ဆိုးသြမ္းယုတ္မာမႈေတြကို
ႏွစ္ေထာင္တဆယ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲႀကီးနဲ ့
ပါရမီျဖည့္ေနၾကပံုမ်ား
ဘုရားကေအာက္ ေမ်ာက္ကအထက္ ဆိုသလိုမ်ိဳး
တို ့တိုင္းျပည္ အျဖစ္ဆိုး
ကိုယ္က်ိဳးေတာ့ နည္းပါၿပီ …..။
ကံကိုသာ ယိုးမယ္ဖြဲ ့
စုတ္သသတ္သတ္နဲ ့
ရပ္ ၾကည့္ သြား ေနရတဲ့ ဘဝမ်ားမွာ
မႏိုင္၍ သည္းခံရျခင္းတရား … ႀကီးထြားလာ
မေက်နပ္မႈမ်ား ရင္ဘတ္ေတြထဲ … ႀကီးထြားလာ
တရားသျဖင့္ မတရားမႈမ်ား ေဖၚထုတ္ေျပာဆိုလိုခြင့္ … ႀကီးထြားလာ
ယံုၾကည္ခ်က္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားမ်ား လႊတ္ေပးရန္ေတာင္းဆိုမႈ …ႀကီးထြားလာ …..။
ႀကီးထြားလာမႈမ်ား
မွန္ကန္စြာေပါက္ကြဲထြက္ဘို ့
လူထုတိုက္ပြဲနဲ ့ လက္နက္ကိုင္တိုက္ပြဲ
ဟန္ခ်က္ညီ ခ်ိတ္ဆက္ၾက
အေမေပးတဲ့ အားေဆး
ေၾကာက္ရြံ ့ျခင္းမွ လြတ္ကင္းေရး
ငါတို ့ေသြးသားထဲမွ ရုန္းထ
အေမ့ကို ဝန္းရံၾက
အေမနဲ ့ အတူတကြ
ငါတို ့ ခ်ီတက္ၾက …..။
ရဲရင့္သက္ဇြဲ
၁၉ ၁၂ ၂၀၁၀
Tuesday, December 21, 2010
ငါတို ့အားလံုး အေမနဲ ့အတူ
Blame the pragmatic feel for DPJ's popularity slide
By TAKAMITSU SAWA
Ever since the Democratic Party of Japan came to power in September 2009, the DPJ administrations have turned out unexpectedly unpopular.
There is no doubt that this is due in part to unfortunate events on diplomatic and security fronts. But why has the rate of approval plummeted so fast for the administration of Prime Minister Naoto Kan and the DPJ? I will seek to identify some of the fundamental causes.
In his first policy speech since assuming office, delivered before the Diet on June 11, Prime Minister Kan said: "The third policy challenge is that foreign policy and national security policy will be grounded on responsibility.
"Today, international society faces major changes that can be likened to a tectonic shift. The changes extend not only to economic but also foreign policy and military fields. In this situation, we must clarify our position [in the international community] and pursue a foreign policy based on 'balanced pragmatism.' "
He stated that he had long admired the late professor Yonosuke Nagai of the Tokyo Institute of Technology as a scholar of politics known as the champion of pragmatism. It is hard to believe, though, that Kan, who was a civil activist in his youth, really had such high respect for Nagai.
On June 15, responding to an interpellation in an Upper House plenary session, Kan stuck to statements that sounded as though they were coming from a Liberal Democratic Party-headed regime. They included his pledges to firmly maintain the security setup with the United States and to preserve appropriate defense capabilities. These words undoubtedly represent an expression of pragmatic policies on national security.
The DPJ and the LDP are no different from each other in the sense that neither possesses a firm philosophy. In today's world, where drastic changes occur too frequently, is it impossible for an idealist to head the government?
Kojien, a widely used Japanese dictionary, defines pragmatism as an "attitude to resolve issues realistically, without being bound by a principle or philosophy. Sometimes, it becomes synonymous with an opportunistic attitude of succumbing to fait accompli."
