http://www.earthtimes.org/articles/show/248507,myanmar-opposition-leader-aung-san-suu-kyi-in-good-health.html
Yangon - Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi was allowed a New Year's Day visit Thursday by her personal doctor who declared her in good health, officials said. Doctor Tin Myo Win visited Suu Kyi at her lakeside home - where the Nobel laureate has been kept under detention in near complete isolation since mid-2003 - briefly on Thursday afternoon, a government official confirmed.
"This visit is just a regular visit for January. Her health is good," said the official, who was briefed by Tin Myo Win.
The doctor is one of few people allowed to visit Suu Kyi, the daughter of Myanmar independence hero Aung San, who has spent about 13 of the past 18 years under house arrest with the latest incarceration beginning in May, 2003.
Suu Kyi is allowed a visit by her doctor once a month, but has been denied visits by members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) party, which she leads but cannot communicate with.
It has been widely speculated that Myanmar's ruling junta will keep Suu Kyi under house arrest until after the general election scheduled for 2010.
The NLD won the 1990 general election by a landslide, with many voting for the party to protest Suu Kyi's arrest and detention in 1989 for publicly criticizing former military strongman Ne Win.
Although the NLD won at the polls, the military denied the party power, claiming a new constitution needed to be drafted before civilian rule could take place in Myanmar.
Myanmar, also called Burma, has been under military rule since 1962.
Copyright, respective author or news agency
Saturday, January 3, 2009
Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi in good health
Unprincipled discrimination and dignity -MIZZIMA
http://www.mizzima.com/edop/commentary/1494-unprincipled-discrimination-and-dignity.html
by Min Ko Moe
Thursday, 01 January 2009 23:25
"Respect for human dignity implies commitment to creating conditions under which individuals can develop a sense of self-worth and security. True dignity comes with an assurance of one's ability to rise to the challenges of the human situation."
* Aung San Suu Kyi
"Human beings are born free, equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood."
* Article 1, Universal Declaration of Human Rights
The unequal opportunities and rights embodied in the 2008 Myanmar Constitution disregards the universal recognition that humans being born free, with equality in dignity and rights. The new Constitution is structured in a hierarchical chain-of-command with military personnel as the first class, male citizens as the second and female citizens as the third. The principles of equality in opportunity and justice in the political, social and economic spheres are ignored, leaving those citizens who posses less opportunities and rights as constantly under assault whenever conflicting claims prevail. This Constitution does not uphold the spirit of brotherhood and sisterhood and claims the dignity and rights of civilian citizens are inferior to those of military personnel – who in reality are forgetting their roles as public servants.
In introspection, the drafting of the Constitution in the National Convention was not in accordance with democratic methods, even though the creation of a democratic state is the purported aim of the military clique. A democratic method demands a decision by discussion, argument and persuasion. However, state Law No. 5/96 forbids civilian citizens to exercise their consciousness in the making of the supreme law of the land. According this law, any person whose action is construed as criticizing the National Convention format, designed by the military government, shall be imprisoned for a term of a minimum of five years and a maximum of 20, and may also be liable to a fine. Democracy does not believe in the suppression of thought, the suppression human consciousness. Based on this law, it is doubtful that the National Convention was convened by genuine representatives of freedom loving people. Would genuine representatives of the people codify a Constitution which disregards their inherent dignity and rights? Moreover, it is improbable that democratic citizens agreed to authorize that 25 percent of seats in the state assembly be reserved for military representatives. Simply put, the 2008 Constitution was made by those who are not genuine representatives of the people.
Gender justice plays a vital role in modern nation-state building. Gender justice means women must be permitted to exercise full participation in the decision making process and fully participate alongside men in all walks of life in the pursuit of equitable and practical solutions to issues of family and society. Men and women should have equal choices and rights in a democratic society. Equal choices protect the human dignity of women, and human civilization has evolved with the progress of the human consciousness. Yet, Burma today is an ancient world in which human relations are defined by status.
Respect for the dignity of women is a prerequisite if we want to build a society of justice in which all human beings have equal democratic choices pertaining to development. Equality in dignity and rights between men and women is recognized in the Universal Declaration on Human Rights. However, Article 352 of the 2008 Myanmar Constitution reads:
"The Union shall, upon specified qualifications being fulfilled, in appointing or assigning duties to civil service personnel, not discriminate for or against any citizen of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, based on race, birth, religion, and sex. However, nothing in this Section shall prevent appointment of men to the positions that are suitable for men only."
