kyiは書き始め父の伝記のために研究し、そしてヒマラヤ調査のミハエルを助ける。

1984:
Publishes Aung San in Leaders of Asia series of University of Queensland Press. (See Freedom from Fear, pp. 3-38.)
アジアの一連のクイーンズランド出版物の大学のリーダーの昂山を出版する。 (恐れ、PPからの自由を見なさい。 3-38。)

1985:
For juvenile readers publishes Let's Visit Burma (see Freedom from Fear, pp. 39-81), also books on Nepal and Bhutan in same series for Burke Publishing Company, London.
年少の読者のためにLet'を出版する; sはビルマを訪問する(恐れ、PPからの自由を見なさい。 39-81)、またBurke Publishing Company、ロンドンのための同じシリーズのネパールそしてブータンで予約する。

1985-86:
Visiting Scholar, Center of Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University, researching father's time in Japan. Kim with her, Alexander with Michael, who has fellowship at Indian Institute of Advanced Studies at Simla in northern India.
客員学者、東南アジアの調査の中心、father'を研究する京都大学; 日本の時間。彼女、北インドでSimlaで高度研究のインドの協会で団体があるミハエルを持つアレキサンダーとの金。

1986:
On annual visit to grandmother in Rangoon, Alexander and Kim take part in traditional Buddhist ceremony of initiation into monkhood.
ラングーンの祖母への年次訪問で、アレキサンダーおよび金はmonkhoodに開始の従来の仏教式に加わる。

1987:
With fellowship at Indian Institute Suu Kyi, with Kim, joins Michael and Alexander in Simla. Travels to London when mother is there for cataract surgery.Publishes "Socio-Political Currents in Burmese Literature, 1910-1940" in journal of Tokyo University. (See Freedom from Fear, pp. 140-164.) September. Family returns to Oxford. Suu Kyi enrolls at London School of Oriental and African Studies to work on advanced degree.
インドの協会Suu Kyiの団体によって、金によって、Simlaのミハエルそしてアレキサンダーを結合する。母が激流の外科のためにそこにいる場合のロンドンへの旅行。 "を出版する; ビルマの文献、1910-1940"の社会政治的な流れ; 東京大学のジャーナル。 (恐れ、PPからの自由を見なさい。 140-164。) 9月。家族はオックスフォードに戻る。 Suu Kyiはオリエンタルのロンドンの学校で登録し、アフリカ人は高級学位に取り組むために調査する。

1988:
March 31. Informed by telephone of mother's severe stroke, she takes plane next day to Rangoon to help care for Daw Khin Kyi at hospital, then moves her to family home on University Avenue next to Inya Lake in Rangoon.
July 23. Resignation of General Ne Win, since 1962 military dictator of Burma. Popular demonstrations of protest continuing.
August 8. Mass uprising throughout country. Violent suppression by military kills thousands.
August 15. Suu Kyi, in first political action, sends open letter to government, asking for formation of independent consultative committee to prepare multi-party elections.
August 26. In first public speech, she addresses several hundred thousand people outside Shwedagon Pagoda, calling for democratic government. Michael and her two sons are there.
September 18. Military establishes State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). Political gatherings of more than four persons banned. Arrests and sentencing without trial reaffirmed. Parliamentary elections to be held, but in expectation that multiplicity of parties will prevent clear result.
September 24. National League for Democracy (NLD) formed, with Suu Kyi general-secretary. Policy of non-violence and civil disobedience. October-December. Defying ban, Suu Kyi makes speech-making tour throughout country to large audiences.
December 27. Daw Khin Kyi dies at age of seventy-six.
3月31日。 mother'の電話によって知らせられる; sの厳しい打撃、彼女はラングーンに病院でDaw Khin Kyiのための心配を助けるために飛行機を翌日持って行ったりそして大学道の実家にラングーンのInya湖の隣で彼女を動かす。
7月23日。ビルマの1962軍隊の独裁者以来の概要のNeWin辞職。抗議の継続の普及したデモンストレーション。
国中の8月8.日の多くの反乱。軍隊による激しい抑制はたくさんを殺す。
8月15日。 Suu Kyiは、最初政治行動で複数政党制の選挙を準備することを独立した諮問委員会の形成を頼んでいる政府に、公開書簡を送る。
8月26日。最初公共のスピーチでは、彼女は民主政治を求めるShwedagonの塔の外の数十万人に演説する。ミハエルおよび彼女の2人の息子はそこにいる。
9月18日。軍隊は州の法と秩序の復帰議会(SLORC)を確立する。禁止される4人以上の政治収集。再確認される試験なしで阻止そして刑を宣告すること。党の多様性が明確な結果を防ぐこと予想で、しかし握られるべき議会選挙。
9月24日。 Suu Kyiの一般的秘書と、形作られる民主主義(NLD)のための国民リーグ。非暴力および市民的不服従の方針。
10月12月。挑む禁止、Suu Kyiは多数の聴衆に国中の旅行のスピーチ作成をする。
12月27日。 Daw Khin Kyiは７６の年齢で死ぬ。

