News & Articles on Burma-Tuesday, 03 May, 2011

News & Articles on Burma
Tuesday, 03 May, 2011
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ASEAN People's Forum-Jakarta: Keynote Speech by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
Burma as Asean Chair in 2014? Think Again
Suu Kyi Envies Democratic Developments in Indonesia
MYANMAR: Three years later, still no shelter
Burma to grant amnesty to prisoners: official
Man in the mirror in Myanmar
UWSA will welcome dialogue
Suu Kyi calls for ASEAN countries to push Burma's democracy
A democracy doesn’t keep its media behind bars
Myanmar forms advisory board to president
Burma's Parliamentary Committees to Begin Work Soon
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ASEAN People's Forum-Jakarta: Keynote Speech by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=F5nOVSd_imI
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THE IRRAWADDY: EDITORIAL
Burma as Asean Chair in 2014? Think Again.

It will be interesting to see how the leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) react to Burma’s request to assume the group's chair in 2014 when they meet for their annual summit in Jakarta from May 4-8.

Last week, Burma's former prime minister, ex-Gen Thein Sein—whose attendance at the regional gathering will mark his first overseas trip as the country's new president—sent a message to Asean Secretary-General Surin Pitsuwan through Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin urging the group to support Burma’s bid to become chairman.

The move shows that Burma's rulers, who have long ignored Asean’s calls for national reconciliation talks, have grown in confidence since kicking off their new hybrid military-civilian government at the end of March. The new administration was formed following last November's election, which most international observers have denounced as deeply flawed.

Despite such misgivings, however, Burma's most powerful neighbors, China and India, have embraced the new regime, signing a number of business deals and other bilateral agreements with Naypyidaw since last month. So it should come as no surprise if Asean, which welcomed last year's election as an important step forward, seriously entertains the idea of allowing Burma—already set to host the Southeast Asia Games in 2013—to take the lead in three years time.

Even the West has stepped up its engagement with the regime. The European Union recently suspended its travel and financial restrictions on four ministers—including the foreign minister—and 18 vice-ministers in the new Burmese government, relaxing its sanctions for the first time since they were imposed in 1996 in response to abuses by the military junta. And the US has appointed its first envoy on Burma, evidently hoping to revamp engagement with Naypyidaw on a number of issues, including nuclear proliferation and Burma’s relationship with North Korea.

However, giving the regional leadership to Burma is another issue. Unless Naypyidaw finds the political will to release more than 2,000 political prisoners, call a nationwide cease-fire and prepare for national reconciliation talks among all political stakeholders, especially Aung San Suu Kyi, it has no business being elevated to a more responsible role on the regional stage. After all, this is a country whose longtime leaders are facing growing calls for a full inquiry into their alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity. Compounding all these concerns, there are now worries that Naypyidaw is seeking to become Southeast Asia's first nuclear-armed state with North Korean assistance.

Before Asean can even begin to consider allowing Burma to take leadership of the regional bloc in 2014, its leaders must show that they are ready to deal with these issues in a transparent and accountable manner. If Asean wants to help make this happen, it could start by listening the voices of the democratic opposition and Burmese civil society, instead of just letting Thein Sein make his pitch at this week's summit.

Having failed to bring real change to Burma since admitting it into its ranks in 1997, Asean's global influence can only diminish if it allows its most recalcitrant member to set the agenda. If Naypyidaw wants to lead, it will have to first show that it is ready to play by the rules of the civilized world.
http://www.irrawaddy.org/opinion_story.php?art_id=21225
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Jakarta Globe
Suu Kyi Envies Democratic Developments in Indonesia
Arientha Primanita | May 03, 2011

Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, speaking to Asean members in Jakarta, expressed her admiration for Indonesia’s democratic developments and asked Asean leaders to help develop democracy in Burma.

Speaking via a previously taped video to delegations at the Asean Civil Society Conference and Asean Peoples’ Forum, Suu Kyi said Indonesia has made an admirable transition from authoritarian rule to democratic government.

“We envy you. We want to be like you. We want to achieve what you have managed to achieve,” she said in the video.

Suu Kyi, wearing a bright yellow top with her signature white flower in her hair, said she wanted Burma to achieve more because she wanted the best for her country and people, which in turn would help improve the region and the rest of the world.

“It’s not out of selfishness that I am asking you to help us in our struggle for democracy and our attempts to strengthen civil society in our country,” she said.