This is a contradictory provision. By specifying 'positions that are suitable for men only', the text clearly implies that women are prohibited from holding certain positions in civil service. This prohibition insults women who are also members in a family of human beings. In the field of politics, political justice is also violated by Article 352. Political justice means the absence of any arbitrary distinction between man and woman in the political sphere. Yet, according to this provision, women in Burma are not allowed to fully participate in the political system, the sense of self-worth of women being disrespected. The Constitution's embodiment of unequal opportunities based on gender in the matter of public employment is not consistent with the democratic ideal. If the purpose of the military clique was to forbid women from holding the highest political office of the state, they should open their eyes and recognize the great women leaders of the world. It is, therefore, unreasonable discrimination to treat women as inferior. This discrimination makes a mockery of the progress of human civilization and the democratic ideal.
Accountability is another backbone of the democratic state. Without accountability, implementation of constitutional provisions and public policies could easily deviate from public interests and universal justice. In a genuine democratic society and state, the functioning of good governance and the rule of law are directly controlled by the notion of accountability. This concept implies that those in authority can be called upon to answer questions about their rule. And ultimately, accountability infers that the people can dispose of those governing if the law and historically given rights and obligations are not respected.
However, the notion of accountability imbedded in the 2008 Constitution does not apply to military representatives, but rather only to elected representatives. An example of unprincipled discrimination is on display in Article 38 (b) of the Constitution, which states: "Electorate concerned shall have the right to recall elected people's representatives in accord with the provisions of this Constitution." Such a provision spells out that only elected 'people's representatives' from the 75 percent of Hluttaw (Parliament) seats up for general election can be recalled by the electorate. The provision does not apply to the 25 percent of 'reserved military representatives' who are not elected by the people; a group which may not represent the desires of the electorate as they are nominated by the Commander-in-Chief of the Defence Services and therefore accountable to the Commander-in-Chief, not to the people.
Without the power of democratic accountability for the people, who are the primary unit of the State, the claim of the military in creating a democratic political system is nothing short of a lie. In other words, Burma would become a constitutional dictatorship by transforming itself from a de-facto government to a de-jure government. But any form of dictatorship is defective because there is no assurance that the interests of the dictators will always coincide with the interests of the community. To date, the conflicts in interests between military personnel and civilians have too often been solved by employing coercive force without care for the dignity and personal integrity of the citizens. The nature of the State remains unchanged under the new Constitution, in that military personnel are sovereign and bestowed with the right of sovereignty immunity.
In order to explicitly grant equality in dignity and rights, the current Constitution must be amended. However, the constitution is very rigid regarding the prospect for amendment. Provisions 436 (a) and (b) in Chapter 12 of 'Amendment of the Constitution', state the necessary requirement of support from 'more than seventy-five percent of all the representatives of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw' if the constitution is to be amended. According this provision, even the collective political decision of the 75 percent of elected representatives is not sufficient to guarantee amendment – as at least some, or one, military representatives must be persuaded to support the motion. It would appear that the role of elected representatives of the people under the Constitution is therefore nothing but to submit to the whims of the military clique.
Unprincipled discrimination as enshrined in the 2008 Myanmar Constitution reverses the trend of progress in human civilization and forbids space for the assurance of one's ability to rise to the challenges of the human situation. A hierarchical social order is the outcome of the Constitutional arrangement, in which justice is only for the strong. Unequal opportunity under unprincipled discrimination is the order of the day. Unprincipled discrimination is also a matter of the allocation of political values. In this sense, unequal opportunity in enjoyment of rights implies unequal opportunity in wielding political power. Political power without accountability is dangerous to the dignity of the governed. The dignity of those allotted less political power is always in danger of violation because their role in the decision making process of the State is constitutionally confined. Without political power, it is difficult to realize the fruits of political power. And without the fruits of political power, one's dignity is frequently under assault. Is the right to dignity a fundamental right? Being human, no one loves to be discriminated against.
Dignity is inherent in all human beings, irrespective of sex, race, religion, status, nationality or place of birth. However, a commitment to equally safeguarding the dignity of all citizens under the 2008 Constitution is not inclusive because the preamble embodies only the eternal principles of justice, liberty and equality. Excluding the principle of fraternity is absurd because fraternity assures the dignity of individuals and the unity of the Nation as well as the spirit of brotherhood and sisterhood. Without fraternity, the functioning of justice, liberty and equality will not be in harmony. A fraternity cannot, however, be installed unless the dignity of all of the State's members is maintained. Whenever dignity and the rights of individuals are not equal with others, some kind of discrimination occurs. However, a change in political system through the 2008 Myanmar Constitution, to ensure gender justice, equality in democratic rights and choice, non-discrimination and human dignity, can only be achieved with the blessing of the existing military clique.
Fwd: မသိလုိ႔မွားတာလား? ??????????? ??