1989:
January 2. Funeral of Daw Khin Kyi. Huge funeral procession. Suu Kyi vows that as her father and mother had served the people of Burma, so too would she, even unto death.
January-July. Suu Kyi continues campaign despite harassment, arrests and killings by soldiers.
February 17. Suu Kyi prohibited from standing for election.
April 5. Incident in Irawaddy Delta when Suu Kyi courageously walks toward rifles soldiers are aiming at her.
July 20. Suu Kyi placed under house arrest, without charge or trial. Sons already with her. Michael flies to Rangoon, finds her on third day of hunger strike, asking to be sent to prison to join students arrested at her home. Ends strike when good treatment of students is promised.
Daw Khin Kyiの1月2.日の葬式。巨大な葬列。彼女の父母としてビルマの人々に役立ったSuu Kyiの誓約は、そう余りに死に彼女。
1月7月。 Suu Kyiは兵士によって悩みの種、阻止および殺害にもかかわらずキャンペーンを続ける。 2月17日。選挙のために立つことから禁止されるSuu Kyi。
Suu Kyiがライフルの兵士の方に勇ましく歩くときIrawaddyのデルタの4月5.日の事件は彼女を目指している。
7月20日。充満か試験なしに自宅軟禁の下に、置かれるSuu Kyi。彼女を持つ息子既に。ミハエルはラングーンに、見つける刑務所に送られることを頼むハンガーストライキの第3日の彼女を彼女の家で阻止される学生を結合するために飛ぶ。端は学生のよい処置が約束されるとき打つ。

1990:
May 27. Despite detention of Suu Kyi, NLD wins election with 82% of parliamentary seats. SLORC refuses to recognise results.
October 12. Suu Kyi granted 1990 Rafto Human Rights Prize.
5月27日。 Suu Kyiの延滞にもかかわらず、NLDは国会の議席の82%の選挙に勝つ。 SLORCは結果を確認することを断る。
10月12日。 Suu Kyiは1990年のRaftoに入賞した人権を与えた。

1991:
July 10. European Parliament awards Suu Kyi Sakharov human rights prize.
October 14. Norwegian Nobel Committee announces Suu Kyi is winner of 1991 Peace Prize.
7月10.日の入賞したヨーロッパ議会賞のSuu Kyi Sakharovの人権。
10月14日。ノーベルノルウェーの委員会はSuu Kyiが1991年の平和賞の勝者であることを発表する。

1991:
December. Freedom from Fear published by Penguin in New York, England, Canada, Australia, New Zealand. Also in Norwegian, French, Spanish translations.
December 10. Alexander and Kim accept prize for mother in Oslo ceremony. Suu Kyi remains in detention, having rejected offer to free her if she will leave Burma and withdraw from politics. Worldwide appeal growing for her release.
12月。恐れからの自由はニューヨーク、イギリス、カナダ、オーストラリア、ニュージーランドのPenguinによって出版した。またノルウェー、フランスの、スペイン翻訳で。
12月10.日アレキサンダーおよび金はオスロ式の母のための賞を受け入れる。彼女がビルマを去り、政治から撤回すればSuu Kyiは彼女を放すために提供を拒絶する延滞に、残る。彼女の解放のために育つ世界的な懇願。

1992:
Suu Kyi announces that she will use $1.3 million prize money to establish health and education trust for Burmese people.
ビルマの人々のための健康および教育の信頼を確立するのに彼女が$1.3百万賞金を使用することをSuu Kyiは発表する。

1993:
Group of Nobel Peace Laureates, denied entry to Burma, visit Burmese refugees on Thailand border, call for Suu Kyi's release, Their appeal later repeated at UN Commission for Human Rights in Geneva.
ビルマに記入項目を否定されるノーベル平和受賞者のグループはタイのボーダー、Suu Kyi'のための呼出しのビルマの避難者を訪問する; s解放、後でジュネーブの人権のための国連任務で繰り返される懇願。