On the other hand, it defines idealism as a "noble attitude of attaching the meaning of life to efforts to translate ideals into reality without compromising [one's values] with what is actually happening and without hesitating to accept disadvantage and suffering."
Socialists as well as market economy advocates favor idealism in a sense that both have the common goal of an "ideal" society. As a matter of fact, at the time of the 2008 global financial crisis, the U.S. government's legislative bill for stabilizing financial markets was first rejected by the Senate, but a revised bill was later approved by both houses of Congress after some amendments.
A bill to save General Motors and Chrysler was turned down by both the Senate and the House, but it was decided that the two automakers would be rescued after all under the financial market stabilization law. This was because those lawmakers who were loyal to the ideal of a market economy refused to go along with the idea of saving losers in the market with taxpayers' money.
The collapse of major banking institutions would have dealt a serious blow to the nation. Therefore, the financial market stabilization bill was passed by Congress after necessary amendments. After the bill for the bailout of Detroit was rejected, and it was decided that the bailout, too, would be carried out in the name of stabilization.
The Chinese government refused to let Liu Xiaobo to attend a ceremony in which he would have been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. It kept him under detention, placed his wife under house arrest and asked other countries not to send their ambassadors to the awarding ceremony.
Liu is serving his prison term as the leader of a democratic campaign demanding a multiparty political system. The Beijing government, whose "ideal" is a socialist system under single-party rule, has been prepared to face international public criticism by sticking to its ideal.
I had thought that the DPJ administration would pursue liberalism or a "third way" as its ideal. Indeed, former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama was an idealist dedicated to realizing ideals. For example, in August 2009, prior to taking office, he proposed a medium-term target of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 25 percent from the 1990 levels by 2020. In March this year, his government drafted a basic law to combat global warming. In a speech before the conference of the parties to the Kyoto Protocol (COP 15) in Copenhagen (December 2009), Hatoyama called on participants to work toward a powerful political agreement even if flawed.
In stark contrast with Hatoyama, Kan has proved himself to be a true pragmatist, as he has remained totally detached from, and uninterested in, the climate change issue and has gone so far as to kill the basic law, apparently to win support from business lobbies.
Furthermore, while Hatoyama, to a certain extent, had succeeded in shifting political initiatives from bureaucrats to elected lawmakers, Kan has not hesitated to give the power back to bureaucrats.
I am totally puzzled as to why Kan, who started his political career with the Social Democratic Federation, appears more remote from idealism than Hatoyama, who formerly belonged to the LDP.
The DPJ won a stunning victory over the LDP in last year's general election because a large number of voters who had become fed up with decades of pragmatism under LDP rule cast their ballots for the DPJ in the hope that the ideal of liberalism would be pursued.
It must be said that the DPJ's defeat in the Upper House election and the dwindling approval rate for the Kan administration and the DPJ derive from people's disillusionment with the political style of Kan, who thinks of himself and paints himself as a pragmatist.
Takamitsu Sawa is president of Shiga University, Japan.
Flag this messageNobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi in conversation with Maclean's weekly
Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi in conversation
On reuniting with her son, learning to live with fear, Harry Potter, and her hopes for her country
by Nancy Macdonald on Monday, December 20, 2010 9:00am
Maclean’s Magazine
On Nov. 13, Aung San Suu Kyi, the world’s most famous political prisoner, walked free from house arrest in Burma . Her crumbling white villa on Rangoon ’s Inya Lake had, for most of the past two decades, been her prison. She was first detained in 1989, a year before her National League for Democracy party took 82 per cent of the seats in nationwide elections. Those results were famously tossed out by the military regime that has ruled Burma since 1962 and threw the NLD leadership, Suu Kyi included, behind bars. Late last month, Suu Kyi was reunited with her youngest son, Kim Aris, 33, named for the Rudyard Kipling hero, after a decade-long separation. The 65-year-old Nobel laureate and democratic icon spoke to Maclean’sfrom Rangoon.
Q: You have said you never felt as though you were apart from your two sons. Could you explain?
