News & Articles on Burma-Wednesday, 19 October, 2011-uzl

News & Articles on Burma Wednesday, 19 October, 2011 --------------------------------------------- RI told to delay ASEAN decision on Myanmar chair bid Delay Asean Decision: AIPMC Indonesian MPs Give Burma Reform Lessons IMF Delegation in Naypyidaw Violence mars Burma's credibility in the West Who is the grand-master of civil war in Burma? Time For All Burma's Political Prisoners To Be Released Burma may free more political prisoners soon Burma's Junta: Can a Tiger Change Its Stripes? Burma: Army Committing Abuses in Kachin State China arrests Myanmar gun-runners to Tibetan regions -------------------------------------------- RI told to delay ASEAN decision on Myanmar chair bid Ridwan Max Sijabat, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Wed, 10/19/2011 8:35 AM The ASEAN Inter-parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC) called on current ASEAN chair Indonesia to delay agreeing on Myanmar becoming ASEAN chair in 2014 until the country showed real progress in democratization. Observers and stakeholders are speculating that during the ASEAN summit in Bali next month, ASEAN leaders will agree to grant Myanmar the grouping's chair. The AIPMC said in a press conference in Jakarta on Tuesday that it supported a call from the Burma Partnership, which represents Myanmarese civil society, that Indonesia should play a more active role in encouraging further reform in Myanmar. "The AIPMC and the Indonesian House of Representatives' foreign affairs commission will ask Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa to lobby other ASEAN countries to suspend the decision during the upcoming ASEAN meeting to give time to the ruling government in Myanmar to make more progress at home," AIPMC executive director Agung Putri Astrid said. During the press conference, Burma Partnership coordinator Khin Ohmar said the pro-democracy movement was still running in place, as Myanmar, under President Thein Sein's democratically elected government, had yet to achieve significant progress in democracy. She said civil society had not seen continued progress in Myanmar, and the recent release of 220 political prisoners was perceived as "lipstick" to attract attention from ASEAN and the rest of the world. "The government has to work hard to promote better democracy at home because the real power is held not by the elected president but is in the hands of the eight-member National Security Council, which is controlled by the former military junta leader, Tan Shwe, and several other Army generals. "The government also has to release more than 18,000 political prisoners and stop the atrocities against minorities such as Kareen and Katchin," she said. Eva Kusuma Sundari, a caucus member and legislator of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, said suspending the decision would give Myanmar two years to show its political commitment to developing a true democracy and for ASEAN to assess the country's progress. According to her, ASEAN should not abruptly make the decision despite the fact that Myanmar was gradually distancing from its patron country, China. "Myanmar should be given time to show ASEAN and the international world its sincerity in running a democratic government." She added that the foreign minister should meet all the stakeholders in Myanmar, including ethnic leaders, in his next visit to assess the Myanmarese government's democratic progress. Lily Chadidjah Wahid, another caucus member, said the AIPMC would bring the Burma Partnership's report and recommendations to the hearing between House's Commission I on information, defense and foreign affairs and the foreign minister on Tuesday afternoon. http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2011/10/19/ri-told-delay-asean-decision-myanmar-chair-bid.html ----------------------------------------------- Delay Asean Decision: AIPMC By SAW YAN NAING Wednesday, October 19, 2011 A regional rights group, the Asean Inter-parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC), on Tuesday called on Indonesia, the current chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), to delay making a decision on whether to support Burma's bid to chair the regional bloc in 2014 until Naypyidaw makes genuine progress toward democratic reform. Many observers speculate that Asean representatives will vote in favor of honoring the Burmese government during the bloc's upcoming summit in Bali in November. Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Wednesday, the AIPMC's Executive Director Agung Putri said that Asean leaders should delay making a decision until Naypyidaw makes tangible changes in Burma, including initiating peace talks, not only with opposition groups, but also with ethnic minority groups that have been fighting against the government for their fundamental rights. Putri said that when Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa visits Burma at the end of this month, he should meet and talk with ethnic leaders. She noted that the new Burmese government has recently made progress, and said that AIPMC welcomed the changes. "However, there have not been enough reforms to grant Burma the chair in 2014," she added. Burma first expressed interest in chairing Asean just a month after the new government took office in March. It then launched an official bid for the bloc's chairmanship in Jakarta at the 18th Asean Summit in May. "We don't reject Burma's chairmanship in 2014," said Putri. "But it is still too early to make this decision at next month's summit. "Releasing political prisoners alone doesn't