http://www.mizzima.com/news/inside-burma/1327-writer-hnin-pan-ein-flees-to-border.html
by Zar Ni
Wednesday, 19 November 2008 20:36
Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – Popular writer Hnin Pan Ein fled to the Thai-Burma border on Friday to join her former political prisoner husband, after being frequently intimidated and harassed by authorities inside Burma.
After her husband, Nay Oo, the South Dagon Township National League for Democracy (NLD) Youth Organizer and a former political prisoner fled to the Thai-Burma border last month, local authorities regularly kept watch and intimidated his family, finally forcing them to make the decision to join him in exile.
"First I decided to stay inside Burma as long as I could, even after my husband fled into exile. But when they [the authorities] hinted that they would arrest and interrogate us, while keeping close watch on our family, I realized that I could no longer stay inside Burma. I had to take into consideration the security of my son," Hnin Pan Ein told Mizzima.
"After my husband went into exile, Military Affairs Security (MAS) and Police Special Branch (SB) personnel frequently visited my home to inquire about my husband. We were scared by the frequent knocks on the door," she added. MAS and SB serve as the intelligence wings of the military and police.
She said that her husband fled to the Thai-Burma border last month after intimate friends and colleagues were arrested.
Previously, he was sentenced to 14 years imprisonment on February 19, 1989, charged with various crimes, including the distribution of illegal documents.
Hnin Pan Ein has written many travelogues, essays, articles and stories based on her experiences visiting her husband in Kalemyo prison in Sagaing Division. The manuscripts appeared in several monthly magazines, such as Nweni and Mahaythi.
Even after her husband was released on July 6, 2005, she continued writing on the same theme, based on others' experiences in visiting their beloved ones languishing in remote prisons under harsh environments.
Many of her 200 short stories and articles were censored either in whole or in part by the censor board.
Hnin Pan Ein started her writing career in 2000. Her travelogue, Tamarpan and Bawalan, was very popular among the people. She was honored with the My Best Like award, given by a literary fan living in Japan, for her 'Gratitude of the Environment and a Star'. She also received the Tawphayarlay Prize for her 'Modern Memory and Collected Short Stories' as well as the Naymin Ahman literary group's Best Short Story prize for 'Lotus Beside a Spring'.
"I will continue my writing, which will continue to reflect the situations in which all of us are living and the evil political situation inside Burma," she said.
Friday, November 21, 2008
Writer Hnin Pan Ein flees to border -MIZZIMA
China says employment situation 'critical'
http://news.yahoo.com/s/afp/20081120/bs_afp/financeeconomychinaunemployment_081120050916
Thu Nov 20, 12:09 am ET AFP/File – Chinese job-seekers at an employment agency in the city of Xiamen in Fujian Province in late October. …
BEIJING (AFP) – China warned Thursday it was facing serious unemployment problems due to the global economic crisis, amid signs it was increasingly concerned about social tensions across the country.
"Currently, the employment situation is critical, and this impact (of the financial crisis) is still unfolding," Yin Weimin, China's social security minister, told reporters in response to a question on recent labour unrest.
Yin announced a series of measures to try to stave off unemployment -- predicted to rise next year -- and to help those who have lost their jobs, particularly among the more than 200 million rural migrant workers.
The trouble has been most acute in southern Guangdong province, China's manufacturing heartland, where one-fifth of factories in major cities are expected to close by January alone, according to industry estimates.
Thousands of workers have recently gathered outside shuttered factories there, demanding unpaid wages and forcing local authorities to intervene.
Experts have warned labour unrest could spike as more migrant workers lose their jobs.
Yin said measures included helping the migrants find a job when they come to urban areas, for example by giving them information about available positions, and providing extra training for those returning home.
Unemployment in China stands at 4 percent, and Zhang Xiaojian, vice minister of social security, said the government expected to hit 4.5 percent by the end of the year.
"But next year the registered (official) unemployment rate will certainly increase," Zhang said.
The official unemployment rate does not include the millions of migrant workers who are not registered in the place they live in.
Zhang added that demand for workers in 84 cities across China in the third quarter of this year had fallen 5.5 percent -- the first third-quarter drop in "many years."
ACTIVISTS WANT ASEAN LEADERS TO FOCUS ON ABUSES IN MYANMAR
http://malaysia.news.yahoo.com/bnm/20081119/tts-myanmar-asean-993ba14.html
Bernama - Thursday, November 20BANGKOK, Nov 19 (Bernama) -- Asean leaders have been urged to pay more serious attention to the alleged human rights abuses in Myanmar where in November the military regime sentenced 119 pro-democracy activists, some with up to 65 years' imprisonment.
Burma Partnership, a movement of organisations and individuals promoting freedom, democracy and human rights in Myanmar, said the nine Asean members should recognise the widespread and increasing problems in the country, and that the situation would not improve until strong international action was taken.
"Burma (Myanmar) is already a red stain on Asean's name, and its increasing instability is spilling over.
"Asean needs to take significant measures to propel the release of all political prisoners in Burma and the return of a proper process of national reconciliation," the movement said in an open letter to the nine leaders.