A: We’ve always been very close to each other. Although it’s been many years since I have seen them, I have thought of my sons very often—not just the younger one who has come to Burma now [Kim], but my eldest son, Alexander, as well. I have kept alive their memories and images. I missed them, of course—but in other ways, they were very, very much alive in my heart and mind.
Q: You once said something similar of your father, Gen. Aung San, the country’s founding father, who was assassinated in 1947, shortly before Burma won its independence from Britain. That at times during your lonely struggle you have been alone, but you have always known that you had your father’s backing.
A: Yes, that’s right. I was only two when he died, so I don’t really remember him, but my mother and others have always talked about him, so I have always felt very close to him. Of course, I was always told he was particularly fond of me. I was the youngest of his children, and the only daughter, and that always made me feel we had a special relationship.
Q: How does it feel to be free?
A: Well, for one thing, it’s exhausting. I don’t seem to have time to breathe. Everything’s happening so quickly, and so much is happening all the time.
Q: You said you were actually quite busy while under house arrest—right from 4:30 in the morning, when you rose to meditate. How did you pass the time?
A: I was the—shall we say “handyman”?—around the house. I had to fix minor electricity problems, and so forth. And then, of course, there was the whole business of listening to the radio. I sat in front of it for five or six hours a day, in order to keep up with the rest of the world.
Q: You also read widely while under arrest: on history, economics and politics, primarily, but your lawyer said you managed to get your hands on a Harry Potter book. Can I ask why Harry Potter?
A: Well, I was given some Harry Potter books by a young friend. I wanted to know why young people liked it so much. And I noted that there were some values in Harry Potter that are common to many books that are popular all over the world. In the end, I think people prefer the good to win, rather than the bad.
Q: “Violence begets violence,” you have said, and you have been very clear since your release about how you wish to make change.
A: I’ve always been strongly on the side of non-violence. Also, I think that if you use the wrong means, the ends themselves get distorted. I was speaking to a writer the other day and he gave me a valuable piece of advice. He said that you may get to where you want to go quicker through violence, but the healing process takes longer. Whereas if you don’t use violence, there is not much healing necessary, so you win in the long run.
Q: Yet you are positioning your political movement as an active opposition to the military leadership, and are calling for a revolution. Could you explain how you define the term?
A: A revolution simply means great change, significant change, and that’s how I’m defining it—great change for the better, brought about through non-violent means. And we do need great change in Burma . We are trying to build a new society, a society where basic human rights are respected, and where our people enjoy all the benefits of democratic institutions.
Q: “If they had reached out to us,” you have said of the regime, “we would have grasped their hands.” Clearly, you believe in dialogue. And if one believes in dialogue, one must also believe in compromise. Is it too optimistic to expect some kind of compromise on the part of the military regime?
A: It may be optimistic to expect that too quickly. I think we have to work at it. I would like for both sides to sit down, and work out a solution.
Q: Expectations of you are enormous in both Burma and the West. But you have been clear since being freed that you cannot do this alone, that the fight will not be won without the support of the Burmese people.
A: That’s right. I want them to understand that if you want democracy, you have got to be prepared to accept the responsibilities of democracy. The people have to take part. They have to understand that they have the power to move things, and they must really commit themselves to change if they want it. They can’t just expect me, or the NLD, to bring about this change. This is the age of the people, the age of communications. We have all got to form a huge network, working toward a process of democratization.
Q: You haven’t lived with your sons since they were 11 and 15; you weren’t able to see your husband, Michael Aris, in England before his death in 1999 because you feared the regime wouldn’t let you back into Burma if you left. Yet you refuse to cast that as a sacrifice.
A: Yes—it is a choice I made. If you think of it as a sacrifice, it is as though you felt that you have given more than you are getting. But I think I have been given as much as I have given. The people have given me their support, they have given me their trust and confidence. My colleagues have suffered a lot in order to give me support. I do not look upon my life as a sacrifice at all.
Q: Yet you have paid such a high price. Have you ever thought it was too high?
A: No. Some of my colleagues may have paid too high a price. Over 2,000 political prisoners remain behind bars. The conditions in prisons in Burma are far worse than conditions in my house, where I have lived the last seven years.