From: "than.maymay"
hi
ယမန္ႏွစ္က ဘာသာေရးပြဲတခုတြင္ တုိက္တုိက္ဆုိင္ဆုိင္ ေနျပည္ေတာ္မွ အရာရိွၾကီးတခ်ိဳ႕ႏွင့္ ဆံုျဖစ္သည္္။ သည္လုိျဖင့္ စကားစပ္မိၾကရာက ဘုန္းႀကီးေတြကုိ ကန္ေတာ့တဲ့အခါ ခါးမွာခ်ိတ္ထားေသာ ေသနတ္ကုိ ျဖဳတ္ထားသင့္ေၾကာင္းကိစၥ ေရာက္သြားသည္။
မိတ္ေဆြတေယာက္က ရဟန္းေတာ္မ်ားမွာ ၀ိနည္းေတာ္ရိွေၾကာင္း၊ "အဂါရ၀ ငါးပါး" ကုိ ေရွာင္ရွားၾကရေၾကာင္း၊ အျမင့္မွာ ရိွေနသူ၊ ေက်ာေပးထားသူ၊ မေလးမစား အမူအယာျပသူ၊ လက္နက္ကုိင္ေဆာင္ထားသူ၊ အရုိအေသ မျပဳသူတုိ႔ကုိ တရား မေဟာရ၊ အကန္ေတာ့ မခံၾကရေၾကာင္း၊ အကန္ေတာ့ခံမိပါက ရဟန္းေတာ္တြင္ အာပတ္ သင့္ ေရာက္ပါေၾကာင္း ရွင္းျပသည္။
ဥပမာ ဗိုလ္ခင္ၫြန္႔ အာဏာရိွစဥ္က တရက္တြင္ ပဲခူးၿမိဳ႕မွ စာသင္တုိက္ႀကီး တတုိက္သုိ႔သြားကာ ဆရာေတာ္ကုိ ဖူးေတြ႕ ေၾကာင္း၊ ထုိအခါ ဆရာေတာ္က "ငါ့ကုိရိွမခုိးခင္ မင့္ခါးက ေသနတ္ကုိ အရင္ျဖဳတ္ပါဦး" ဟု အမိန္႔ရိွ ေၾကာင္း၊ ထုိစကားကုိ ဗိုလ္ခင္ၫြန္႔က သူ႔ကုိ ဆရာေတာ္က ရႈတ္ခ်စကားဆုိသည္အထင္ႏွင့္ ခ်က္ျခင္းလွည့္ျပန္ သြားခဲ့ဖူးေၾကာင္း ေျပာျပသည္။
မသိနားမလည္လုိ႔ပါဆုိၿပီး အမွားတခုကုိ က်ဴးလြန္မိလွ်င္ အကုသုိလ္ကံကေတာ့ ခြင့္လႊတ္မည္ မဟုတ္သည္မွာ ေသခ်ာပါ သည္။ အမိအဘကို မသတ္ရဆုိသည့္ ပညတ္ခ်က္ကုိ မသိနားမလည္လုိ႔ဆုိၿပီး က်ဴးလြန္မိလွ်င္ ထုိသူ မွာ ကံႀကီးထုိက္ မည္ပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။
ယေန႔ကာလတြင္ ရဟန္းသံဃာေတာ္မ်ားက နအဖ၊ စစ္တပ္၊ ရဲ၊ ႀကံ႕ဖြံ႕၊ စြမ္းအားရွင္စသည့္ အေပါင္းပါမ်ားအား သံဃာကုိ ေစာ္ကားေမာ္ကား ျပဳမႈမ်ားေၾကာင့္ "ပတၲနိကၠဳဇၨနကံ" ေဆာင္ထား ၾကသည္။
အမွန္စင္စစ္ ထုိ "ပတၲနိကၠဳဇၨနကံ" ဆုိသည္မွာ ျမတ္စြာဘုရားရွင္၏ ခြင့္ျပဳခ်က္အရ သာသနာေတာ္ထမ္း ရွင္ရဟန္းတုိ႔အား ေစာ္ကားျပဳမူလာျခင္းကုိ ေနာင္မျပဳရဲေအာင္ ကံေဆာင္တားျမစ္ ဆံုးမျခင္းပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။ အၾကင္သူသည္ …
• ရဟန္းတို႔အား လာဘ္မရစိမ့္ေသာငွာ အားထုတ္၏။
• ရဟန္တုိ႔အား အက်ိဳးမဲ့စိမ့္ေသာငွာ အားထုတ္၏။
• ရဟန္းတုိ႔အား ေနရာမရစိမ့္ေသာငွာ အားထုတ္၏။
• ရဟန္းတုိ႔ကုိ ဆဲေရး၏၊ ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္၏။
• ရဟန္းအခ်င္းခ်င္း ကြဲျပားေစ၏။
• ျမတ္စြာဘုရား ေက်းဇူးမဲ့ကုိ ေျပာ၏။
• တရားေတာ္၏ ေက်းဇူးမဲ့ကုိ ေျပာ၏။
• သံဃာ၏ ေက်းဇူးမဲ့ကုိ ေျပာ၏။
ရဟန္းတုိ႔ ထုိအဂၤါ ရွစ္ပါးႏွင့္ညိစြန္းေသာ ဥပါသကာအား သပိတ္ေမွာက္ရမည္ဟု စူဠ၀ါပါဠိေတာ္ ျမန္မာျပန္ စာ-၂၆၅ ခုဒၵက ၀တၳဳကမၼ အခန္းက႑တြင္ သပိတ္ေမွာက္အဂၤါရွစ္ပါးကုိ ျပဆုိထားသည္။