1994:
February. First non-family visitors to Suu Kyi: UN representative, U.S. congressman, New York Times reporter.
September-October. SLORC leaders meet with Suu Kyi, who still asks for a public dialogue.
2月。 Suu Kyiへの最初non-family訪問者: 国連代表、米国の国会議員、ニューヨーク・タイムズレポーター。
9月10月。 SLORCのリーダーはまだ公共ダイアログを頼むSuu Kyiに会う。

1995:
July 10. SLORC releases Suu Kyi from house arrest after six years of detention.
6年間の延滞後の自宅軟禁からの7月10.日SLORC解放Suu Kyi。

In the last four years her movements have still been restricted. While she has had some opportunities to telephone her family in England, she is regularly denounced in the government-controlled media, and there is concern for her personal safety. Efforts to revive any NLD party activities have been balked, and its members have been jailed and physically attacked. In the first months after detention was ended, she was able to speak to large gatherings of supporters outside her home, but this was stopped. Yet her popularity in the country has not diminished.
最後の4年で彼女の動きはまだ制限されてしまった。彼女がイギリスの彼女の家族に電話をかけるある機会を有する間、彼女は政府管理された媒体で規則的に公然と非難され、彼女の個人的な安全についての不安がある。 NLD党活動を復興させるための努力は妨げられ、メンバーは拘留され、物理的に攻撃された。最初の月では延滞が終わった後、彼女は彼女の家の外のサポータの大きい収集に話せたがこれは停止した。けれども国の彼女の人気は減少しなかった。

Internationally her voice has been heard not infrequently. Reporters with cameras and videotape have been able to interview her in person, and telephone interviews with the media outside Burma have also been published. Using video cassettes she has sent out statements, including the keynote address to the NGO Forum at the U.N. International Women's Conference in Beijing in August 1995.
国際的にずっと彼女の声はまれに聞かれている。カメラを持つレポーターおよびビデオテープは彼女に直々にインタビューできビルマ国外の媒体の電話インタビューはまた出版された。ビデオカセットを使用して彼女はU.N国際的なWomen'でNGOのフォーラムに基調演説を含む声明を、送り出した; 1995年8月の北京の会議。

There have been a number of visitors from abroad, including a member of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, whom she told that Norway will be the first country she will visit when free to travel. SLORC has changed its name to the State Peace and Development Council, but its repressive policies and violation of human rights continue unabated.
ノルウェーは彼女が訪問する最初の国であることに彼女が言ったノーベルノルウェーの委員会のメンバーを含んで外国から何人かの訪問者が、ずっとある、旅すること自由なとき。 SLORCは州の平和および開発議会に名前を変えたが、抑圧的な方針そして人権侵害は変わらない続ける。

Suu Kyi discourages tourists from visiting Burma and businessmen from investing in the country until it is free. She finds hearing for such pleas among western nations, and the United States has applied economic sanctions against Burma, but Burma's neighbours follow their policy of not intervening in the internal affairs of other sovereign states, and Burma has been admitted into the Association of South Eastern Asian Nations.
自由であるまでSuu Kyiは国に投資からのビルマそしてビジネスマンの訪問からツーリストを落胆させる。彼女は西欧諸国間のそのような嘆願のためのヒアリングを見つけ、米国はビルマに対して経済制裁、Burma'を適用した; sの隣人は他の主権国の国内事情の介入の彼らの方針に続き、ビルマは南東のアジア国家の連合に是認された。

On March 27, 1999, Michael Aris died of prostate cancer in London. He had petitioned the Burmese authorities to allow him to visit Suu Kyi one last time, but they had rejected his request. He had not seen her since a Christmas visit in 1995. The government always urged her to join her family abroad, but she knew that she would not be allowed to return. This separation she regarded as one of the sacrifices she had had to make in order to work for a free Burma.
1999年3月27日、ミハエルArisにロンドンの前立腺癌で死んだ。彼は彼がSuu Kyiを最後にもう一度訪問することを可能にするようにビルマの権限に嘆願したが彼の要求を拒絶した。彼は彼女にので1995年にクリスマスの訪問会わなかった。政府は彼女を彼女の家族に外国に加わるように常にせき立てたが彼女が戻ることは許されないことを彼女は知っていた。犠牲の1つが自由なビルマのために働くために彼女作らなければならなかったので彼女が見なしたこの分離。

Selected Bibliography
By Aung San Suu Kyi
Freedom from Fear and Other Writings. Edited with introduction by Michael Aris. 2nd ed., revised. New York and London: Penguin, 1995. (Includes essays by friends and scholars.)
Voice of Hope: Conversations. London: Penguin, 1997 and New York City: Seven Stories Press, 1997 (Conversations beginning in November 1995 with Alan Clements, the founder of the Burma Project in California who helped with the script for the film based on her life, “Beyond Rangoon”.)