It said that despite calls from many international leaders, including United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and Asean ministers for the release of political prisoners and valid progression towards national reconciliation, especially in the run-up to the 2010 elections, nothing had changed.
"The military junta is avidly ignoring these calls by locking up and harassing any organisation or person that questions their tyranny," Burma Partnership said.
-- MORE
MYANMAR-ASEAN 2 (LAST) BANGKOK
The letter was sent to the leaders of Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.
The movement said Asean leaders should demand the release of all political prisoners in Myanmar, including pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and ethnic leaders.
"As the Asean Summit is approaching, we particularly ask you to make this issue focal there," it said, referring to the 14th Asean Summit to be held in Chiang Mai, Thailand from Dec 13 to 18.
According to the movement, the military junta has stepped up arrests and sentencing of political prisoners who are not violent criminals, "but monks, students, bloggers, lawyers, journalists, musicians, poets and political leaders who peacefully demand a stable government that respects the rule of law and the people's right to life, liberty and security".
"These arrests and sentences stand against the Asean Charter, and will contribute to regional instability," it said.
Among those sentenced to jail was U Gambira, leader of the All Burma Monk's Alliance who organised nationwide peaceful gatherings of monks in September 2007. He received 12 years' imprisonment.
-- BERNAMA
AR AR MO
Myanmar activist follows dad, grandfather to jail
http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/n/a/2008/11/19/international/i124820S30.DTL&feed=rss.business
Wednesday, November 19, 2008
(11-19) 12:48 PST YANGON, Myanmar (AP) --
A court in military-ruled Myanmar sentenced a student activist to 6 1/2 years in jail on Wednesday, a week after his father received a 65-year prison term for his own political activities and a decade after his grandfather died in custody.
Colleagues said Di Nyein Lin was one of three student activists sentenced by a court in a suburb of Yangon for various offenses, including causing public alarm and insulting religion. They spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of retribution.
In an intensive crackdown on the country's pro-democracy movement, at least 70 activists have received prison sentences in the past two weeks, many after being held for more than a year before being tried.
The courts' actions — which would keep many of the activists in jail long past a general election set by the ruling junta for 2010 — have received worldwide condemnation.
Di Nyein Lin's father, Zaw Zaw Min, was one of 23 members of the 88 Generation Students group who were each given 65-year sentences last week. Many members of the group were at the forefront of a 1988 pro-democracy uprising that was smashed by the military.
Di Nyein Lin's grandfather, Saw Win, was a member of Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party, and died in prison about 10 years ago.
Di Nyein Lin is a leader of the outlawed All Burma Federation of Students Union, to which several of the 88 Generation Students' members belonged in 1988.
Most of the 88 Generation members were arrested on Aug. 21, 2007, for protesting a fuel-price hike. Others were arrested after the government violently suppressed rallies in September of that year that followed the fuel protests and were led by Buddhist monks.
They were sentenced under various charges, including a law calling for a prison term of up to 20 years for anyone who demonstrates, makes speeches or writes statements undermining government stability, and for having links to illegal groups and violating restrictions on foreign currency, video and electronic communications.
The other student activists sentenced Wednesday were Kyaw Swa Htay, who received a five-year sentence, and Kyaw Hsan, sentenced to four years in jail.
Amnesty International and other human rights groups say the junta holds more than 2,100 political prisoners, up sharply from nearly 1,200 in June 2007 — before last year's pro-democracy demonstrations.
The prisoners include Suu Kyi, who is under house arrest, as she has been on and off since 1989.
What to do about Burma
http://asiasentinel.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1557&Itemid=168
Written by Nehginpao Kipgen
Thursday, 20 November 2008
The US appears ready to move beyond sanctions
With years of sanctions following years of sanctions that have had little effect on Burma's leaders, the US government has apparently shifted to a new policy with the creation by the Congress of a post for policy chief for Burma to increase pressure on the junta.
That was followed by the announcement by the White House on November 10 of the nomination of Michael Green, who has served as a senior director for Asian Affairs on President George W. Bush’s National Security Council, to the position.
According to the legislation passed by the Congress, the policy chief is to consult with the governments of China, India, Thailand and Japan, members of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and the European Union to coordinate international strategy to see if they can move the junta into a more reasonable stance than its hard-line refusal to allow the Burmese even a modicum of democracy.
Whether this maneuver brings vigor to the Burmese democratic movement is a question remains to be seen, however. Green, long involved with the Burmese situation, should have noticed the quandary over the Burmese political imbroglio, especially the futility of conflicting approaches by the international community. Sanctions have little impact on the military regime due to engagements by neighboring countries, notably China, India and members of ASEAN. Nor have popular uprisings had any effect. They have been tasted twice, in 1988 and in 2007. Both events were brutally crushed by the military with force.
There is no doubt about the U.S. sanctions hurting the military generals and also the general public. Had there been a coordinated international approach, Burma could have been different today. It must be difficult for the US government to abandon its traditional policy of isolating the Burmese generals and start engaging with them. But they have to realize that sanctions alone are not effective in resolving Burma’s crisis when there is engagement on the other end.