"ပတၲနိကၠဳဇၨနကံ"ကုိ သာသနာေတာ္အတြင္း ရိွရိွသမွ်ေသာ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ား၏ ဆႏၵရယူျပီးမွ သိမ္အတြင္းတြင္ ကမၼ၀ါစာျဖင့္ ျပဌာန္းရသည္ျဖစ္၍ ရဟန္းေတာ္တပါးတေလ၏ ျပဌာန္းခ်က္မဟုတ္။ သံဃာေတာ္အားလံုး၏ အမိန္႔ အာဏာျဖစ္သည္။
ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ ကံျပဳစဥ္က မိမိဆႏၵပါသည္ျဖစ္ေစ မပါသည္ျဖစ္ေစ၊ သာသနာေတာ္ထမ္း ရဟန္းေတာ္တုိင္းက ေလးစားလုိက္ နာၾကရသည္။ ထုိကံေဆာင္ျခင္းမွ ေသြဖည္၍ ကံျပဳခံရသူမ်ားႏွင့္ ဘာသာေရးကိစၥမ်ား လက္ခံ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးပါက ထုိပုဂိၢဳလ္မွာ ျမတ္စြာဘုရားရွင္၏ ပညတ္ခ်က္ကုိ က်ဴးေက်ာ္ရာေရာက္သျဖင့္ အာပတ္ သင့္ေရာက္ပါသည္။
"ပတၲနိကၠဳဇၨနကံ"၏ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္မွာ ဘာသာေရးကုိ မသိနားမလည္၍ တၾကိမ္တခါ ျပစ္မွားက်ဴးလြန္မိျခင္းကုိ အခ်ိန္မီ သိရိွကာ ၀န္ခ်ေတာင္းပန္ႏိုင္ေစရန္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
ကာယကံရွင္မ်ားက မိမိတုိ႔ျပဳမွားမိသည္မ်ားကုိ သံဃာသုိ႔ ၀န္ခ်ေတာင္းပန္မွသာလွ်င္ ကံေဆာင္ထားျခင္းမွ ရုပ္သိမ္းေပးခြင့္ ရိွပါသည္။ ျပန္လည္ရုပ္သိမ္းမည္ဆုိကလည္း၊ ကံေဆာင္စဥ္က နည္းအတုိင္း၊ သံဃာအားလံုး၏ ဆႏၵရယူျပီး သိမ္အတြင္း ၀ယ္ ကမၼ၀ါစာျဖင့္ ျပန္လည္၍ ကံလႊတ္ ရုပ္သိမ္းေပးေတာ္မူၾကရသည္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားက နအဖအစိုးရႏွင့္အေပါင္းပါ စစ္တပ္၊ ရဲ၊ ၾကံ႕ဖြံ႕၊ စြမ္းအားရွင္တုိ႔ အားလံုး အေပၚ "ပတၲနိကၠဳဇၨနကံ" ေဆာင္ခဲ့သည္မွာ ႏွစ္ၾကိမ္တုိင္ခဲ့ပါျပီ။ တၾကိမ္မွ် မေတာင္းပန္ခဲ့ဘူးပါ။ ထုိသုိ႔ မေတာင္းပန္ျခင္းသည္ နအဖ စစ္အစုိးရႏွင့္ အေပါင္ပါမ်ားအဖုိ႔ သံသရာခရီးတြင္ နစ္သည္ထက္ နစ္လာၾကရဖုိ႔ သာ ရိွေပသည္။ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားအား အလွဴအတန္းစသည္ ေပးလွဴခြင့္၊ ဥပုသ္သီတင္း ေဆာက္တည္ခြင့္၊ ေသလွ်င္ သရဏဂံုတင္ခြင့္ ဆံုးရႈံးၾကရေပေတာ့မည္။ လူ႔ဘ၀ကုိရပါလွ်က္ အေပါင္းအသင္း မွားသျဖင့္ လူျဖစ္ရႈံးၾကရေလျပီ။
လတ္တေလာအားျဖင့္ သံဃာမ်ားက ထုိကံေဆာင္ထားၾကသည့္အတြက္ မိမိတုိ႔တြင္ "သံဃံ သရဏံ ဂစၦာမိ" ဟူေသာ သရဏဂံု တပါး က်ိဳးေပါက္သြားၾကျပီ။ သရဏဂံု မတည္သူမ်ား ျဖစ္ၾကရျပီ။ ထုိသူမ်ားအဖုိ႔ မည္မွ် ေငြေၾကးတတ္ႏိုင္၍ လွဴလုိၾကသည္ျဖစ္ေစ၊ လွဴေလသမွ် တန္းေလသမွ် ဘာကုသုိလ္မွ်မရႏိုင္ေတာ့ျပီ။ စစ္တပ္၊ ရဲ ၊ ၾကံ႕ဖြံ႕၊ စြမ္းအားရွင္တုိ႔ အားလံုး သတိထားၾကစရာပါ။ ကုသုိလ္လုပ္၍မရေတာ့လွ်င္ အသက္ရွင္ေနသည့္ ကာလတေလွ်ာက္ အကုသုိလ္သာ စုမိၾကဖုိ႕ျဖစ္လာသည္။