Other Sources
“Aung San Suu Kyi”, in Current Biography, February 1992.
Clements, Alan and Leslie Kean. Burma’s Revolution of the Spirit: The Struggle for Democratic Freedom and Dignity. New York: Aperture, 1994. (Many colour photographs with text, Includes essay by Aung San Suu Kyi.)
Clements, Alan. Burma: The Next Killing Fields. Tucson, Arizona; Odonian Press, 1992. (With a foreword by the Dalai Lama.)
Lintner, Bertil. Burma in Revolt: Opium and Insurgency since 1948. Boulder. Colorado: Westview, 1994. (By a well-informed Swedish journalist.)
Lintner, Bertil. Outrage: Burma’s Struggle for Democracy. 2nd ed., Edinburgh: Kiscadale, 1995.
Mirante, Edith T. Burmese Looking Glass. A Human Rights Adventure and a Jungle Revolution. New York: Grove, 1993.
Smith, Martin J. Burma: Intrangency and the Politics of Ethnicity. London: Zed Books, 1991. (A detailed and well-organised account by a journalist of the violent conflict between the military government and the many minorities.)
Victor, Barbara. The Lady: Aung San Suu Kyi: Nobel Laureate and Burma’s Prisoner. Boston and London: Faber & Faber, 1998. (A sympathetic account by a wellpublished author and journalist, whose research in Burma included interviews with government leaders.)

http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates/1991/kyi-bio.html

A Short History of Burma,ビルマの短い歴史

Dinyar Godrej / New Internationalist

Beginnings
始め
Colonial historians of Burma claimed that its earliest civilizations had been founded under Indian influence and could not date back much beyond 500 CE. However, recent research indicates that civilization in Burma’s Irawaddy valley is very old – 3,500 years ago its inhabitants were farming rice, raising livestock and using bronze implements. In the fourth century, however, this civilization underwent its defining moment when it adopted South India’s Theravada style of Buddhism. Today over 80 per cent of Burma’s people are Buddhist and the country has the largest number of monks as a percentage of the total population.
ビルマの植民地歴史家は最も早い文明がインドの影響の下で創設され、500セリウムを越えて大いにさかのぼることができなかったことを主張した。但し、最近の研究はビルマIrawaddyの谷の文明が非常に古いことを示す- 3,500年前に住民は米を耕作して、家畜を育てたり青銅色の道具を使用していた。しかし第4世紀ではこの文明は仏教のインド南Theravada様式を採用した定義の時を経た。今日ビルマの80%に人々は仏教であり、国にパーセントとしての総人口として修道士の最大数がある。

Burma emerges
ビルマは現れる
By the ninth century a group of people from the north, the Bamar, gained prominence and founded the powerful kingdom of Pagan (today’s Bagan). Old city states gave way to a more unified administration, which reached it’s apogee during the reign of king Anawrahta (or Aniruddha) who successfully unified all of Burma by 1057. The line of kings that followed him constructed thousands of pagodas, and also monasteries, libraries and colleges. Their harnessing of water resources led to a surge in rice production.
However, the Buddhist kingdom was isolated from its geographical neighbours who followed other religions. The growing influence of the monkhood over resources prompted a decline, inviting Mongol and Tartar invasions. The succeeding centuries would be marked by divisions, as various ruling dynasties rose and fell, and territories under their control underwent constant permutation.
北、Bamarの得られた卓越性からの集団第9世紀までにおよび異教徒(今日Bagan)の強力な王国創設される。古い都市国家は1057年までに首尾よくビルマすべてを統一した王Anawrahta達したより統一された管理にくずれた、(またはAniruddha)の統治の間にそれにである最高点。彼に続いた王のラインは塔およびまた修道院、図書館および大学のたくさんを組み立てた。水資源の利用は米の生産のサージに導いた。但し、仏教の王国は他の宗教に続いた地理的な隣人から隔離された。資源上のmonkhoodの成長する影響は低下、勧誘モンゴル人および酒石の侵入を促した。次の世紀は分割によってさまざまな支配する王朝が、制御の下の領域は経た一定した順列を上がり、下ったので、示され。