The A sean Civil Society Conference and Asean Peoples’ Forum are being held from May 3 to May 5. It is being attended by around 1,330 people from around the world. Recordings of these discussions will be forwarded to leaders at the summit. http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/home/suu-kyi-envies-democratic-developments-in-indonesia/438878
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MYANMAR: Three years later, still no shelter

BANGKOK, 3 May 2011 (IRIN) - Three years after Cyclone Nargis struck Myanmar, thousands still need shelter assistance, officials and aid workers say.

"This is an area where there are still huge needs," Arne Jan Flolo, first secretary of the Norwegian Embassy, which has been a major supporter of the ongoing shelter effort in Myanmar's Ayeyarwady Delta since 2008, told IRIN in Bangkok.

The UN Human Settlements Programme (UN-HABITAT) estimates some 375,000 people (75,000 households) need housing across the south, 36 months after the worst natural disaster to strike the Southeast Asian nation.

"Yes, there has been progress, but there is no denying we need to do more," Chris Bleers, country director for the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), added. The council has assisted in the construction and strengthening of more than 6,000 shelters in Myanmar's badly affected Labutta Township.

A recent survey by the UN International Strategy for Disaster Reduction (ISDR) reported that at least 62 percent of households in the delta still live in shelters that are not disaster resistant.

Massive needs

According to the government, more than 750,000 homes were badly affected by Nargis, which swept across the low-lying delta and parts of Yangon Division on 2 and 3 May 2008, killing more than 138,000 people, destroying 360,246 homes and damaging another 390,053.

But despite the enormity of the disaster, shelter was never given the priority it deserved from donors, say aid workers.

"The response of the international community was definitely not commensurate with the scale of the need," Bleers said.

"I don't know why more people have not stepped up. It simply doesn't make sense," said Olive Orate, project coordinator for the delta with the Adventist Development and Relief Agency (ADRA), one of just four agencies still working on shelter in the delta. It will likely wrap up operations by end-2011.


Photo: Contributor/IRIN
75,000 households have received no assitance
To date, ADRA has constructed 240 shelters in Labutta and would like to do more, but lack of financial resources is preventing it from doing so.

"Of course we want to do more. We simply can't," Orate said, noting the government had allocated two sites of land about 3km inland in Labutta where more than 1,000 units could be constructed, but did not have the resources to do so.

"There are still a lot of people along the shoreline who are living in almost temporary shelters," Orate said.

Slow response

Under the Post Nargis Recovery Plan (PONREPP), of the US$173.6 million recommended for shelter recovery, just $30 million has been received, making it the least funded sector of all.

As a result, mainly female-headed households, households of elderly people without family support, as well as the disabled have been prioritized for assistance.

"Those families not falling into these categories are left to rebuild on their own based on the very dubious assumption that they can recover their livelihoods sufficiently to be able to do so," Srinivasa Popuri, UN-HABITAT country programme manager, explained.

In fact, just 175,000 households have received any kind of assistance from the UN, government or NGOs, including 65,000 fully constructed units, with the rest receiving repair assistance in the range of $80 to $120 per family.

According to UN-HABITAT, more funding is needed for the shelter sector, with the minimum cost of a disaster-resilient shelter about $600. A $300 shelter lasts for two monsoon seasons, one costing $600 for seven to nine years and a $1,000 shelter for 10 to 12 years.

ds/mw http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=92616
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BANGKOK POST
Burma to grant amnesty to prisoners: official

Published: 3/05/2011 at 03:31 AM
Online news: Asia

Burma's new military-backed government is preparing to grant an amnesty to some prisoners, an official said Monday, but it was unclear whether they would include political dissidents.

Myanmar President Thein Sein, pictured in 2010. Myanmar's new military-backed government is preparing to grant an amnesty to some prisoners, an official said Monday, but it was unclear whether they would include political dissidents.

The move is expected to coincide with President Thein Sein's visit to Indonesia from Thursday to attend a summit of Southeast Asian leaders, his first overseas trip since he was sworn in as head of state on March 30.

"Some prisoners will be released around the time of the president's first state visit," said the official, who spoke on condition of anonymity and did not provide further details.

According to the London-based human rights group Amnesty International there are more than 2,200 political prisoners in Burma being held under vague laws frequently used to criminalise peaceful political activists.

Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi was released from house arrest in November shortly after an election that led to the handover of power from the military to a nominally civilian government.

Her release was welcomed worldwide, but Western governments who impose sanctions on Burma have urged the new government to do more to demonstrate its commitment to improving its much criticised human rights record.

Thein Sein, who was prime minister under the now-disbanded junta headed by former leader General Than Shwe, is one of a group of generals who shed their army uniforms to successfully stand in the November poll.

The election, Burma's first in 20 years, was criticised by the opposition and the West as anything but free and fair, and the military still wields considerable power in the impoverished Southeast Asian nation. http://www.bangkokpost.com./news/asia/235088/burma-to-grant-amnesty-to-prisoners-official
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ASIA TIMES: May 4, 2011
Man in the mirror in Myanmar
By Clifford McCoy

In his public speeches and early policy signals, newly appointed President Thein Sein has raised questions about Myanmar's political direction after last year's democratic election. While invoking the need for good governance and anti-corruption measures, words rarely if ever heard from previous military leaders, indications are Thein Sein will serve more as a figurehead for the country's former military supremo, Senior General Than Shwe, than a genuine democratic reformer.

Thein Sein was chosen to be Myanmar's new president on February 4 in a secret ballot among three candidates in the new parliament. The runners-up, former lieutenant general Tin Aung Myint Oo and Shan politician Sai Mouk Kham, assumed the roles of vice presidents. The positions were made official with the official dissolving of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) junta on March 30 and the swearing in of Thein Sein, two vice presidents and cabinet ministers the same day.

Thein Sein's rise to the top of Myanmar's new democratic configuration was relatively low-key and free from accusations of past corruption and human-rights abuses. This stems from his role as a military bureaucrat rather than a frontline fighter like his contemporaries and chief rivals, former general Thura Shwe Mann and lieutenant general Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo. ("Thura" and "Thiha Thura" are honorifics given to military officers for bravery in the field.)

Thein Sein's resume speaks to his military mindset. Born in the Irrawaddy Delta region in 1945, he began his military career as a student at the Defense Services Academy, from where he graduated in 1968. By the time of the 1988 pro-democracy protests, which the military finally brutally crushed, Thein Sein was a major in the 55th Light Infantry Division in Sagaing Division. He subsequently served as commander of the 89th Infantry Battalion near Kalay, also in Sagaing Division.

In 1989, he attended the Command and General Staff College in Kalaw, Shan State. By 1991, he had climbed to the rank of colonel and 1st Grade General Staff Officer in the War Office under then Myanmar Armed Forces commander-in-chief, General Than Shwe. Thein Sein was subsequently promoted to brigadier general, but unusually remained as a general staff officer, a position usually reserved for lieutenant colonels and colonels. This likely reflected on the importance Than Shwe placed and still places on Thein Sein's loyalty.

Following these staff appointments, Thein Sein was briefly given command of the 4th Operations Control Command, a military formation equivalent to an infantry division, in Hmawbi, Yangon Division in 1995. He was then assigned to be commander of the Triangle Regional Command in 1996, a post located in the important tri-border area between China, Laos and Thailand where several ethnic insurgent groups operate. It is a center for narcotics trafficking. Thein Sein was in command during the 2001 border clashes with Thailand around the towns of Tachilek in Myanmar and Mae Sai in Thailand in 2001.

Thein Sein was moved into the upper echelons of power following the death of lieutenant-general Tin Oo, and several other senior generals in a helicopter crash in 2001. Promoted to adjutant general in the War Office, he was also brought into the SPDC's central ruling authority. By 2003, he had moved up to the junta's Secretary 2 position. After the arrest of powerful intelligence chief and prime minister general Khin Nyunt in October 2004, Thein Sein was elevated to Secretary 1, the fourth-most powerful position in the junta. In this position he was instrumental in organizing the National Convention, which would eventually devise the country's current constitution.

When prime minister General Soe Win was hospitalized for leukemia in April 2007, Thein Sein was appointed acting prime minister. The position became official after Soe Win died in October 2007. During this time, Thein Sein was promoted to lieutenant general and later general. In April 2010, Thein Sein resigned from the military with other senior officers who would eventually stand for election in line with a directive from Than Shwe. In the run-up to the November 2010 polls, Thein Sein led the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), widely viewed as the military's own political party.