ယခုလတ္တေလာမွာေတာ့ နအဖက ၄င္းတုိ႔လုပ္ေနၾကလုပ္ထံုးအတုိင္း သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားကပဲ သူတုိ႔ အလွဴကုိ လက္ခံေနၾက သေယာင္ေယာင္ ဆရာေတာ္ေတြကုိ ၀ါဆုိသကၤန္းေတြကပ္၊ ေက်ာင္းတုိက္ၾကီးမ်ားသုိ႔ ဆြမ္းဆန္ ေတာ္ အိတ္ေတြ၊ ၀တၳဳ ပေဒသာပင္ေတြ ေ၀ေနေအာင္လွဴျပ ေနၾကသည္။ စင္စစ္ ထုိအလွဴမ်ားအေပၚ သံဃာ ေတာ္ မ်ားက သာယာမႈျဖစ္ေတာ္ မမူၾက။ ထုိအလွဴမ်ားေၾကာင့္ လွဴရသူတုိ႔မွာ ကုသုိလ္မရသည့္ျပင္ ရဟန္းေတာ္ တုိ႔အား အာပတ္သင့္ ေရာက္ေအာင္ တြန္းပုိ႔ေနရာသာေရာက္ေနသည္။ ကုသုိလ္ျပဳကာမွ ငရဲသာရေနသည္။
အဆုိးဆံုးကေတာ့ သံဃာ့၀ိနည္းကုိ နားမလည္ဘဲ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားကုိ လူပုဂိၢဳလ္မ်ားကဲ့သုိ႔ ဆက္ဆံေနၾကျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ အေရးအခင္းမွာ ပါသည္ဆုိလွ်င္ပင္ သူတုိ႔မွာ ဆံုးမၾကဖုိ႔ အခြင့္အလမ္းရထားသူမ်ားလုိ သံဃာေတာ္ ေတြကုိ ရိုက္လုိရုိက္၊ သတ္လုိသတ္ သကၤန္းဆြဲခြၽတ္ လုိခြၽတ္္ျပဳေနၾကသည္။
သံဃာေတာ္ျဖစ္ျပီဆုိသည္ႏွင့္ ကာယကံရွင္၏ ဆႏၵမပါဘဲ၊ မည္သူတစံု တဦးကမွ် သကၤန္းကို ဆြဲခြၽတ္၍မရပါ။ ထုိပုဂိၢဳလ္ ကုိယ္တုိင္က ၀ိနည္းသိကၡာပုဒ္ေတာ္ႏွင့္မညီဘဲ ပါရာဇိက ကဲ့သုိ႕ေသာ လူ၀တ္လဲေပးရမည့္ သိကၡာပုဒ္ ေတာ္ကုိ က်ဴးလြန္ ေဖာက္ဖ်က္မိသည့္တုိင္ ထုိအျပစ္ကုိ ရဟန္းေတာ္ကုိယ္တုိင္က ၀န္ခံမွသာ လူ၀တ္လဲေပးႏိုင္ သည္။
အကယ္၍ ဇြတ္အတင္းဆြဲခြၽတ္သျဖင့္ ကုိယ္ေပၚတြင္ သကၤန္းမရိွေတာ့လင့္ကစား၊ ကာယကံရွင္က မိမိသည္ ရဟန္းတပါး ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း မွတ္ယူထားေလသမွ် သံဃာအျဖစ္မွာပဲ ရိွေနေပသည္။ ထုိပုဂိၢဳလ္ကုိ ရုိက္ႏွက္ ညွဥ္းပန္း ျခင္းျပဳျပဳသမွ်သည္ သံဃာအေပၚက်ဴးလြန္မိျခင္းသာျဖစ္ပါသည္။
စဥ္းစားၾကည့္ပါ။ သံဃာေတာ္ဆိုသည္မွာ ျမတ္စြာဘုရားရွင္ႏွင့္ တတန္းတည္းထား ကုိးကြယ္ ဆည္းကပ္ၾကရမည့္ ရတနာ သံုးပါး ၀င္ ျဖစ္ေတာ္မူၾကသည္။ ရတနာသံုးပါးကုိ ျပစ္မွား က်ဴးလြန္ရဲေနၾကသည္။
"သံဃာမရိွလဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္"ဆုိသည့္စကားမွာ သရဏဂံု ပ်က္ေစပါသည္။
ထုိအကုသုိလ္မ်ားေၾကာင့္ ျပစ္မွားၾကသူတုိ႔မွာ သံဃာဂုိဏ္းသင့္ၾကရျပီ။ သံဃာဂုိဏ္းသင့္သည္ ဆုိသည္မွာ ယခု ဘ၀တြင္ ဘာကုသုိလ္လုပ္လုပ္ ကုသိုလ္မရ။ တရားထုိင္လွ်င္လည္း မဂ္ဖုိလ္မရ ႏိုင္ေတာ့သည့္"မဂ္တားဖုိလ္တား ကိစၥၾကီး" ျဖစ္ပါ သည္။ "မဂ္၏ အႏၲရာယ္္"ျဖစ္ၾကရျပီ။ မည္သူမွ် ကယ္တင္၍မရႏိုင္ဘဲ အပါယ္ေလးဘံု သုိ႔ သာသြားရ မည့္ တလမ္းသြားမ်ား ျဖစ္ၾကရျပီ။