Bayinnaung’s empire
Bayinnaung 帝国
The next unifier of Burma would emerge in the mid-sixteenth century. Bayinnaung was an expansionist ruler who waged relentless war in order to gain increasingly larger areas of territory. His aggression is much admired by the military rulers of today’s Burma, for whom he is a role model. Upon his death in 1581 at 66 years of age his rule stretched over almost all of Burma, Thailand and Laos. But such dominion, won at great cost, was difficult to hold on to, and soon after his death sections of his empire began to fall away.
ビルマの次のunifier中間第16世紀に現れる。 Bayinnaungは領域のますます大きい区域を得るために無情な戦争を行った拡張主義の定規だった。彼の侵略は彼が模範である今日ビルマの軍の定規によって大いに賞賛される。 66年齢の1581年に彼の死に彼の規則はビルマ、タイおよびラオスほとんどすべてに伸びた。しかしすばらしい費用で勝たれたそのような支配権は彼の帝国の彼の死セクションが離れ始めた後しがみつきにくくすぐに。

Wars with Britain
英本国との戦争
Burmese expansionism in the late eighteenth century caused strife with China, but it was Burmese general Maha Bandula’s conquest of Assam in 1824 that would pit Burma against an enemy that would come to occupy it – Britain. Whereas the first Anglo-Burmese War (1824-1826) was fought to regain territory that Burma had wrested away from British India, by the time of the third war in 1885, which resulted in the total annexation of Burma, other factors were at play. The British viewed Burma not so much as land that they definitely needed to control, but as a market they needed to capture and as a backdoor to lucrative trade with China.
遅い18世紀のビルマ拡張主義により中国との争いを引き起こしたが、それはそれを占めることを来る敵に対してビルマを-英本国凹める1824年にAssamのビルマMaha Bandula大将の征服だった。ビルマがイギリスのインドから取り上げた領域を取り戻すために最初の英国ビルマ戦争ビルマの総併合で起因した1885年が演劇に他の要因の第3戦争のあったまでに、(1824-1826年)が戦った一方。イギリスは完全に制御する必要があったが、市場としてもうかる中国の貿易に裏口として捕獲する必要があり、土地としてビルマをそんなに見た。

A province of India
インドの地域
The British made Burma a province of India in 1886 and instigated far-reaching changes to the country’s make up. Indians were brought in to fill civil-service jobs and the business interests of Indians and Chinese in Burma were encouraged, which bred resentment in many Burmese people. Agriculture was geared towards export and Burma became the world’s largest exporter of rice. Resistance to British rule continued in the northern territories up until 1890, when the British finally destroyed entire villages in order to halt guerrilla activity – a tactic still favoured by today’s military junta. Here, as elsewhere, divide-and-rule was characteristic of British governance, with certain ethnic groups being favoured over others, creating clashes of loyalties.
イギリスは1886年にインドおよび国への扇動された広範囲に及ぶ変更のビルマに地域を構成させる。インド人は市民サービス仕事を満たすために持って来られ、多くのビルマの人々の敵意を繁殖させたビルマのインド人および中国語の企業利益は励まされた。農業は輸出の方に連動になり、ビルマは米の世界の最も大きい輸出業者になった。イギリスの規則への抵抗は1890年まで北方領土でゲリラの活動-それでも今日の軍隊の会議が支持した作戦--を停止させるためにイギリスが最終的に全体の村を破壊したときに、続いた。ここでは、他の所でとして、分けおよび規則は他に支持されてある特定の民族グループがイギリスの支配に独特、であり忠誠の衝突を作成する。

The new masters
新しいマスター
Protests by university students in 1920 were the first signs of renewed resistance against British rule. Strikes and anti-tax protests followed, with Buddhist monks playing a prominent role and even leading armed rebellion. Rangoon University was a hotbed of radicalism and a young law student, Aung San, gained increasing prominence in the movement for national autonomy. He and fellow student Nu (a later Prime Minister of Burma) joined the thakin movement. The name, which translates as ‘master’, was an appropriation of the term colonial subjects in Burma had to use for the British. Now it signified that Burmese citizens wanted to be masters of their own destiny.
1920の大学生による抗議はイギリスの規則に対して更新された抵抗の最初の印だった。殴打および反税の抗議は大きな役割および一流の武装した暴動をしていて僧侶が、続いた。ラングーン大学は改革主義および若い法科の学生、昂山の国民の自主性のための動きの増加する得られた卓越性の温床だった。彼および学生Nu (ビルマのより遅い総理大臣)はthakinの動きを結合した。 `master'，がビルマの言葉の植民地主題の割り当てだったので翻訳する名前、イギリスのために使用しなければならなかった。今度はビルマの市民が彼らの自身の運命のマスターでありたいと思ったことを示した。