Q: You say that fear itself can be a kind of prison. For years, you and so many Burmese have been terrorized by the military regime. How can one learn to live without fear in such an environment?
A: If not without fear, at least in spite of fear. The important thing is fear should not control your actions. It should not dictate what you do. Even if you feel fear, you still have to go ahead and do what you believe in. As I keep saying to our supporters: “All right, your knees may be knocking but that shouldn’t prevent you from going ahead and doing what you need to do.”
Q: Isn’t it true you could be imprisoned again?
A: One has to look at it as a possibility. I have been arrested time and time again, and my colleagues, too. I cannot guarantee that I’ll not be arrested again. But it’s not something that weighs on my mind. If we are fearful of arrest, we’d never be able to get on with it in this country. I’ll do what I can while I’m free. If they arrest me again, I’ll do what I can while I’m under arrest.
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Q: In 2007, after a violent military crackdown on protesters, Canada imposed some of the toughest sanctions in the world on Burma, including a ban on all imports and exports, and a ban on new investment by Canadians. Would you like Canada to maintain its hardline stance?
A: We will review the sanctions position—which means we don’t particularly want any change until we see what the effects of the sanctions are. There are political effects, and economic effects, and one has to be weighed against the other, and we really want to find out whether the general public has been affected adversely.
Q: Both India and China are looking to tap oil and gas reserves on Burma ’s oil-rich west coast. India recently welcomed the leader of the military junta, Senior Gen. Than Shwe, on a state visit, and has called November’s sham elections “free and fair.” How has its support for the regime made you feel?
A: I’ve been very, very saddened. India and Burma have been close friends since the days we were struggling for independence. And I’m a great admirer of Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, and all those leaders of India ’s independence movement. I would like to believe the aspirations and hopes we shared in the past will continue to bind us in the future.
Q: The regime maintains it won the Nov. 7 elections by a landslide. The opposition, including your party, the NLD, was divided over whether to participate in elections or boycott them. You were then still under arrest. Could you explain the NLD approach?
A: The NLD boycotted the elections, and I agree with the stand. The terms of the 2008 constitution [which ensures the military will continue to be the ultimate authority] could not benefit Burma in the long run. We think this constitution should be revised. Secondly, we couldn’t accept that the results of the 1990 elections have been swept aside in one single sentence, without reference to the will of the people. Thirdly, it was not possible for us to accept that we should expel political prisoners from our party. This would be a gross act of betrayal of our comrades. For these reasons, we decided not to contest the elections. And considering the complaints of those who did contest, I don’t think we made the wrong decision.
Q: Last month, the Supreme Court refused to hear your lawsuit challenging a recent decision to ban and dissolve your party. The NLD has had various restrictions placed on it for 20-odd years, and continued to function. Is it fair to say the party will remain an opposition force, regardless of what the courts rule?
A: We will continue to exist. We’ve existed in the past, and we’ll continue to exist as a strong political opposition. At the same time, we are going to appeal the decision of the court.
Q: In pictures and videos circulated since your release you have been surrounded by huge crowds of Burmese people, clearly delighted just to be near you. It must all be a little frightening—the crowds, the shouting, the pushing, especially after so many years of solitude?
A: No, it’s not at all alarming. It’s touching, actually. They’re all very, very cheerful. It’s nice to feel their support, their warmth.
Q: You have learned to use a cellphone since your release. Have you been able to secure an Internet connection?
A: No, not yet. I’ve made an application. But I don’t know whether it will come through or not.
Q: If you’re successful, will you use Twitter or Facebook to communicate with your supporters?
A: Can’t I do both?
Q: You are one of only five people to have ever been made an honorary citizen of Canada . Is there any chance you might visit Ottawa one day to receive the designation in person?
A: I very much hope so. I’d love to visit Canada .
Q: Are you even allowed to leave Rangoon ?