While sanctions are in place, the new envoy can start initiating a ‘carrot and stick’ policy by working together with key international players. The one similar to the North Korean six-party talks model which involved United States, North Korea, China, Japan, Russia and South Korea should be given emphasis on Burma. The hard work of the US in North Korea has now paid off with North Korea being removed from the State Department’s list of terrorists, and in return, North Korea promised to shut down and dismantle its nuclear facilities.
It was not only the stick that worked but also the carrot. The U.S. offered energy and food assistance to the North Korean leadership. A similar initiative could convince Burma’s military generals to come to the negotiating table. The Burmese talks, also a six-party negotiation involving the United States, European Union, ASEAN, China, India, and Burma should be initiated. In the beginning, the junta and some other countries might resist the proposal, but we need to remember that the North Korean talks were also initially not supported by all parties.
Now that the UN Secretary General is heavily involved in the process, the US could garner stronger support from the international community. Without such a move from the U.S., Ban Ki-moon’s 'Group of Friends of the Secretary General on Myanmar' will yield little.
The most effective UN intervention would happen if the Security Council were decide to take action. This scenario is bleak with China and Russia vetoing the move, and likely to do it again if the Burma issue were to come up on the Council’s agenda.
The creation of a U.S. special envoy and policy chief for Burma is a welcome move. With this new position coming into place, the U.S. should start moving beyond imposing sanctions.
Nehginpao Kipgen is the General Secretary of US-based Kuki International Forum (www.kukiforum.com) and a researcher on the rise of political conflicts in modern Burma (1947-2004).
Comments (4)
Observer
written by Redwing , November 20, 2008
Do something? Do what? So far everything that has been tried has been a miserable failure because the world has not taken into consideration the reality in Burma. The generals are in charge and there is nothing that can be done to change that fact in the short run, other than outright invasion and occupation, a la Iraq. Just clamoring for action has no utility whatsoever unless there is a workable strategy for doing something that is effective. So far no one has been able to come up with such a plan. As in Iraq, the first step toward a workable approach must include close cooperation with Burma's neighbors. They do not agree with the western effort to isolate Burma because they have correctly argued from the outset that this will not work. Unless the international community can come up with a better alternative than this there is no hope of success in developing a common policy more aligned with the facts on the ground.
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WHEN?
written by David Calm , November 20, 2008
DO SOMETHING NOW!!! The people are suffering. Enough is enough. These monster generals have played their selfish game for far too long. The Burmese people deserve freedom and opportunity. WORLD UNITE!
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As the world faces new economic challenges, we still need to remember and try to help in places like Burma
written by Keerock Rook , November 20, 2008
True, sanctions have not worked, but the tools available to apply pressure have been limited for the reasons you sited.
Every aspect of Burmese society is infused by a military that has had decades of having its own way.
Along with having raw materials to sell and eager neighbors willing to buy, neighboring countries, like Thailand, are now acting more like Burma in suppressing participatory democracy among their own people.
The attempt by UN Secretary General to call the top Burmese General to help get aid to the Burmese people during the cyclone illustrates the challenges. The general wouldn't answer the phone or return the call.
Having said that any effort to help the Burmese people is worth a try.
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Observer
written by Redwing , November 20, 2008
Why would the Burmese generals want to negotiate with anyone at this point.? Western sanctions hurt the Burmese people much more than the leadership, who are buttresed by the sale of gas and other commodities to their friends in China and India. This is more wishful thinking, of the type that has failed for the last 20 years. The US and other western countries will have to come up with a much more innovative approach if they expect to promote meaningful change in Burma. That will have to start wthl accepting that this will be a slow and gradual process which will require some accommodation with the Burmese military leadership in the short run. Otherwise they are just continuing to spin their wheels.
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Japan posts trade deficit in October, exports dive
http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20081120/ap_on_bi_ge/as_japan_trade_2
By JAY ALABASTER, Associated Press Writer Jay Alabaster, Associated Press Writer – Thu Nov 20, 1:07 am ET
TOKYO – Japan posted its second trade deficit in three months in October as exports of goods such as cars and electronic gadgets suffered a record fall, adding to a grim outlook for the world's second-largest economy.
The trade deficit, a rarity for Japan, follows confirmation earlier this week that the nation had slipped into recession and comes as a slew of major manufacturers, hit by waning global demand, announce production cuts.
Japan's economy is dependent on exports, but they plunged 7.7 percent in October from a year earlier, the biggest drop since 2001, according to government figures released Thursday.
The country reported double-digit drops in sales of automobiles and electronics, two pillars of the economy. That included big falls in exports to the U.S. and Europe, where the 15-country euro-zone is also in a recession.
With scarce natural resources, Japan must purchase many necessities abroad — it is the world's largest importer of food and imports nearly all of its oil. While imports are down from recent months as oil prices eased, they were still 7.4 percent higher than a year earlier.
The combination of falling exports and a rise in imports led to a 63.9 billion yen ($666 million) deficit for the month. Japan also posted a deficit in August, but before that had not had one in 26 years. This excludes the month of January, when trade deficits are more common because of the slowdown for the New Year holidays.