meet the standards of democratization," she said. "The key issue in achieving democratization in Burma is negotiating with ethnic parties and the opposition. This must be addressed first. It is the No. 1 priority. We very much expect Natalegawa to use his authority and take this opportunity to help facilitate democratization in Burma. It would be a great achievement for Asean." Ahead of the Indonesian foreign minister's visit to Burma, the AIPMC held a meeting in Jakarta on Tuesday, at which they urged Indonesia to play a more active role in encouraging Burma toward further reform. Burma---under the previous military regime---missed its turn in 2006 to act as chair of Asean in the face strong international pressure led by Western countries, especially the US, which leveled criticism as the junta's record of human rights abuses and lack of progress toward restoring democracy. On Monday, US special envoy to Burma, Derek Mitchell stated that the Burmese government has not made comparable progress in its relations with ethnic minorities in the north and east of Burma as it has with the democratic opposition---in particular noting that Naypyidaw had held high-level talks with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Mitchell also noted what he referred to as credible reports of continued human rights abuses, including violence against minority women and children. Also on Tuesday, Human Rights Watch released a statement accusing the Burmese army of commiting serious human rights abuses against ethnic Kachin civilians since renewed fighting broke out in the northern state in June. The international rights group estimated that some 30,000 civilians in Kachin State have been displaced by the conflict. Djumara Supriyadi, the secretary of the Indonesian embassy in Rangoon, told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that Natalegawa's trip to Burma comes at the end of October and that he is currently corresponding between Naypyidaw and Jakarta to confirm the exact schedule. He said he is trying to arrange meetings for his foreign minister with government officials as well as with non-government players, such as civil society organizations. "Our foreign minister's overview will be valuable input for the Asean leaders when they sit down to make a decision on Burma's bid for the chair," said Supriyadi. Natalegawa is also expected to meet with his Burmese counterpart, Wunna Maung Lwin, as well as President Thein Sein and pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi during his trip, according to Supriyadi. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=22288 ------------------------------------------- Indonesian MPs Give Burma Reform Lessons By BA KAUNG Wednesday, October 19, 2011 Burma can learn from both the successes and failures of Indonesia during its transition from military rule to democracy, members of Indonesia's parliament told Burmese presidential advisers for legal and political affairs during a meeting in Jakarta, Indonesia on Sept 27. According to notes from the meeting obtained by The Irrawaddy, the Indonesian MPs told the Burmese delegation that one of the first steps in Indonesia's own transition to democracy---which began in 1998 after the fall of former dictator Suharto---was making significant constitutional amendments to protect human rights and provide a framework for economic and political reforms. The Indonesian legislators acknowledged that their country made a mistake by failing to bring to justice those responsible for gross violations of human rights during the Suharto regime and then letting them hold positions in the new government. As a consequence, the Indonesian MPs said, such persons remain obstacles to resolving conflicts, particularly with respect to the management of the country's natural resources. One of the issues the Burmese delegation raised in the meeting with the Indonesian MPs was how to strengthen Burma's Parliament and public administration. The Indonesian MPs responded that the first step should be to give Burma's Parliament power under the country's Constitution. They said that even though the Indonesian parliament was previously just a rubber stamp for the government, the amended Indonesian constitution gives the parliament the authority to oversee the budget and make law. The Indonesian MPs also said that increasing the capacity of civil society should take place simultaneously with increasing the power of the parliament. During the early stages of reform, they said, Indonesia's leadership was aware that it was important to listen to civil society and acknowledged that if the government sector is weak, the civil society should be allowed to play its role. In addition, civil society has been allowed to play a role in the legislative process, such as in drafting the law for the protection of labor rights. Dr Nay Zin Latt, a political adviser to Burmese President Thein Sein who was part of the Burmese delegation, told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that the Indonesian MPs warned that Burma's reform process could be protracted if the country has a weak parliament and civil society sector. "We understand that the reform process cannot go very smoothly with a weak civil society. We have more plans underway for the process," he said. Nay Zin Latt also suggested that just as post-Suharto Indonesia saw the gradual end of military representation in its parliament, the same thing can be expected to take place in Burma's national parliament, where 25 percent of the MPs are designated by the military. But regarding the question of bringing to justice those who committed