A: There are no restrictions on my travelling around the country. But I have no plans to travel around the country. I’m too busy to even leave Rangoon —there is so much work here.
http://www2.macleans.ca/2010/12/20/nobel-laureat-aung-san-suu-kyi/
News & Articles on Burma-Monday, 20 December, 2010
News & Articles on Burma
Monday, 20 December, 2010
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Politics Join Social Issues on Burma's CSO Agendas
Amartya Sen: Burma's Neighbors Support 'Insanely Dictatorial' Junta
Businesses Suffering in Three Pagodas Pass
NDF Drafts Bills to Submit to Parliament
Politics Join Social Issues on Burma's CSO Agendas
Many affected by border dIsputes wIth Burma
India starts Kaladan river project in Myanmar
Australia appoints new Burma ambassador
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Politics Join Social Issues on Burma's CSO Agendas
By KO HTWE Monday, December 20, 2010
Politics have found a place on the agendas of Burma's civil society organizations (CSO) since the release of Aung San Suu Kyi, according to leading members of the movement.
“Before Suu Kyi's release the CSO only focused on social work but now members discuss politics,” said Myo Yan Naung Thein, a trainer for CSO capacity building. “They are a bridge between government and public.”
Mya Nandar, a member of the New Myanmar foundation, confirmed that her CSO wanted to be involved in politics as well as perform social work. “But we have to mind our step.”
Mya Nandar said she chose to be a social worker at the time of Cyclone Nargis in 2008.
The community-based organizations were formed to rush aid to the surviving victims of the cyclone, which killed more than 140,000 people and left hundreds of thousands destitute and homeless.
Myo Yan Naung Thein said CSO were a force for democracy because they were in touch with the common people and could tackle social work that INGOs couldn't perform.
Young people aged between 18 and 40 are involved in education, health, environment and humanitarian work for at least 150 CSO based in Rangoon. Some groups have as many as 1,000 members.
They are financed with grants from international nongovernmental agencies (INGOs), foreign embassies, donations from friends and family members working abroad and fund-raising events.
Phyi Sone Htet, a members of the “Green one,” said Suu Kyi's support had “invigorated” his CSO in its environmental work.
“Green one” organizes weekly discussion sessions, which Phyi Sone Htet said were carefully monitored by the authorities.
NLD central executive committee member Ohn Kyaing said Suu Kyi is scheduled to meet shortly with CSO leaders and members.
“We have to do our work based on understanding with the authorities and if somebody like Suu Kyi stands with us it is helpful for our work,” said Thint Zaw Than, a member of a CSO that focuses on education.
Burma reportedly has 64 non-governmental organizations and 455 officially recognized community-based associations. But there are many more CSOs in the country not registered who are working to engage the social work. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20354
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Amartya Sen: Burma's Neighbors Support 'Insanely Dictatorial' Junta
By THE IRRAWADDY Monday, December 20, 2010
The renowned Indian economist Amartya Sen called the Burmese regime “insanely dictatorial” and harshly criticized its neighbors, China, India and Thailand, for making a lot of money by helping to keep the Burmese people under a dictatorship, according to Bangkok-based English newspapers.
“Myanmar [Burma] is a hell-hole version of old Burma,” Sen told The Nation during a visit to Thailand last week. “They [Burmese junta] are treating their countrymen with barbarity, rape, murder and displacement of minority groups who continue to be pushed out of their country. It's a dreadful situation.”
Nobel Laureate Amartya Sen, left, with Thailand's Nation Group Editor-in-Chief Suthichai Yoon during his visit to Bangkok last week. (Photo: The Nation)
Sen, Asia's first Nobel laureate in economics, met Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva during his visit and candidly criticized Thailand's policy on Burma.
“I told him [Abhisit] both India's and Thailand's Burma policies are at fault. Abhisit laughed, then said he understands why I say that,” Sen was quoted in the newspaper. “The generals have their own national interests. But protecting national interests, as it were, at the cost of the Burmese people is not the right thing to do. I will say that to China, too, if I have a chance.”
Amartya Sen, a professor of economics and philosophy at Harvard University, said that targeted sanctions on the junta are more effective than general sanctions which hurt ordinary people and suggested that democratic leader Aung San Suu Kyi “could play a vital role on this, if she wants change.”
He also accused the West of doing business with the junta in spite of imposing economic sanctions on the junta.