ကုလားဖုမင္းသည္ ခႏၲီ၀ါဒီရွင္ ရေသ့ကုိ ညွဥ္းပန္းခဲ့သျဖင့္ ေျမမ်ိဳခံရဘူးေၾကာင္း နိပါတ္မွာလာပါ သည္။ ရေသ့ သည္ ရဟန္းေလာက္မျမင့္ျမတ္ေသးပါ။
မႏုႆတၲဘာေ၀ါ ဒုလႅေဘာ။ လူ႕ဘ၀သည္ရခဲလွပါ၏။ ထိုရခဲလွေသာလူ႕ဘ၀တြင္၊ မိမိေနာင္ ေရးအတြက္ တတ္ ႏိုင္သမွ် ကုသုိလ္စုဖုိ႕သာ ျဖစ္သင့္ပါသည္။ မိမိေသလွ်င္ မိမိေနာက္သုိ႔ မိမိျပဳခဲ့သည့္ ကုသုိလ္ အကုသိုလ္ကံမ်ားသာ ပါသြားၾကပါ မည္။ မိမိအတြက္မဟုတ္ပါဘဲ သံဃာကုိသတ္ျဖတ္ေနရသည့္အျဖစ္မ်ိဳး ဘယ္သူ႔ေၾကာင့္ ေရာက္ ေနရပါသနည္း။ ထုိပုဂိၢဳလ္ မ်ိဳးအတြက္ မိမိမွာ တသံသရာလံုး အနစ္မြန္းခံရေပေတာ့မည္။ ထုိက္တန္ပါရဲ႕လား။
ထုိက်ဴးလြန္ေနသူမ်ားကုိ ေမးလုိပါသည္။ သင္တုိ႔လူ႔ျပည္တြင္ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမည္မွ် ဆက္လက္ အသက္ရွည္ေနၾကဦး မည္ဟု ထင္ပါသနည္း။ အာဏာတည္ၿမဲဖုိ႔ဆုိေတာ့ေကာ။ ဘယ္ႏွႏွစ္ခံပါ မည္နည္း။ အဲသည့္ ႏွစ္ကေလး အတြင္းမွာ ဘယ္ေလာက္ ခ်မ္းသာသြားမလဲ။ အဲသည့္ ဥစၥာပစၥည္းကေကာ ျမဲပါ့မလား။
ဦးေန၀င္းတုန္းက ၁၉၈၅ မွာ မဟာ၀ိဇယေစတီေတာ္ကုိ အသံုးခ်၍ မလုပ္ေကာင္း လုပ္ေကာင္း ယၾတာေခ်ခဲ့ သည္။ သာသနာသန္႕ရွင္းေရးဆုိျပီး တကယ့္သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားကုိ မိန္းမေတြႏွင့္ရႈပ္သေယာင္စြပ္စြဲျပီး သကၤန္း ဆြဲခြၽတ္ လုပ္ခဲ့သည္။ ဘယ္ႏွႏွစ္ခံခဲ့ပါသနည္း။ ဦးေန၀င္းေသေတာ့ ဘယ္ပံုစံႏွင့္ေသခဲ့ရပါသနည္း။
ဦးေန၀င္းတသက္ စုေဆာင္းခဲ့ရသမွ် ဥစၥာဓနမ်ားကုိေကာ စံစားသြားရပါရဲ႕လား။ ဦးေန၀င္းကုိယ္တုိင္ အေျခခံ ဥပေဒ ၾကီးေတြအခုိင္အမာျဖင့္ တည္ေဆာက္ခဲ့ေသာ တုိင္းျပည္ၾကီး မရႈမလွ ပ်က္စီးခဲ့ရသည္ကုိ သံေ၀ဂ ယူသင့္ ပါသည္။ အဲသည္တုန္းက သံဃာကုိ ကိုယ္ထိလက္ေရာက္ ျပစ္မွားခဲ့ၾကသူမ်ား ဘာျဖစ္သြားၾကပါသနည္း။
ဗိုလ္ခင္ညြန္႕က ပထမအၾကိမ္ သံဃာကံေဆာင္ပြဲၾကီးကုိ ေခ်မွဳန္းျပီး အထင္ကရ သံဃာေတာ္ ၾကီးမ်ားကုိ အတင္းလူ၀တ္လဲ ေထာင္ခ်လုပ္ခဲ့သည္။ ဘယ္ႏွႏွစ္မ်ား အာဏာမွာ တည္ျမဲခ့ဲပါ သနည္း။ သူလုပ္ခဲ့သမွ် အကုသုိလ္ကံေတြပဲ သူ႔ေနာက္ပါသြား မည္သာျဖစ္ပါသည္။ တပ္မေတာ္ ထဲတြင္ အခုိင္မာဆံုးဆုိရမည့္ ဗိုလ္ခင္ညြန္႕တေယာက္ ဘယ္ပံုစံျဖင့္ ျပဳတ္သြားခဲ့ရပါ သနည္း။ သူ႔တသက္ ရွာေဖြစုေဆာင္းရယူခဲ့ေသာ ဥစၥာ မ်ားေကာ တည္ျမဲခဲ့ပါရဲ႕လား။ သံဃာကုိ ႏွိပ္စက္ ညွဥ္းပန္းခဲ့ၾကသည့္ သူ႕ေနာက္လုိက္မ်ားေကာ ဘာျဖစ္ သြားၾကပါသနည္း။