Ties to the top
Thein Sein's rise despite his lack of real battlefield experience can be attributed to his close relationship with Senior General Than Shwe, for whom he has served as a close aide. Traditionally advancement to the top echelons of the military and the SPDC had been dependent on battlefield experience. The exception was Khin Nyunt, whose power was derived from his control of the extensive intelligence apparatus and the patronage of former dictator general Ne Win.

The choice of Thein Sein over other generals for president, especially the more senior Shwe Mann, may have as much to do with his more internationally acceptable cleaner image as it does his close relationship to Than Shwe. Thein Sein is not known to be associated with internationally sanctioned business groups or part of newly expanding political cliques.

Myanmar military officers and outside observers have described Thein Sein as being much less corrupt than his colleagues. His children are also less business inclined and free of the scandals that have plagued the offspring of Shwe Mann and other senior officers. His lack of long service at the frontline command has allowed him to sidestep accusations of direct involvement in human-rights abuses.

He has also by and large escaped criticism for recent repression. Although prime minister during the brutal suppression of the September 2007 "Saffron Revolution" led by Buddhist monks, the crackdown was widely seen as directed by Than Shwe and other generals.

When the regime initially rejected international aid following the disastrous 2008 Cyclone Nargis, blame was placed more squarely on Than Shwe as SPDC chairman. Following the deal brokered by Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) secretary general Surin Pitsuwan to allow foreign aid and aid workers into the country. Thein Sein was appointed chairman of the relief coordinating committee and was point man for the internationally backed humanitarian efforts.

As the regime's representative at most international forums, including ASEAN meetings, he slowly emerged as the face of the regime. In 2009, Thein Sein became the first Myanmar leader to visit the United States since 1988, when he attended the 64th session of the UN General Assembly in New York. While widely seen as quiet, he has simultaneously come across as confident and persuasive as a staunch defender of the regime.

That all said, it's not clear that he has the power or inclination to lead a meaningful political transition. Thein Sein has suffered for some time from heart disease and relies on a pacemaker. He had previously asked to be allowed to retire due to his health conditions and age. Some analysts have already questioned whether he will be able to serve out his full five-year term.

Five years, however, may be all Than Shwe needs to establish his brand of "disciplined democracy", where the military effectively controls parliament and the executive. A one-term president would also allow Than Shwe to groom an adequate successor, while at the same time retaining enough behind-the-scenes power to control both the political process and the military. It would also allow him enough control to avert a putsch similar to the one he carried out against an aging and increasingly disempowered Ne Win in 2002.

Thus Thein Sein will likely serve more as the public face of the government while Than Shwe continues to pull strings from the shadows. The newly formed Supreme State Council, which Than Shwe chairs and is ostensibly advisory in its role, is the most concrete manifestation of this new ruling arrangement.

The eight-member body is made up entirely of current and former senior military officers, all of whom were members of the recently dissolved SPDC, and is expected to be the final power in the country. Than Shwe recently resigned from his position as commander-in-chief of the Myanmar armed forces, handing over power to General Min Aung Hlaing, who was sworn in on March 30. But his leadership over the State Supreme Council will ensure that he retains final say over the military.

As president, Thein Sein also chairs the National Defense and Security Council, the 11-member grouping of senior officials called for in the 2008 constitution that controls the military and thus will largely determine policy. Thein Sein is also a member of the State Supreme Council. Both councils have the ability to overrule both the cabinet and parliament.

Rivals in the wings
Thein Sein's role as president, however, does not apparently sit well with all the generals. Shwe Mann may be unhappy with his position as speaker of the lower house, which puts him below Thein Sein, formerly his subordinate in the SPDC. There is also believed to be tension between Thein Sein and vice president Tin Aung Myint Oo, who is reportedly unhappy with not being chosen as president.

Both Shwe Mann and Tin Aung Myint Oo are seen as more ambitious, and corrupt, than Thein Sein. Both are noted for their strong involvement in business, particularly through their relations to prominent businessmen such as Tay Za, and for lending support to the business activities of their children. Their ambition, however, make them unsatisfactory choices for a dictator bent on remaining in power from behind the scenes.

While it is possible that he could assume more power as time goes on, Thein Sein will assure that the machinery of government moves according to the dictates of Than Shwe. To date, Thein Sein has shown little sign of being reform-minded. He is also unlikely to push for stepped up dialogue aimed at national reconciliation with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi or ethnic groups.