World War manoeuvres
世界大戦は操縦する
The start of the Second World War saw the administration of Burma separated from India. For some nationalists the War presented an opportunity to gain concessions towards autonomy in return for Burmese support in the hostilities, but the thakins rejected any participation in the war. The nationalists drew much inspiration from Marxist ideas and the Sinn Féin movement in Ireland. Aung San co-founded the Communist Party of Burma. He sought contact with Chinese communists, but the Japanese authorities got to him first, promising military training and support for a national uprising. Aung San and 29 other young men, known as the Thirty Comrades, left for Hainan Island in China (which was under Japanese occupation) for the promised training. The deal was that the Japanese would help Burma rid itself of the British colonialists and grant independence. But with the Japanese invasion of Burma in 1942 came the growing realization that one set of colonialists had been exchanged for another. Aung San then quickly changed sides and negotiated with the British to drive out the Japanese. Having had his brush with the imperial ambitions of Japan, he was also one of the founders of the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL). The Japanese were successfully expelled from Burma in May 1945. However, many parts of the country lay in ruins, devastated by warfare.
第二次世界大戦の開始はインドから分かれていたビルマの管理を見た。何人かの国家主義者のために戦争は敵意のビルマ人サポートに対して自主性の方の譲歩を得る機会を示したがthakinsは戦争の参加を拒絶した。国家主義者はマルクス主義の考えから多くのインスピレーションおよびアイルランドのSinn Féinの動きを引いた。昂山はビルマの共産党を共同出資した。彼は中国共産党員が付いている接触を追求したが、日本の権限は彼、国民の反乱のための有望な軍事訓練およびサポートに最初に得た。 30人の僚友として知られていた昂山および29人の他の若者は(日本の職業の下にあった)で海南島のために約束された訓練のための中国去った。取り引きは日本人がビルマがそれ自身をイギリスの植民主義者の除き、独立を与えるのを助けることだった。しかし1942成長する認識はのビルマの日本の侵入と1組の植民主義者が別のもののために交換された来た。昂山はそれからすぐに側面を変え、イギリスと日本語を追い払うために交渉した。日本の帝国野心の彼のブラシを持っていて、彼はまた反ファシスト党の人々の自由リーグ(AFPFL)の創設者の1才だった。日本人は1945年5月のビルマから首尾よく排出された。但し、戦いによって荒廃している台なしの国の位置の多くの部分。

Freedom – and a leader lost
自由-およびリーダーは失った
A military administration resumed in Burma under the British and there were calls to prosecute Aung San for his involvement in a murder during military operations in 1942. However, the British were pragmatic about the popular support this 32-year-old man enjoyed and Aung San eventually managed to negotiate Burma’s independence from Britain in January 1947. Aung San also concluded an agreement with the country’s ethnic nationalities for a unified Burma. There were already dissatisfied splinter groups of the AFPL which had either gone underground or into opposition. An elected interim government saw Aung San’s AFPFL win 248 of 255 assembly seats. Aung San and his ministers got down to the business of drafting the country’s constitution – but not for long. On 19 July 1947, at the instigation of an opposition politician, Aung San and several members of his cabinet were gunned down. Aung San’s colleague, the charismatic U Nu, now took over the reins and Burma finally became independent on 4 January 1948 at 4.20 am – the odd hour was chosen for its auspiciousness by an astrologer. Anti-British sentiment was so strong that Burma decided not to join the British Commonwealth, unlike other colonies that had also gained independence.
軍の管理はイギリスの下でビルマで再開し、1942年に軍事活動の間に殺害の彼の介入のための昂山を行なう呼出しがあった。但し、イギリスは普及したサポートについて実用的楽しまれたこの32歳の1947年1月の英本国からのビルマの独立を交渉するために結局どうにかして人および昂山だった。昂山はまた統一されたビルマのための国の民族の国籍の協定を結んだ。既に反対に行った地下がまたはあったAFPLの不満を抱かせられていた分派があった。選ばれた暫定政府は255のアセンブリ座席の昂山AFPFLの勝利248を見た。昂山および彼の大臣は国憲法の起草の-ない長くのためのビジネスに取り掛かった。反対の政治家の教唆の1947年7月19日に、彼のキャビネットの昂山そして何人かのメンバーは撃たれた。昂山の同僚、超人間的なU Nuは、今手綱を引き継ぎ、ビルマは最終的に4.20 AMで1948年1月4日に独立するようになった-異様な時間は占星術師によってauspiciousnessのために選ばれた。反イギリスの感情はビルマがイギリス連邦を参加しないことにしたほどまた独立を得た他のコロニーとは違って強かった。