human rights violations in the past, Nay Zin Latt pointed out that change in Indonesia stemmed from a grassroots public movement, whereas in Burma change is being driven from the top down by government leaders, including President Thein Sein, who are former military officials. Therefore, attempting to bring members of the previous military junta to justice may actually prolong the reform process, he said. However, the Burmese delegation did inquire about ways of coping with corruption, and in response the Indonesian MPs acknowledged that this has been an issue that the achievement of greater degrees of democracy and openness have not solved in their country. The Indonesian MPs warned there cannot be a gap between moral and political commitment if the problem of corruption is to be adequately addresses---there must be a strategy that focuses on prevention, not just repression, and a budget that allows the strategy to be carried out. In addition, the ruling party must address the issue with impartiality if they expect law enforcement officials to do so as well. The Burmese delegation also sought advice on how to deal with requests for autonomy by ethnic groups in different states and regions, and expressed a fear that autonomy would allow those states with the most natural resources to develop ahead of the others. After the meeting, the Burmese delegation reportedly visited Indonesia's Ache Province, which was previously engaged in a decades-long civil war with the Indonesian government but was granted autonomy a few years after the country began its political transition to democracy. The 2005 agreement between the Indonesian government and the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM) resulted in Aceh receiving a special regional status, and former GAM guerrillas came to power after winning the first post-conflict elections. This was not the first time that the Burmese government had sent a delegation to study the Indonesian system and seek advice from Indonesian officials. Former junta chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe sent delegates to Jakarta to study the Indonesian model of dwi-funsi (two functions) which gives the military a dual role in defense and politics. Under the Indonesian constitution, there is an elected president and legislature, but the army has a constitutional role in ensuring the security and integrity of the nation and until 2004 had representation in the legislature. Than Shwe's delegation studied the structure and function of the Indonesian constitution for an example of how a military-run government can transition to a civilian government with the army retaining a direct role in running the country. In addition, when forming the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), a mass pseudo-social organization, the Than Shwe's junta used as a model the Golkar---Indonesia's purportedly apolitical body that was formed in 1964 with the backing of senior army officers and is now the largest political party in the country. Similarly, in 2010, the USDA was transformed into the Union Solidarity and Development Party, which dominated the 2010 election and now holds a majority of the seats in Burma's Parliament. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=22287&page=2 ----------------------------------------- IMF Delegation in Naypyidaw By WAI MOE Wednesday, October 19, 2011 A delegation from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) arrived in Burma's capital, Naypyidaw, on Wednesday to meet with government officials for consultations on reforming the country's dual exchange rate system. According to official sources, the IMF delegation is scheduled to stay in Naypyidaw for two days and then spend more than a week in Burma's commercial capital, Rangoon, meeting with business leaders and other stakeholders. It was unclear, however, if the delegation would meet with pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other senior members of the political opposition. "Until today, we have not received any information about Daw Aung San Suu Kyi meeting with the IMF delegation," said Nyan Win, a spokesman for Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy. Sources who have had contact with the IMF delegation said the main subject of discussion will be Article VIII of the fund's agreement with members states, which deals with international transactions and exchange rates. According to the IMF website, under Sections 2, 3 and 4 of Article VIII, members "undertake not to impose restrictions on the making of payments and transfers for current international transactions, and not to engage in, or permit any of their fiscal agencies to engage in, any discriminatory currency arrangement or multiple currency practice, except with IMF approval." Burma, which has an official exchange rate that bears little relation to the market-set rate used in most domestic and international transactions, is one of several IMF member nations that have not acceded to Article VIII. The country is also barred from receiving financial assistance from the IMF or any other multilateral organization due to sanctions aimed at forcing it to improve its human rights record. In addition to talks on unifying Burma's currency exchange rate, the IMF delegation is also expected to discuss other reforms proposed by the country's new military-backed civilian government, which assumed power seven months ago. Another issue that will likely come up is the country's budget deficit, which the government attributes to a revenue gap, despite its multi-billion dollar earnings from the energy and other natural resource