It is early days for Thein Sein's administration, but his three highly scrutinized policy speeches to date are as notable for their omissions as their pronouncements.

In his inaugural speech to parliament and his new cabinet, Thein Sein made it clear that building a modern army was a critical task. He also pronounced that health and education would be improved to international standards. Myanmar's official budget for 2011/2012 was set by the outgoing SPDC and gave the lion's share of funding to the military while health and education remained low fiscal priorities.

Thein Sein also expressed in his speech to parliament that fighting corruption and bribery would be a priority. Many read this as a sop to the international community, especially prospective foreign investors. Corruption has become so endemic in Myanmar that it is unlikely much headway can be made without the kind of institutional reform and accountability that would surely be vetoed by the other generals who have greatly and corruptly profited from the current system.

He gave a second speech to the Special Project Implementation Committee, which Thein Sein chairs, on April 22. In that presentation, the president talked about the need for development, continuing infrastructure projects started by the SPDC and improving agriculture. However, few concrete policy aims were outlined, making the speech similar to those given in past years by ineffectual generals.

In an April 24 speech to the Central Committee for Progress of Border Areas and National Races, which Thein Sein also chairs, he said the government must convince ethnic minority groups of the government's good intentions. Stressing the need for national unity, he said this was necessary to ensure cooperation with development efforts and loosen ties with neighboring countries, likely referring to China and Thailand. He did not, however, mention the military's ongoing operations against ethnic Karen and Shan insurgents or the need to restore broken ceasefires with several other ethnic-based insurgent movements.

In a move that could indicate a new role for technocrats in policy decisions, Thein Sein recently appointed a presidential advisory board of three committees consisting of three members each to assist him with political, economic and legal matters. In a surprise move, the new economics committee included U Myint, a noted economist and close friend of Suu Kyi. This may mark a change from the failed military-devised economic policies of the past, but it is still too early to determine how much influence the advisors may have.

During the next five years of Thein Sein's presidency he is expected to preside over Myanmar's hosting of the 2013 Southeast Asian Games and the hoped for chairmanship of ASEAN in 2014. The generals seem to believe that with the elections and a new democratic government they finally have the credentials for a full-fledged seat at the international table. Unless Thein Sein can prove that he is his own man and his reform promises genuine, those credentials should and will remain in doubt.

Clifford McCoy is a freelance journalist.

http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/ME04Ae01.html
(Copyright 2011 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd.
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UWSA will welcome dialogue
By KO THET
Published: 3 May 2011

Burma’s most powerful armed ethnic group has said it will push for talks with the new Burmese government after months of tension and stand off over its refusal to become a Border Guard Force.

A spokesperson for the United Wa State Army (UWSA), Aung Myint, told DVB yesterday that they welcomed the conciliatory words of Burmese President Thein Sein, who said shortly after coming to office that he would focus efforts on pacifying the restive ethnic border regions through development projects.

“Our leaders welcome the President’s speech and reformation of central border committees [Central Committee for Border Areas and National Races] and discussions regarding situations at the border areas – we read in newspapers. Our leaders agreed with what he said and are wishing to solve the ethnic issues via negotiations,” said Aung Myint.

“A negotiation will bring a permanent solution for the country and the ethnic people.”

Sein’s words were indeed not as combative as previous statements, but he appeared to blame insurgencies on the “localism and racism” of ethnic people as opposed to the Burman majority, who are usually seen as pervasively dominant and oppressive, a reason many ethnic groups fight the central government. Thein Sein will be the chair person of the new Central Committee for Border Areas and National Races.

Hoever Aung Myint confirmed rumours that the Burmese army had previously warned the UWSA to withdraw its troops stationed outside of the Wa territory.

“That news was correct – we were told to withdraw our troops that were outside of our territory. Our leaders are now investigating cases with the respective military units.”

The UWSA were earlier rumoured to be offering help to the Shan State Army North (SSA(N)), who have recently been assaulted by fresh waves of SPDC troops attempting to take a strategic bridge near Namlao in Shan State. Where similarly the Burmese were alleged to have cleared villages as a means of removing the local support base.

The UWSA, said to be the strongest ethnic armed force in Burma with 30,000 estimated troops, released a statement on March 26 expressing a wish to solve its disagreements with the Burmese regarding the transition via peaceful means such as political dialogue and discussion.