“You see what's happening? The Americans, British, French and Germans keep lecturing Thailand, India and China for not doing the right thing. But they don't do it either. I'm accusing the West of being a hypocrite,” said Sen.
Sen has become a strong critic of the junta after junta chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe made an official visit to India in July.
"It breaks my heart to see the prime minister of my democratic country—and one of the most humane and sympathetic political leaders in the world—engage in welcoming the butchers from Burma and to be photographed in a state of cordial proximity," Sen told the Bangkok Post shortly after the visit.
Sen questioned the world's largest democracy's morality during his interview with Bangkok Post, saying: “When our power to influence the world was zero, we spent our time lecturing the world on morality. And when we get a bit of power, although not as much as China, then we completely abdicated that responsibility.”
In 2004, in a US diplomatic cable sent from the United States' mission to India to Washington, which appeared on Wikileaks, Mitra Vashishta, the joint secretary of the Indian Ministry of External Affairs for South East Asia, said: “If India also isolates Burma, no one will be able to engage Rangoon on democracy or other issues.”
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20349
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Businesses Suffering in Three Pagodas Pass
By LAWI WENG Monday, December 20, 2010
Businesses engaged in mining, logging and furniture making are suffering in Three Pagodas Pass Township near the Thai border as Burmese junta military offensives continue in Karen-controlled areas, according to the residents of the township.
Seven Burmese mining companies and about 13 businessmen who were permitted unlimited logging in Burma have not restarted their businesses despite the end of the rainy season, according to Thu Rain, a resident of the town.
A shortage of wood to make furniture exists in Three Pagodas Pass. (Photo: Independent Mon News Agency)
“They do not dare go into KNU (Karen National Union) areas because there is frequent fighting,” he said.
A shortage of wood to make furniture exists. At the result, the price of hardwood has gone up.
“One ton of hardwood in the Three Pagodas Pass area is currently 20,000 baht, and it was 18,000 baht last year,” said Lawi Mon, a local resident .
The KNU granted more than 1,000 tons of timber to logging companies to harvest in the two main hardwood forest reserves in Kawkareik District last year. Revenue from mining and logging contracts are reportedly the KNU's main source of income, from which it subsidizes its war against the Burmese army.
Many businessmen in Three Pagodas Pass have already paid money to the KNU to work in mining and logging in the area, but the recent military offensives have curtailed most of their activity.
Brigade 6 of the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) issued an order last week prohibiting vehicles and people from crossing into their area on a main trade route from Thanbyuzayat to Three Pagodas Pass townships, reportedly because it believes the junta will launch more military offensives if the road is opened.
Many residents of the area serve as drivers for businesses and they have been hurt by the road's closure. “We already started our business last year at this time. We hope that the KNU will give permission [to cross] by the end of this year,” said a driver.
The township's economy has suffered since the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army troops seized the town on Nov. 10. On Nov. 29, the junta also banned boats for traveling from Three Pagodas Pass to Kyar Inn Seik Gyi Township.
The people in town rely on commodities exported from Burma, which are transported by boats during the rainy season. Most residents are now buying commodities from Thailand at higher prices.
Residents are worried that the price of commodities will continue to increase if the road remains closed, and they say there could be a rice shortage by the end of the year if Burmese commodities are not allowed to reach the township.
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20352
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NDF Drafts Bills to Submit to Parliament
By BA KAUNG Monday, December 20, 2010
Leaders of National Democratic Force (NDF) were preparing a set of draft bills for the upcoming newly elected parliament despite its widespread defeat in Burma's controversial elections last month.
NDF leaders, renegades of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party, said they are in the process of drafting about 35 parliamentary bills, 10 out of which would be submitted in the parliament, whose first session is scheduled to begin in February next year.
Than Nyein, chairman of the National Democratic Force party (NDF). (Photo: Reuters)
The party leaders said the bills are focused on creating improved changes in the country's economic, social and health sectors, and one of the bills would call for the release of all political prisoners in the country.
“A parliamentary member has a right to submit a bill, but how much it will get support in the parliament would be a different story,” said NDF Chairman Dr. Than Nyein.