As the global economy grinds to a halt, many of Japan's big-name exporters are scaling back production. Isuzu said Thursday it would cut 1,400 contract workers as it lowers its truck output, after similar slashes in production by Toyota Motor Corp., Honda Motor Co. and Nissan Motor Co.
Electronics makers such as Sharp Corp. are also mulling production cuts in mainline products like LCD TVs as sales cool abroad.
Exports totaled 6.93 trillion yen ($72.2 billion), versus imports of 6.99 trillion yen ($72.8 billion).
In August, Japan posted a 332.1 billion yen deficit, which swung to an 88.5 billion yen surplus in September.
Shares in Tokyo fell Thursday following a big retreat overnight on Wall Street. Japan's benchmark Nikkei 225 stock index was down almost 6 percent at 7,794.13 during afternoon trade.
Asian (con)Fusion: Exclusive - Inside Burma's notorious jails
http://blogs.independent.co.uk/independent/2008/11/exclusive---ins.html
By Andrew Buncombe
There are days as a journalist when you realise you're not telling people the whole story. I have lots of days like that in regard to Burma. Who really knows what is going on in this secretive, isolated country?
Because foreign journalists are all but banned and the local media utterly suppressed, the picture we get from outside is patchy, inconclusive and often confused. Even when you're there, the best you can do is look and listen, try and discreetly speak to as people as possible and make an informed judgement.
I was thinking about this after last week's flurry of sentences handed down to the 88 Students Generation Group, a brave and dedicated group of activists who were involved in the 1988 democracy campaign and demonstrated again last summer, only to be seized by the authorities. Among them is Min Ko Naing, whose taken name means "conqueror of kings".
Anyway, having sentenced up to 60 activists with terms of 65 years, reports suggest that the regime has now begun moving the prisoners to jails outside of Rangoon, presumably in order to make it harder for their families to visit. Who can imagine how these activists must be thinking now, sentenced to spend the rest of their lives in jail, simply for speaking out against the government?
While thinking about this, I remembered James Mawdlesy, the young British activist who was arrested in Burma on three ocassions and sentenced to 17 years in jail back in 1998. As it was, he spent more than 400 days as a prisoner in Keng Tung jail, in Shan state.
I spoke to James when he was released in 2000 and even then his thoughts were about the other prisoners still inside. He eventually wrote a book about his experiences. Over the weekend I emailed James and asked if he could share some insights about life in Burma's jails.
He kindly replied, writing:
"Burmese prisons are predominantly about the exploitation of the vulnerable. Prisoners become slaves who are robbed of everything. Unless a prisoner is willing to become an exploiter himself, he will suffer without respite. Conditions are worse for political prisoners. If they are not broken by beatings then they will be isolated indefinitely.
I've seen prisoners whose skin was falling off due to vitamin deficiencies. When I raised this with a visiting doctor he merely laughed. I've seen prisoners whose eyes have died, prisoners with blood pouring down their faces, prisoners who have almost forgotten that they are human.
Despite all the suffering of Burmese prisoners, many endure with great resilience and courage, and they showed me compassion, generosity and even humour. I am convinced that Burma will become free, but the cost to get there is incalculable."
Burmese Workers Head Home as Recession Begins to Bite -IRRAWADDY
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=14667
By KYI WAI Thursday, November 20, 2008
RANGOON — Burmese workers are rapidly losing the last economic lifeline available to them—employment in the more vibrant economies of other Asian countries.
As the deepening recession takes hold in the world’s fastest-growing region, many companies are cutting jobs and reducing work hours in a bid to survive the crisis. For many Burmese employed in countries such as China, Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand, this means fewer job prospects and, in many cases, a one-way ticket back to Burma.
“Some general laborers have already returned from Malaysia, the most popular destination for Burmese working abroad,” said the director of an overseas employment agency in Rangoon.
“In many sectors, from commodities to furniture and electronics manufacturing, companies are laying off workers and cutting back on overtime pay,” he added.
“This has put low-paid workers in a difficult position, giving them little choice but to pack up and return to Burma.”
The situation is much the same in Singapore, where the downturn has hit everything from manufacturing and retail jobs to the financial sector and the tourism and transport industries.
“I was working for a subcontractor, but I lost my job earlier this month,” said a Burmese man who worked at an air-conditioner factory. “I was paid 500 Singapore dollars (US $327) per month for 5 months. Now I cannot repay my debts.”
Most Burmese workers pay substantial sums to employment agencies for the privilege of having jobs that pay far more than they can earn at home. A general labor position, for instance, typically costs US $850-1,650 (depending on the job and the country). In many cases, workers borrow money or mortgage their homes to pay the agencies.
“I took out a 1.5 million kyat ($1,180) mortgage on my father’s house to pay for a job overseas,” said one man who had recently returned from Malaysia. “Now I have to do my best to find another job abroad so I can pay back the interest.”
But that isn’t going to be easy. According to the director of one employment agency, there have been no new orders from overseas employers since October. Moreover, he added, many of those who were working a month ago have returned as a result of job cutbacks.
The loss of this income from abroad is expected to have a significant impact on Burma’s economy, which is barely able to support the country’s population.