The group’s relations with the Burma army was strained when it turned down the Border Guard Force transformation proposed by the government, which was designed to assimilate armed ethnic groups into the Burmese army. This lead to threats of attack against them and others who had refused to sign. Whilst such threats have so far failed to materialise against the UWSA in any meaningful fashion, actions taken against the nearby SSA(N) may be a forewarning that, as in the past, the Burmese will take on each group separately whilst pacifying remaining groups through treaties, a tactic perfected by former Prime Minister and Intelligence Chief, Khin Nyunt.

The Wa live near the China border and have strong links to that country. The UWSA was constructed out of the remains of the Burma Communist Party (BCP) which was supported and supplied by the Chinese. As a result many of the top leadership still have strong business links to China, which often appears a more stable and prosperous neighbour than Burma.

Such a fear resulted in Sein noting that the Burmese “Union could break into pieces”, options the Wa traditionally relish as much as Sein fears them.
http://www.dvb.no/news/uwsa-will-welcome-dialogue/15495
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Suu Kyi calls for ASEAN countries to push Burma's democracy
The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Tue, 05/03/2011 3:51 PM | World

Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of Burma's Democracy Movement, called for Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member nations to help Burmese people's struggle for democracy in their country.

"It is not out of selfishness that I'm asking that you help us in our struggle for democracy in Burma, that you help us in our attempts to strengthen civil society in our country. It is by starting here that we can start to help our region and the rest of the world," Suu Kyi said in a recorded speech played during the opening of the ASEAN Civil Society Conference/ASEAN People’s Forum 2011 in Jakarta.

Suu Kyi emphasized that the repeated assertion that democracy is a western concept incompatible with Asian values that is so often used to impede people's empowerment, hurts Burmese people who are struggling for their own democracy.

"They [Burmese] wanted a government of the people, for the people, by the people, not because they had ever heard President Lincoln's speech or ever read it, but because their instincts told them that this was the kind of government that would look after their interests," she said, referring to famed 16th US president, Abraham Lincoln.

Suu Kyi believes that the best way to improve the lives of Burmese people is through democratic institutions that have a particular Burmese flavor and aspect.

"I'm sure you all understand this, particularly in Indonesia, where you have made an admirable transition from authoritarian rule to democratic governance. We envy you; we want to be like you; we want to achieve what you have managed to achieve," the 1991 Noble Peace Laureate said.

She added that ASEAN would be a happier, stronger region and a region on which the rest of the world would look with admiration and satisfaction.

"Governments are important, but only so far as they work for the people. Let us look forward to the day when it is the people of ASEAN who decide what shape our region is going to take," she said. (swd) http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2011/05/03/suu-kyi-calls-asean-countries-push-burmas-democracy.html
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A democracy doesn’t keep its media behind bars
By KHIN MAUNG WIN
Published: 3 May 2011

Seventeen journalists for the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) are serving lengthy prison sentences, some more than 60 years, in Burma for their work documenting atrocities committed by the military and government.

The rise of video journalist (VJ) networks in Burma has been fuelled by developments in technology that have allowed undercover teams to send material out of the country to exiled and foreign media.

In 1988, when millions of Burmese took to the streets demanding an end to military rule and the establishment of a democratic government, the military killed some 3000, and sent many more to jail. Yet the world knew little about it.

But nearly 20 years later, when a Japanese journalist was shot dead by Burmese soldiers in the midst of the 2007 Saffron Revolution, VJs were there to capture the incident, and within hours it appeared on television screens around the world. As a result, the Burmese regime realised that they no longer had a free hand to kill peaceful demonstrators. The death toll in 2007 was estimated at around 100, far fewer than that of 1988, partly thanks to VJs who reported the atrocities in a timely manner.

Video journalists again played an important role in reporting the country’s worst-ever disaster. When cyclone Nargis struck in May 2008, the regime banned reporters from entering the devastated Irrawaddy delta region, fearful that international scrutiny would again trigger widespread criticism of Burma’s rulers. But undercover reporters managed to gain access, and exposed the true extent of damage and the regime’s indifference to victims.

The awarding of prestigious international media and journalism awards to VJs is an acknowledgement of their performance and contribution to press freedom in a closed country. All VJs and potential VJs know the importance and impact of the work they do. Yet they are also paying a high price for their priceless work.