In the election, the NDF won only 12 seats in the bicameral parliament, yet it is set to press forward with its stated agenda of working towards amendments to the controversial Constitution from within the parliament.
“Do you still see any other alternative to that?” questioned NDF Chairman Dr. Than Nyein.
This remains very much in contrast with the opposition groups led by Suu Kyi, which have called for a dialogue on national reconciliation with the country's military rulers. State media recently carried commentaries which said that national reconciliation could only be achieved by efforts from within the parliament.
Last month, the junta's proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) which won a landslide victory in the elections, reached out to pro-democracy political parties which contested in the elections, in an apparent attempt to take advantage of remaining differences between them and Suu Kyi-led opposition groups.
In letters sent to ethnic and opposition parties which contested in the elections, the USDP expressed a desire to work closely with them and would even listen to their advice on shared public interests.
To that end, it has reportedly invited the parties, including the NDF, to hold talks during next month before the parliament begins to operate.
“We would likely go and meet the USDP officials for these talks if they are serious about what they are saying,” said Khin Maung Than, an NDF member who unsuccessfully competed for a parliamentary seat in Kyaukse Township in Mandalay Division against Burmese Minister of Science and Technology U Thaung, who represented the USDP.
While a thaw seems yet to be broken between Suu Kyi and NDF leaders with their continued differences, they plan to meet by the end of this month—their first meeting since her release from house arrest last month.
“We will meet her not as political party members, but just as individuals,” Than Nyein said. “After all, we were all her colleagues before.”
After her release, Suu Kyi has said that she viewed the NDF only as one of the political parties which participated in the elections.
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Politics Join Social Issues on Burma's CSO Agendas
By KO HTWE Monday, December 20, 2010
Politics have found a place on the agendas of Burma's civil society organizations (CSO) since the release of Aung San Suu Kyi, according to leading members of the movement.
“Before Suu Kyi's release the CSO only focused on social work but now members discuss politics,” said Myo Yan Naung Thein, a trainer for CSO capacity building. “They are a bridge between government and public.”
Mya Nandar, a member of the New Myanmar foundation, confirmed that her CSO wanted to be involved in politics as well as perform social work. “But we have to mind our step.”
Mya Nandar said she chose to be a social worker at the time of Cyclone Nargis in 2008.
The community-based organizations were formed to rush aid to the surviving victims of the cyclone, which killed more than 140,000 people and left hundreds of thousands destitute and homeless.
Myo Yan Naung Thein said CSO were a force for democracy because they were in touch with the common people and could tackle social work that INGOs couldn't perform.
Young people aged between 18 and 40 are involved in education, health, environment and humanitarian work for at least 150 CSO based in Rangoon. Some groups have as many as 1,000 members.
They are financed with grants from international nongovernmental agencies (INGOs), foreign embassies, donations from friends and family members working abroad and fund-raising events.
Phyi Sone Htet, a members of the “Green one,” said Suu Kyi's support had “invigorated” his CSO in its environmental work.
“Green one” organizes weekly discussion sessions, which Phyi Sone Htet said were carefully monitored by the authorities.
NLD central executive committee member Ohn Kyaing said Suu Kyi is scheduled to meet shortly with CSO leaders and members.
“We have to do our work based on understanding with the authorities and if somebody like Suu Kyi stands with us it is helpful for our work,” said Thint Zaw Than, a member of a CSO that focuses on education.
Burma reportedly has 64 non-governmental organizations and 455 officially recognized community-based associations. But there are many more CSOs in the country not registered who are working to engage the social work.
Related Article: Some Burmese NGOs Say Suu Kyi Hampers Their Work
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20354
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Many affected by border dIsputes wIth Burma
By Supalak Ganjanakhundee
The Nation, Ranong
Published on December 20, 2010
The disputes are seriously affecting the daily lives of people in the areas as many fear losing their farming lands.
The major areas of dispute are in the sea at the mouth of the Pakchan River, also known as the Kraburi River, where Thailand and Burma claim sovereignty over three islands near Victoria point. The islands are known locally as Koh Lam, Koh Kan and Koh Kinok.