“Families depending on overseas remittances will be in a very tough situation,” said a professor of economics. “They will have no way to pay back their debts. If unemployed workers can’t find new jobs, there will be problems in the economy.”
He added that the country’s military government has so far taken no actions to mitigate the effects of the global slowdown on the local economy. It was especially important, he said, to create new job opportunities.
There are estimated to be around three million Burmese working outside the country, around half of whom are legally employed. The rest are illegal migrants working mainly in Thailand and China.
UN experts call for retrial of Myanmar activists
http://jurist.law.pitt.edu/paperchase/2008/11/un-experts-call-for-retrial-of-myanmar.php
Wednesday, November 19, 2008
Andrew Morgan at 5:18 PM ET
[JURIST] A panel of UN experts on Wednesday urged [press release] authorities in Myanmar [JURIST archive; BBC backgrounder] to retry political and religious prisoners. The group, including Special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar Tomas Ojea Quintana [official website], called for fair and open trials [Reuters report] for dozens of activists convicted [JURIST report] in judicial proceedings inside Yangyon's Insein Prison [BBC backgrounder]. The panel considered such a process to be part of general reforms necessary for moving toward multi-party democratic government, including:
a comprehensive review of national legislation to ensure its compliance with international human rights standards, the release of political prisoners of conscience, and reform of the armed forces and the judicial system.
They also urged Myanmar to release lawyers who were jailed for contempt of court after making public their clients' complaints about the proceedings.
Last week, dozens of activists from 88 Generation Students [BBC backgrounder], including Min Ko Naing [advocacy website], Ko Ko Gyu, and Ktay Kywe, were sentenced to 65 years in prison for their participation in pro-democracy demonstrations last year. UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon [official profile] also voiced concern about the lengthy and severe prison terms, calling for the military junta to release [JURIST report] democracy activists and other political prisoners. Despite the September release [JURIST report] of more than 9,000 political prisoners, human rights groups estimate that more than 2,100 Burmese remain imprisoned for their religious and political beliefs.
CPC delegation ends Myanmar visit
http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2008-11/20/content_10387926.htm
www.chinaview.cn 2008-11-20 17:41:10 Print
NAY PYI TAW, Myanmar, Nov. 20 (Xinhua) -- A high-ranking delegation of the Communist Party of China (CPC) on Thursday concluded its three-day good-will visit to Myanmar and left for Vietnam, the last leg of its tour to four southeast Asian nations.
During the visit, the delegation led by Zhang Gaoli, a member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and party chief of China's Tianjin municipality, met with Myanmar Prime Minister General Thein Sein and member of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) Lieutenant-General Tin Aye in Nay Pyi Taw.
Zhang exchanged views with Thein Sein on bilateral ties, domestic political and economic situation and issues of common concern. Both sides expressed wishes to further strengthen their cooperation in all sectors.
Also during the visit, Zhang met with Yangon Mayor Brigadier-General Aung Thein Lin in the former capital where he attended a signing ceremony of a memorandum of understanding between the China Chamber of International Commerce (CCOIC) Tianjin Chamber of Commerce and the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI) on promotion of trade cooperation between the two parties.
Zhang's CPC delegation arrived Yangon Tuesday for a three-day good-will visit to Myanmar at the invitation of the SPDC.
Myanmar is the third leg of Zhang's trip to four southeastern Asian nations which had taken him to Laos and Cambodia.
Editor: Bi Mingxin
Economic crisis as a force for change -MIZZIMA
http://www.mizzima.com/edop/commentary/1336-economic-crisis-as-a-force-for-change-.html
by Myat Soe
Thursday, 20 November 2008 17:58
Some economic watchers remark, "When Uncle Sam sneezes, the whole world catches cold." Now, as Uncle Sam has caught a bad cold in the face of a severe economic downturn, investment and trading partners are scrambling to stop a domino effect taking its toll on their own economic interests.
As early as May 2007, a sharp increase in fuel prices forced many factories out of business, and many blue collar American workers in the automobile and other manufacturing industries lost their jobs. By September 2007, in Fort Wayne, Indiana alone, over twenty large manufacturing companies closed their doors and many workers lost their jobs.
Previously, as long as the price of the Euro continued to climb against the American dollar, those outside the United States were often content to think of the crisis in the US as a cyclical phenomenon. But when the US financial crisis began spinning out of control and spreading panic among investors to a level not seen since the Great Depression, the corresponding fallout swept across the globe like a tsunami.
During the ensuing stock market upheavals, Russia and China even resorted to temporary halting trading altogether. Ireland, whose economy had been doing extremely well, began struggling to stabilize its banks. The International Monetary Fund was forced to step in and bailout economies in places such as Hungary and Ukraine to the tune of tens of billions of dollars.
Furthermore, Japan, with over a four trillion dollar economy, admitted last Sunday that it had officially entered into a recession, as did Germany. Subsequently, Japan announced a 105.8 billion dollar stimulus plan to prevent further economic deterioration. The United States government had already approved a 700 billion dollar financial rescue bill and China announced a 586 billion dollar stimulus plan to shore up its own economy. And last Saturday, an emergency G-20 economic summit was convened in Washington, DC, to address the urgent crisis in the world's economy.