အခုေကာ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ အာဏာမက္ျပီး သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားကုိ သတ္ျဖတ္ေခ်မႈန္းႏွိမ္နင္းေရး ေတြလုပ္ေနျပန္ျပီ။ သူလဲအခု အသက္ ၇၄ ႏွစ္။ ေနာက္ထပ္ဘယ္ႏွႏွစ္အသက္ရွင္ေနဦး မွာမုိ႕လဲ။ ကုိယ္ျပဳလုိက္ရသည့္ အကုသုိလ္ ႏွင့္ ျပန္ ရမည့္ အာဏာတည္ၿမဲေရး လံုး၀မမွ်တ။ အာဏာမွာ ျမဲေနယင္ေတာင္ တေန႔မွ် စားေကာင္းျခင္းမစားရ။ အိပ္ေကာင္းျခင္းမအိပ္ရ။ အျမဲတန္း ပူပင္ေသာကျဖင့္သာေနေနရပါမည္။ ရွာေဖြရရိွထားသမွ် ဥစၥာပစၥည္းေတြက ေကာ ျမဲပါ့မလား။ ပစၥည္းသခၤါရ လူသခၤါရ။ ကုိယ္ကုိယ္တုိင္က ေရွ႕လူမ်ားကုိ ရက္ရက္စက္စက္ က်ဴးလြန္ထားမိ ခဲ့ျပီ။ ထုိအကုသုိလ္ကံမ်ားကေကာ ၀ဋ္မလည္ဘဲေနၾကမည္လား။
သည္အာဏာရခဲ့သည့္ ကာလတုိတုိကေလးအတြက္ အ၀ီစိငရဲမွာ အဆံုးအစမရိွ က်က္ၾကရမွာ ျမင္ေယာင္ေသး သည္။ ဘုရားအေလာင္းေတာ္ ေတမိမင္းသားကေလးသည္ ထုိအျပစ္မ်ားကုိ ျမင္သျဖင့္ "မင္း" မလုပ္ရေအာင္ စကားမေျပာသည့္ အဓိဌာန္ေဆာက္တည္ခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။
အမွန္ဆုိ မိမိအာဏာရေနစဥ္မွာ တုိင္းျပည္ေကာင္းစားေအာင္ လုပ္ေဆာင္ေပးၾကမည္ဆုိပါလွ်င္ သူတုိ႔တည္ျမဲေရး အတြက္ ျပည္သူကပင္ ၾကိဳးပမ္းေပး ၾကပါလိမ့္မည္။
ဗို္လ္ေန၀င္း၊ ဗိုလ္ခင္ညြန္႔ တုိ႔ က်ဆံုးသြားပံုကုိၾကည့္လွ်င္ သူတုိ႔သာမက ဆက္စပ္ပတ္သက္သူမွန္သမွ် အားလံုး ဘ၀ပ်က္ ခဲ့ၾကရသည္။
ယခု ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊက်လွ်င္ေကာ၊ အတူတြဲလုပ္ကုိင္ခဲ့ၾကသည့္ စစ္တပ္၊ ရဲ ၊ ၾကံ႕ဖြံ႕၊ စြမ္းအားရွင္ တုိ႔အားလံုး ဘုမသိ ဘမသိ ျဖင့္ သံဃာ့ကံမ်ားပါ ထိၾက မွာမလြဲပါ။ ထုိကံမ်ားမွလြတ္ေအာင္ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ မတတ္ႏိုင္ပါ။ သူလည္းကံထုိက္မည္သာ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ျပဳလုပ္သူေကာ ေစခုိင္းသူပါ အကုသုိလ္ထပ္တူရၾကပါလိမ့္မည္။
Burma: The ongoing tragedy next door
http://www.nationmultimedia.com/2009/01/02/opinion/opinion_30092264.php
By The Nation
Published on January 2, 2009
Thailand's new govt must not pander to the Burmese junta as its predecessors have done
It is interesting to watch how the situation in Burma develops, as well as the behaviour and thinking of the key stakeholders, especially the Rangoon military junta and the international community including the United Nations. For the past two decades, the former has been able to outmanoeuvre the latter in all circumstances.