The three islands were not mentioned in any treaty or map between Thailand and Burma or Britain which occupied Burma in 19th century, said the Foreign Ministry's Director of Treaties and Legal Affairs, Ittiporn Boonpracong.
An exchange note between the Siamese and British governments in 1868 suggested the islands of Saddle and Delisle belong to Siam, while Victoria, St. Matthew and the Birds' Nest group of islands belonged to Burma, then a British colony. The 1868 map, known later as the greenred map, also did not mention the three islands in question, he said.
The three islands are relatively small. There are no people, fresh water or beaches on the islands. The biggest is Koh Lam, only 25 rai in area. But they are landmarks for the sea boundaries of the two countries. Thailand used Koh Lam as the beginning marker of its sea boundary, while Burma used Victoria island so that the two countries have overlapping claimed areas in the Andaman sea, where fishery resources are plentiful.
Another disputed area is located in Ban Hat Chick, in Kraburi district of Ranong province, where both sides claim the small island of Koh Tayim (the island of grandfather Yim Thanabat) in the Kraburi River.
Originally, Koh Tayim island was supposed to be on the Thai side, since the deep water channel in accordance with the 1934 agreement is located close to Burma's shore. But local people dug a cannel to divert water flow in the river to facilitate logging transportation in the late 1980s, so the water channel near the Thai side is deeper.
Burma claimed sovereignty over the island, arguing the deep water channel was located close to the Thai side.
Samruam Thanabat, 48, a grandson of Yim Thanabat said the island had belonged to his family since the beginning as it is a part of their soil. "I dug the channel by myself to facilitate the logging operation," he said. "There's no way the island belongs to Burma."
Samruam plants palm oil trees in the island without any objection from Burmese authorities. "I have full rights over the island as it belongs to my family," he said.
Other conflict along the Pakchan River took place as Burma protested Thai embankment projects to prevent river bank erosion. Naypyidaw said the projects would affect its river bank too, and result in a change of boundary line in the river.
Thailand stopped construction of these projects on the river in Ranong province after a series of protests from Burma.
Prayong Thungrod, 63, a farmer at Mamu subdistrict in the province said he would lose a large area of paddy field due to river bank erosion. "Unless the embankment project continues, I will lose more land in the next wet season," he said.
Chief of Thailand's ThaiBurmese Joint Boundary Committee Vasin Teeravechyan said all border disputes are waiting for negotiation in the committee when the next meeting is resumed.
Thailand proposed a joint technical committee to handle the problems but Burma has not yet put its components in the body, he said. "We hope to have a meeting on boundaries with Burma early next year," he said. http://www.nationmultimedia.com/2010/12/20/national/Many-affected-by-border-dIsputes-wIth-Burma-30144762.html
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India starts Kaladan river project in Myanmar
13:00, December 20, 2010
India has laid foundation for construction of port and waterway terminal of a Myanmar-India Kaladan Multimodal Transit Transport Project in Sittway township of western Myanmar's Rakhine state, local media reported Monday.
The project was conerstoned in the Rakhine township Sunday, according to the official daily New Light of Myanmar.
The Kaladan river project aims at promoting trade between the two countries and is targeted to complete by 2013.
India stands as Myanmar's fourth largest trading partner after Thailand, China and Singapore.
According to official statistics, Myanmar-India bilateral trade reached 1.19 billion U.S. dollars in the fiscal year of 2009-10, increasing by 26.1 percent from the previous year.
Source: Xinhua http://english.people.com.cn/90001/90777/90851/7236536.html
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Australia appoints new Burma ambassador
Posted 19 minutes ago
Australia has appointed a new ambassador to Burma.
Bronte Moules, who is currently serving in Bangkok, will replace the current ambassador, Michelle Chan, in January.
Foreign Minister Kevin Rudd says Australia uses its mission in Burma to promote political reform and human rights.
Mr Rudd says Australia remains deeply concerned about the political, economic and humanitarian situation in the country.
He has urged the Burmese authorities to involve democracy campaigner Aung Sang Suu Kyi and other political groups in national reconciliation.
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