Sadly, the impact of the financial crisis will be quite severe on the people of Burma as well. First, there are millions of Burmese workers working abroad, and their livelihood will be greatly diminished by the worldwide economic downturn.
Secondly, the people of Burma are without social or economic safety nets. Consequently, the situation in Burma will become more and more tense with each passing day.
Thirdly, it will become more and more cost prohibitive for Burmese to import commodities, compared to their cheaper exports; this, for people already burdened with high unemployment and inflation and saddled with real estate and investment losses.
But while the world wrestles with the economic tsunami, the Burmese junta has been busy handing down up to sixty-five year prison terms to brave political leaders and monks who last year protested against the severe economic hardship in Burma and increasing commodity prices.
Unfortunately, the generals continue to rule Burma without any apparent interest in working to solve Burma's economic and political crisis; instead, only scheming to ensure victory in the forthcoming 2010 elections. Instead of looking toward rapid economic adjustment and finding a solution to the country's economic malaise, the regime is trying to escalate tension within opposition groups and the civilian population.
By the harsh sentencing of activist leaders, essentially a life term behind bars, the military generals in Burma have mocked the world by openly brutalizing the people they have sworn to protect. Burma cannot wait another sixty-five years to be free from tyrannical rule.
Economic crises can become a force for change, as almost happened in 1988 in Burma. And during such crises, the world must make sure to stand with the people of Burma, and not with their oppressors.
(The writer is a former Central Executive Committee member of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (1988) and currently serves as the Research Director of Justice for Human Rights in Burma. He graduated from Indiana University, and earned his MBA from Indiana Wesleyan University.)
Soon, India to China via Burma?
http://www.travelpod.com/travel-blog-entries/happysheep/shangri-la-la/1227160380.html
Yunnan province looks more to its neighbours than it does to the rest of China, sharing borders with a number of SE Asian countries - Vietnam, Laos, Burma - as well as sharing the Mekong river.
So no surprise that China is keen on re-establishing the Old Burma Road through to India. It used to be a supply line when the Japs cut off all other trade routes during the war.
China seeks reopening of trade route to India
China is keen on reopening the Steelwell Road that runs from Lydo in Assam to Yunnan province of China via Myanmar. "The Chinese government will send a formal proposal to its Indian counterpart," said Li Jiashou, chairman of China Council for the Promotion of International Trade (CCPIT), Yunnan Sub-council.
He was speaking during a ceremony to mark the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between Indian Chamber of Commerce and CCPIT, Yunnan province on Wednesday. The MoU was signed to promote economic cooperation between Yunnan and the eastern regions of India within the framework of the bilateral agreements between the two countries. The MoU also stipulates provisions for exchange of economic data and information between eastern India and Yunnan.
"The reopening of the road will facilitate more trade between these regions of the two countries. The Indian government has already widened the road on the Indian side and our government has built an expressway on our side. We have already talked to Myanmar through which 400 km of the road runs," the Chinese official said.
The oil and gas line across Myanmar to China.
http://burma-genocide.blogspot.com/2008/11/oil-and-gas-line-across-myanmar-to.html
Wednesday, November 19, 2008
The oil and gas line across Myanmar to China.
How many will be killed again for this pipe line? This article show the reason that Communist China wants Burma to be under the control of the Juntas.
China plans to build major oil, gas pipeline across Myanmar
BEIJING, NOV 19 (PTI)
China today announced revival of its plan to build a giant USD 2.9 billion oil and gas pipeline across Myanmar, in a major move to get a toehold on emerging Asian energy markets.
China, which has outbid Indian oil companies in a number of major contracts in Myanmar, said the work on the new pipeline connecting Myanmar with its Yunnan province would begin early next year, the China Daily newspaper reported today.
Quoting Chinese oil companies' officials, it said that the project, a joint venture between China and Myanmar, was being undertaken to reduce Beijing's over-dependence on energy transportation from the Gulf through the straits of Malacca.
The project includes constructing two separate pipelines one worth USD 1.5 billion oil pipeline and the other USD 1.4 billion gas pipeline, with the country's major China Natural Petroleum Corporation holding a 50.9 per cent stake in the project.
The remaining stake would be held by Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprises.
Once completed, the pipeline is expected to provide an alternative route for China's crude import from West Asia and Africa through the straits of Malacca.
Currently, 80 per cent of China's crude imports of 200 million tonnes pass through the straits of Malacca. According to international energy agencies projections, China and India are going to be world's leading importers of oil and gas in next 10 years.
China plans to extend its oil and gas pipelines by 60 per cent by 2010. It has already made operational the first West-East gas pipeline in 2004 and the work on the second such project has already began in February this year.
Posted by Shanlay at 9:24 AM
An arms trade treaty: In our sights or in our dreams?
http://www.isn.ethz.ch/isn/Current-Affairs/Special-Reports/A-World-of-Weapons/Editorial/
by Sarah Parker
At the meeting of the First Committee of the General Assembly on October 31, 2008, an overwhelming majority of states voted in favor of establishing an open-ended working group to consider the development of an Arms Trade Treaty (ATT). The treaty would establish common, legally binding standards governing states’ decisions to sell arms.