The UN and its special envoy to Burma have become the main tool the junta uses to buy time to further consolidate its power and tighten control over the population. Now, the UN is desperately trying to think of new ways to deal with Burma. But the conclusion so far is simple: all efforts since 1988 to revive the democratic process have failed to produce any tangible results.
The Burmese regime is stronger than ever, due in part to its increased foreign exchange through the export of energy resources plus the influx of humanitarian aid both in cash and in kind. All the junta has to do, it seems, is wait and be patient. The international community, especially the UN, wants to see democratic progress in Burma - but it is more than possible that the UN, through receiving gullible advice, has become more flexible with Burma. The trick, that the generals understand well, is that they do not need to change their hardline position. The junta can continue to arrest and suppress its own people. The outside world has to accommodate the cruel regime if it wants to see any progress.
Time and again, the UN and its envoys, both previous and current, have been used by the regime. These envoys and officials all want to achieve some degree of success in Burma so that they can appease their bosses or claim some credit for themselves. So, they are willing to bend to ensure that the Burmese generals continue to talk to them. The regime now holds the UN and international community hostage along with its own people.
The UN must be very clear of its role in helping to end the Burmese quagmire. The record of the UN under the leadership of Ban Ki-moon has not been palatable. He has to show more decisive leadership in handling the Burmese situation. The special envoy, Ismail Gambari, should have learned from his previous dealings with the Burmese leaders and how cunning they are. Now, he begs to be allowed into Burma as if he is at the junta's mercy.
The regime has benefited greatly from the post-Cyclone Nargis humanitarian assistance and rescue effort. Since the disaster earlier this year, international aid has poured into the country. It has even been suggested that some of the aid has reached the people who most desperately need it, although there can be no doubt that a good proportion of it has been siphoned off by the junta. Incoming assistance helped to link devastated communities during the cyclone and forged a new network of civil society groups. This trend should be encouraged as it could soon proliferate throughout Burma, beyond the Irrawaddy Delta, which was worst affected by the cyclone. For this to happen, more foreign assistance is needed.
To further rehabilitate the battered economy and guarantee future reconstruction projects, more commitment and financial contributions are urgently needed. Some countries are reluctant to give more because they do not trust the Burmese authorities. To mitigate this reluctance to engage with the regime, there is a strong advocacy emerging that the UN and the rest of the world should yield to Burma if they want to see the opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and 2,000 political prisoners released.
The problem is, while they make a strong collaborative effort towards this, they all know full well that the Burmese leaders cannot be trusted whatsoever. In the past, they have lied through their teeth on many issues.
It is fortunate that Thailand has a new government that will be firmer with its Burmese policy. If history is any judge, a Democrat-led government will not kowtow or court the Burmese military like the Thaksin government and its nominees did. The previous Thai administrations since 2001 were desperate to do business with the generals and were willing to defend and speak on the junta's behalf.
As the frontline Asean state that shares the longest border with Burma, Thailand could bring some sense of realism to the current debate about what is the best way to deal with Burma.
For the past eight years, Thailand has not played an appropriate role at all on Burma because of Thaksin's vested personal interests in the country and his influence on Thai-Burmese diplomatic relations.
Of course, Burma is a member of Asean, and Thailand needs to both engage with its neighbour and cooperate with Asean on tackling the issue. The first step for this new government will be to carefully consider its policy on Burma with Asean's shared interest at heart.
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