A brief democracy
短い民主主義
U Nu’s government faced many challenges from the outset – disgruntled communist factions and ethnic groups, who felt excluded from the deeply Buddhist Nu’s vision of the country, began insurgencies, as did Kuomintang Chinese nationalist forces in Northern Burma. In the international arena Nu sought co-operation while steering his country on a non-aligned course. Despite the civil war raging in parts of the country, the 1950s was a progressive decade for Burma, with the economy beginning to recover. The Burmese Constitution had guaranteed a level of autonomy for the ethnic minority states after a period of 10 years, but this didn’t materialize under Nu’s stewardship, leading to widespread unrest. There were also political schisms within the ruling AFPFL and in 1958 the army took over for the first time under General Ne Win, one of the thakins. This ‘caretaker government’ purged ‘communist sympathizers’ and forced the minority states to bow to central government. Elections in 1960 brought U Nu back as Prime Minister but the days of democracy were numbered. Having had his taste of power, Ne Win staged a coup in 1962, and the country’s decline under military dictatorship began.
北ビルマのKuomintangの中国の国家主義的な力がように、U Nuの政府は多くの挑戦に最初から直面した-国の深く仏教Nuの視野から除かれて感じた民族グループおよびむっとした共産主義の派閥は反乱を始めた。国際的な場でNuは非同盟のコースの彼の国を操縦している間協同を追求した。回復するために国の部分で激怒する内戦にもかかわらず50年代は経済の始めのビルマのための進歩的な十年、だった。ビルマ憲法は10年の期間後に少数民族の州のための自主性のレベルを保証したが、これは広まった不安をもたらすNuの管理の下で具体化しなかった。また支配AFPFL内に政治分裂があり、1958で軍隊は一般的なNeの勝利、thakinsの1の下ではじめて引き継いだ。この`の世話人のgovernmentは`の共産主義の共鳴者を清浄にし、少数の州を中央政府に曲がらせる。 1960の選挙は総理大臣としてU Nuの背部を持って来たが、民主主義の日は番号が付いていた。持っていることは力、Neの勝利の彼の好みを1962年に不意の一撃を上演し、軍の独裁制の下の国の低下は始まった。

The tiger’s tail
トラの尾
The constitution was suspended, opposition political parties and the All Burma Student’s Union were banned, the press was muzzled and the country was closed off to the rest of the world. Ne Win and his military cohorts in the newly formed Burma Socialist Programme Party followed what they called the Burmese Way to Socialism. Human rights abuses intensified and all dissent was crushed. Early in his career Ne Win had failed in business due to competition from Indian traders; now he purged the country of people of Indian extraction who had formed a significant part of its commercial and administrative backbone. All major industry was nationalized. Insurgency continued and was answered by state force. Ne Win called it ‘healthy politics’. Ne Win and his generals lacked knowledge of world economics and they didn’t seem interested in gaining any, driving the country to ruin. Later Ne Win would admit to journalists that his policies had been misguided but that ‘it was like having caught hold of a tiger’s tail… there was nothing else to do but hang on to it.’
憲法は中断された、反対の政党およびすべてのビルマの学生自治会は禁止された、出版物は口輪をかけられ、国はその他の国々に閉まった。社会主義にビルマの方法と呼んだことに新興のビルマ社会主義プログラム党のNeWinそして彼の軍のグループは続いた。人権侵害激化し、すべての意見の相違は押しつぶされた。早く彼のキャリアでNeWinはインドの貿易業者からの競争によるビジネスに失敗した; 今彼はインドの抽出の人々の商業および管理上の背骨の有効部分を形作った国を清浄にした。すべての3 0N主要産業は国有にされた。反乱は州力によって続き、答えられた。 NeWinはそれを`と健康な政治のNeWin呼び、彼の大将は世界の経済学の知識に欠け、得ることに興味がなかったようではなく、国を台なしに運転する。より遅いNeWinはジャーナリストに`がつかまえることのようそれトラの尾の把握を…だったこと彼の方針が間違った方に導かれたが、それをすることをしかししがみつくことを何もあったことを是認する。