This constitutes a remarkable achievement given the importance of arms trading to states’ defense and security interests and given the ability of international arms trade to avoid international regulation thus far. However, getting the idea of an ATT on the international agenda is only half the battle, and there are some weaknesses in the current process that threaten the likelihood that an ATT will be agreed or that, if agreed, it will be effective.
The international trade in weapons remains largely unregulated at the international level, mainly because states are fiercely protective of the notion that the right to self-defense, enshrined in the UN Charter, is closely linked with a right to buy and sell arms. At present, states have broad discretion to sell arms on the international market, and those constraints that do exist, in the form of arms embargoes and regional commitments such as the EU Code of Conduct on Arms Transfers, have not always proved to be effective in preventing irresponsible transfers.
In recent years, however, the impetus for states to agree on international measures to regulate the arms trade has been growing. On the one hand, media reports and civil society watchdogs have raised awareness of the damaging effects of irresponsible arms sales to countries in civil conflict or states with questionable human rights records. On the other hand, as a consequence of globalization, the production of weapons increasingly involves more than one country, with different components being produced in different states, especially where high-tech weapons are involved.
Also, the number of countries producing weapons under license has increased. Such developments make it harder to control the trade and make it easier for unscrupulous brokers and governments to buy weapons.
The aim of an ATT would be to curb irresponsible transfers of arms by establishing a set of common standards that all states would apply when deciding whether or not to sell arms. The hope is that an ATT would increase the checks and balances in place, close some of the loopholes that exist as a consequence of states applying different criteria under their distinct national systems, and enhance states’ accountability for irresponsible arms sales. However, there are several issues that mar its chances of success.
First, a number of major players in the arms industry – both exporters and importers – are yet to be convinced that an ATT is feasible or desirable, including China, Egypt, India, Iran, Israel, Pakistan, Russia, Venezuela and the US. Since one of the main objectives of an ATT is that it be universally binding on all states, it is not clear how deliberations will - or even can - proceed without the support and participation of these states.
Second, the emphasis has been on why an ATT is needed and on getting it on the agenda by using bold but vague promises that it will put an end to irresponsible trading without really fleshing out how. Assertions that common, legally binding standards will prevent irresponsible transfers overlook the fact that a) legally binding guidelines only matter if there is an effective enforcement mechanism allowing action to be taken against states that violate the treaty; and b) even if common international standards exist, in practice states will apply them at the national level and make subjective assessments of the risks involved.
For example, one state’s interpretation of what constitutes a risk of arms being diverted to terrorists might be very different to another state’s understanding of the same circumstances. For example, in 2005, the Austrian government approved the sale of long-range sniper rifles to Iran for the police to use against drug smugglers, despite concern in the US and the UK that the rifles would find their way into Iraq and be used against coalition forces. In other words, here is a situation where two countries – Austria and the UK – both committed to the EU Code of Conduct on Arms Transfers, made very different assessments of the risk that arms transferred might be diverted.
Political will is such that states are unlikely to agree to a treaty that provides for an independent, objective assessment of their application of the common standards or that incorporates a strong enforcement mechanism that contemplates fines or even sanctions for violations. Why would they agree to such restrictive measures when currently they are basically free to sell arms as they choose, and where limitations such as arms embargoes do exist, states rarely pay for their indiscretions and misdemeanors?
It is likely that the most that may be achieved is a set of common standards – without an independent mechanism for assessing their application. Indeed many states think an ATT should and will simply ‘codify’ existing international obligations in the context of arms transfers. If this is all an ATT will do - reflect existing international obligations that are already binding on states – is it necessary to spend years negotiating a treaty? Is it not the role of the International Law Commission, at least as a first step, to codify international law and make recommendations in this regard? Mere codification is presumably not the main objective of an ATT, and this needs to be made clear in deliberations of the open-ended working group.
A third weakness is the fact that so far much of the discourse on an ATT has taken place in disarmament fora among disarmament diplomats. The central issue - and indeed the central word of the title: 'trade' - has been carefully avoided. This is not entirely surprising since the ATT initiative was started by a group of Nobel Peace laureates who were concerned with the humanitarian consequences of irresponsible arms transfers, which foster human rights abuses and prolong conflict. Any talk of a regulatory system that might facilitate arms trading seems instinctively contradictory to the aim of reducing irresponsible trading and preventing human rights violations.
Arguably, however, some of the checks and balances sought by an ATT coupled with greater transparency might be better achieved through trade negotiations.
The moral imperative for curbing the irresponsible arms trade is undeniably strong, and this has driven the ATT process successfully thus far. ATT proponents – both states and civil society – have succeeded in mobilizing public opinion on the issue and putting it firmly on the political agenda.
It is clear why we need an ATT, but what remains to be seen is whether deliberations on an ATT can navigate the complex and sensitive economic, security and sovereignty implications raised and adopt an instrument that will actually affect state behavior.