There have been murmurings of hope from sections of the international community that the new government will initiative positive change in Burma. Whether such changes include the release of we are so eagerly waiting for. In his recent speech, President Thein Sein pledged a respect for the role of the media, acknowledging its role as the ‘fourth pillar’ of the state, in addition to the executive, legislature and judiciary institutions.

Today, on World Press Freedom Day, we must remember DVB’s journalists who are languishing in prisons across the country, and do our outmost to ensure their freedom. That is why were are launching the Free Burma VJ Campaign today to mobilise international efforts towards their release. Ultimately, however, it is the government’s final say, but we can use their fate to gauge whether progress toward greater freedom in Burma can be expected in the near future.

Khin Maung Win is deputy executive director of the Democratic Voice of Burma.
http://www.dvb.no/analysis/a-democracy-doesnt-keep-its-media-behind-bars/15484
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Myanmar forms advisory board to president
12:23, May 03, 2011

Myanmar has formed an advisory board to the president U Thein Sein, tasking them to submit advice to the president with regard to economic, political and legal affairs respectively, local media reported Tuesday.

The president's nine-member advisory board include U Ko Ko Hlaing, a retired colonel and vice-chairman of the Myanmar Writers and Journalists Association, Dr Nay Zin Latt, general secretary of Myanmar Hoteliers Association, U Ye Tint, former editor of the " Mirror" daily , Dr. U Myint, an economist, Sit Aye, a retired police officer, Dr. Tin Hla Bo, U Than Kyaw and Daw Khin Myo Myint of the Foreign Ministry, said the Voice and the Myanmar Newsweek.

Abolishing the former State Peace and Development Council, newly elected president U Thein Sein, with his union government cabinet, was sworn in to office on March 30.

The new president vowed to operate his government as good governance and clean government.

Source: Xinhua http://english.people.com.cn/90001/90777/90851/7367968.html
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Burma's Parliamentary Committees to Begin Work Soon
By HTET AUNG Monday, May 2, 2011

The first meetings of the permanent committees formed by Burma’s new Parliament will be held in Naypyidaw in May, according to a member of a parliamentary committee.

“I was invited to attend the preparatory meeting of the Amyotha Hluttaw Bill Committee on May 2,” said Dr Myat Nyana Soe, who is a member of the committee. “But the committee’s first actual meeting will be on May 23.”

Myat Nyana Soe is a member of the National Democratic Force (NDF), which was formed by a group that broke away from the National League for Democracy (NLD). He was elected to the Amyotha Hluttaw, or Upper House of Parliament.

Both the Amyotha Hluttaw and the Pyithu Hluttaw [Lower House] formed four permanent committees with the fifteen members on each committee. The committees are the Bill Committee, Public Accounts Committee, Hluttaw [Parliament] Rights Committee and Government’s Guarantees, Pledges and Undertakings Vetting Committee.

Asked about the role of the parliamentary committees, Myat Nyana Soe said that these committees are permanent and will be continuously active, even when Parliament is not in session. He said that the next parliamentary sessions could be held in or around September.

“I guess the parliamentary sessions will resume in September after a six-month break, rather than a year,” said Mya Nyana Soe. “We already have some draft bills—for example, a cyber law.”

Although he hasn’t been informed about the detailed plans of the Bill Committee, Mya Nyana Soe sees it as an opportunity to review and recommend bills for the benefit of the people. He compared the new system with lawmaking under the military junta.

“In the past, it was easy to pass a law because the Attorney General’s Office drafted the law and sent it to the [military] government for approval,” said Mya Nyana Soe. “Now, the Bill Committee has to first review the draft laws, and then submit them to the speakers of the respective parliaments with a set of the recommendations to get the approval of both houses of parliament.”

However, according to the duties, responsibilities and rights of these committees, as explained in detail by the speakers of the Upper and Lower Houses during the parliamentary sessions and approved by the Parliament in early March, members of the committees have been strictly prohibited from leaking any information regarding the committee meetings.

Article 5 of the regulations for all eight committees reads: “What a committee member says or does and discussions at a committee meeting shall not be leaked out. All the discussions held at committee meetings shall be recorded and approved by the committee. Meeting minutes shall not be handed out.”

Some observers said that these committees are the working groups of the Parliament and will play an important role in the legislature as a check and balance on the government.

However, due to Article 5 of the committee regulations, they also said that the committees will have no direct transparency to the people who elected them because nobody will be allowed to hear what is discussed in the meetings. http://www.irrawaddy.org./article.php?art_id=21216

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