A dutiful daughter
忠順な娘
In September 1987 a ‘demonetization’ robbed most Burmese people of their savings and the UN admitted Burma to the club of Least Developed Countries. In July 1988 Ne Win suddenly announced that he would be stepping down. Driven by economic desperation and seeing a chance for change, demonstrations broke out in the country in the ‘democracy summer’ of 1988. But on 8 August 1988 troops began firing into the crowds, eventually killing over 3,000 people. Thousands of politically engaged people were forced to flee the country, but they continued their resistance, forging alliances with the ethnic nationalities’ resistance movements. In Rangoon, Aung San’s daughter Aung San Suu Kyi, who had returned to the country to nurse her dying mother, was approached to join a burgeoning democracy movement. The military imposed martial law; the country was to be led by a 19-member State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). Aung San Suu Kyi, who had captured the people’s hearts with her non-violent stance and political integrity, was placed under house arrest. Surprisingly, SLORC honoured its promise to hold multi-party elections in May 1990 and, even more surprisingly, they were free and fair. But when Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy won overwhelmingly the military refused to hand over power.
1987年9月で`のdemonetizationは彼らの節約のほとんどのビルマの人々を奪い、国連は後発発展途上の国のクラブにビルマを是認した。 7月で1988年NeWinは突然彼が降りていたことを発表した。変更については経済的な破れかぶれそしてチャンスを見ることによって運転されて、デモンストレーションは1988年の`の民主主義のsummerの国で発生した。しかし8月8日に1988日軍隊は結局3,000人に殺している群集に発砲を、始めた。たくさんの行政上従事させていた人々は国を逃げさせるが民族の国籍の抵抗運動との同盟を造る彼らの抵抗を続けた。ラングーンでは急増の民主主義の動きを結合するために、彼女の死ぬ母を看護するために国に戻った昂山の娘Aung San Suu Kyiは近づかれた。軍の課された戒厳令; 国は19メンバーの州の法と秩序の復帰議会(SLORC)によって導かれるべきだった。彼女の非暴力的なスタンスおよび政治完全性の人々の中心を捕獲したAung San Suu Kyiは自宅軟禁の下に置かれた。意外にも、SLORCは5月1990年および、さらにもっと意外にも行なう約束にの複数政党制の選挙をだった自由、公平名誉を与えた。しかし時民主主義のためのAung San Suu Kyiの国民リーグが力を引き渡すために断られた軍隊に圧倒的に勝った。

Roadmap - or dead-end
道路地図-か行き止り
In 1991 Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. The following year the military placed the uncompromising General Than Shwe at the helm. A National Convention was convened in 1993 to draft a new constitution and prepare the country for eventual democracy. This was a stage-managed exercise which sought to preserve military dominance. Members of the National League of Democracy walked out of the process. During the 1990s the military regime managed to negotiate ceasefire agreements with many of the insurgent groups, promising them benefits which for many are yet to materialize. In 1997 SLORC morphed into the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), but despite the name change, the beast remained the same. In 2003 an open-ended seven-step ‘roadmap to democracy’ was announced and the sham National Convention reconvened in 2005. In September 2007 there were widespread street protests in Rangoon and across the country, after a huge increase in fuel prices. Today, Aung San Suu Kyi remains under house arrest, having spent 12 of the last 18 years in this condition. Burma’s civil war has become the longest running in the world. The SPDC has announced that a new constitution is complete and that it will hold a referendum on it in May 2008, even though the people have no opportunity to read it or criticize it. Multi-party elections have been promised for 2010, but this is seen as yet another diversionary manouevre. Meanwhile, the military regime is busy selling off the country’s resources to its neighbours in a bid to finance its continued rule.
1991年にAung San Suu Kyiはノーベル平和賞与えられた。次の年軍隊は舵輪に妥協しない大将を置いたThanShwe。全国大会は1993年に新しい憲法を起草し、終局の民主主義のために国を準備するために集まった。これは軍の優勢を維持するように努めた段階管理された練習だった。民主主義の国民リーグのメンバーはプロセスを立ち去った。 90年代の間に軍の政体はまだ具体化するべきであるか多数のためのどれが反政府グループの多数と停戦の一致を交渉することをどうにかしてそれらに利点を約束する。 1997 SLORCでは州の平和および開発議会(SPDC)に変形させた、しかし名義変更にもかかわらず、獣は変わらなかった。 2003年にdemocracyへの無制限なseven-step `の道路地図は発表され、偽りの全国大会は2005年に再び召集された。 2007年9月では燃料価格の巨大な増加の後にラングーンに広まった通りの抗議が全国各地から、あり。今日、Aung San Suu Kyiは最後の18年の12を過ごす自宅軟禁の下に、この条件で残る。ビルマの内戦は世界の最も長いランニングになった。 SPDCは人々にそれを読むか、または批判する機会がないのに新しい憲法が完全であること、そして2008年5月以内にそれの国民投票を行うことを発表した。複数政党制の選挙は2010年の間約束されたが、これは更に別の牽制のmanouevreとして見られる。その間、軍の政体は継続的だった規則を融資するために隣人に国資源を売り払うことを使用中である。

http://www.newint.org/features/2008/04/18/history/