Sarah Parker is a Researcher with the Geneva-based Small Arms Survey. She previously worked for the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research and authored two reports on the Arms Trade Treaty based on a review of states’ views of the initiative as submitted to the Secretary-General in 2007. Previously, Sarah worked as a commercial lawyer in Sydney, Australia.
Publications consulted in the writing of this article can be found by clicking the 'Resources' tab at the top of the page.
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Standoff in the Bay of Bengal
http://www.isn.ethz.ch/isn/Current-Affairs/Security-Watch/Detail/?ots591=4888CAA0-B3DB-1461-98B9-E20E7B9C13D4&lng=en&id=93998
Tensions are palpable as Burma and Bangladesh face off over rights to a resource-rich piece of the Bay of Bengal, and their neighbors watch and wait, Animesh Roul writes for ISN Security Watch.
By Animesh Roul in New Delhi for ISN Security Watch
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In reaction to a move seen as an encroachment on its territory, Bangladesh deployed warships and land forces along its border with Burma (Myanmar) in early November over the latter's bid to explore oil and gas in a disputed maritime zone in the Bay of Bengal, creating the first major naval deployment in the bay over offshore oil and gas rights since 1972.
Myanmar has dismissed Bangladesh's claims on this oil-rich area as "unlawful" and vowed to continue exploration. Tensions have been relatively eased as Dhaka called back its frigates and Myanmar temporarily halted activities in the area. However, despite Dhaka’s multi-pronged diplomatic efforts involving China and South Korea, the stand-off remains unresolved.
Still worse, an inconclusive round of bilateral talks in Myanmar's new capital, Naypyidaw, to settle the controversy has triggered both sides to deploy troops along the border near Myanmar's Rakhain state.
Bangladesh claims that Myanmar’s exploration activities impinged on its right to the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) and the continental shelf, as accorded by the UN’s Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). On the other hand, Dhaka itself has yet to complete the delimitation of its maritime boundary accordingly. Its littoral neighbors and legitimate claimants of the Bay, India and Myanmar, found significant amounts of hydrocarbons in 2005-2006 and demarcated their respective offshore gas fields as per the "equidistant" principle. In some areas, these demarcations overlap Bangladesh’s share of the bay's gas fields.
Under UNCLOS, India and Myanmar must complete the demarcation process by 2009, where as Bangladesh has until 2011.
The ongoing face-off is not an isolated event. On earlier occasions, Myanmar’s naval forces blocked Bangladesh’s efforts to survey in the EEZ. To ward off any such future maritime aggression and protect its only mineral-rich maritime territory, the impoverished and politically unstable Dhaka has begun modernizing its naval force in recent years, putting many domestic priorities at stake.
Myanmar’s recent overtures certainly have heightened the risk of war between otherwise friendly Asian nations, very often overwhelmed by a spurt of bilateral ambitious project agreements. However, all bonhomie seems to be marred by this long-standing maritime boundary dispute.
Observers also speculate that Myanmar's junta may postpone many projects relating to border trade and infrastructure with Bangladesh due to the dispute.
India, the largest of the three littoral countries, has remained mute on the dispute between its neighbors, perhaps due to the past experience. Bangladesh and India had problems earlier concerning the exploration of deepwater blocks. Dhaka protested against New Delhi’s alleged encroachment and allotment of gas blocks for exploration under its New Exploration Licensing Policy (NELP) in 2006. Mahmudur Rahman, a former energy adviser to the Bangladeshi government, claimed that both Myanmar and India had encroached 18,000 and 19,000 sq km, respectively, into Bangladesh’s territorial waters. India and Myanmar denied the claim.
Understandably, the resource- rich Bay of Bengal has re-emerged as a theater of conflict, as littoral countries are increasingly engaged in harvesting hydrocarbons unilaterally: This is bound to trigger tension. Myanmar leased the present zone of contention, Block No AD-7, to South Korea's Daewoo International Corp in 2005. The company started explorations in the area in September but South Korea reportedly called it back following Bangladesh’s protest.
China intervened to defuse the latest tension, but remains elusive in terms of the overall controversy, preferring to wait and watch. Myanmar is a storehouse of oil, gas and other natural resources, which the junta exchanges for military aid. These resource revenues form the backbone of country’s economic security. Furthermore, Myanmar has already entered into agreements to export gas to China and India, but surprisingly, not with Bangladesh yet.
Despite the deadlock, diplomatic maneuvers continue. Foreign Ministry representatives from both Myanmar and Bangladesh met on the sidelines of the Bay of Bengal Initiative for MultiSectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation conference in New Delhi last week and agreed to carry forward dialogues to reach an amicable solution. The latest round of bilateral talks between Dhaka and Naypyidaw on 16-17 November ended inconclusively. The next round is scheduled for January.
Always at a receiving end, Bangladesh must trust India and Myanmar while mutually agreeing to draw the maritime boundary in the bay. It is imperative that all parties who have stakes on the bay waters, including India, engage in meaningful dialogue to resolve the maritime boundary issue equitably and more importantly, amicably, in order to avoid upsetting shaky regional stability.
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Animesh Roul is a senior correspondent for ISN Security Watch based in New Delhi.
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The views and opinions expressed herein are those of the author only, not the International Relations and Security Network (ISN).
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