sectors and extremely low social spending. An editorial in today's edition of the state-run New Light of Myanmar, meanwhile, announced that the government planned to step up its efforts to alleviate poverty. "The country has targeted to reduce poverty rate down to 16 percent in 2015 in order to meet Millennium Development Goals, narrowing the gap between urban and rural areas," the newspaper said. Quoting Burma's Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development and a survey by the United Nations Development Program, the newspaper said that while the poverty rate has been reduced from 32 to 26 percent in recent years, the gap between cities and rural areas is still wide. To close this gap, and to achieve other economic development goals laid out by President Thein Sein, the government said it is seeking the assistance of international organizations such as the IMF. "We consider that the availability of technical and financial cooperation from the Bretton Woods institutions will support our economic development programs and we believe that they can provide a parallel role in our future prosperity," said ex-Maj-Gen Hla Tun, Burma's minister for finance and revenue and the governor of the country's national bank, at the IMF's annual meeting in Washington, DC, in September. Despite these high expectations, however, observers said that process of restoring relations between Burma and the IMF and other international organizations would be a long, step-by-step process. "Actually, it will not be easy to get support from international monetary institutions without concrete liberalization," said a Burmese economic researcher based in Bangkok who has met with members of the IMF delegation, adding that Washington would not back a resumption of aid to Burma without significant political reforms. He added some Burmese officials and businessmen seem to expect that the exchange rate issue will be resolved after the IMF trip. "But this is just a consultation, and the IMF's attitude is that if the Burmese government wants to reform, the IMF will give its advice. If not, the IMF is fine with that, too," he said. Since his new military-backed administration was sworn in in March, Thein Sein has formed advisory boards to address political, economic and legal issues. The head of the economic advisory board, U Myint, is a well-known economist and close association of Suu Kyi. During a state workshop on economic reform held in Naypyidaw on Aug 19-21, U Myint read a paper on the need for exchange rate reforms that came as Burma's national currency, the kyat, was appreciating rapidly, with severely negative consequences for exports and other sectors of the Burmese economy. "Experience shows that a crisis often creates a good opportunity to initiate a reform process. Advantage should therefore be taken of the present kyat exchange rate appreciation problem to start the process of reforming Myanmar's exchange rate regime," said U Myint. He suggested two points of reform---unifying the multiple exchange rates and removing and liberalizing the restrictions that now exist in the current account transactions of the country's balance of payments. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=22289 ---------------------------------------- Violence mars Burma's credibility in the West Lindsay Murdoch October 20, 2011 BANGKOK: Burma's armed forces have committed serious abuses against ethnic rebels in renewed fighting, setting back efforts by the country's leaders to convince Western nations they are serious about ending 50 years of brutal military rule. Human Rights Watch says government forces have been responsible for killings and attacks on civilians, using forced labour and pillaging villages in northern Kachin State since June. More than 30,000 civilians have been displaced by fighting, the group says. Burmese leaders last week released up to 300 political prisoners and have moved to introduce political reforms as it lobbies the US and Europe to lift international sanctions. The former generals in charge of the government also want regional countries to give Burma the nod to chair the 10-member Association of South-East Asian Nations in 2014. But Derek Mitchell, the US special envoy on Burma, said that the country was showing ''encouraging signs'' but the government must commit to deeper reforms and halt violence against ethnic minorities if it wants sanctions eased. Mr Mitchell, who visited Burma last month, said the government had held talks with the pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi but had not made comparable progress in its relations with ethnic minorities in the north and east of the country. He noted credible reports of continued human rights abuses, including against women and children. ''We made it very clear that we could not have a transformed relationship as long as these abuses and credible reports of abuses occur,'' Mr Mitchell said. Analysts are divided over whether Burma has embarked on a path of genuine reform that should be rewarded by allowing the World Bank and Asian Development Bank to return to the country. There are concerns that hardliners inside the country are waiting for an opportunity to sabotage the reforms and any role for Ms Suu Kyi. Fighting between the army and the Kachin Independence Army, Burma's second-largest ethnic group, erupted in June after a 17-year ceasefire when Burmese soldiers attacked a rebel post near a Chinese-led hydropower project. Tensions had been growing in Kachin State over another Chinese-led dam project on the Irrawaddy River, which the Burmese government suspended on September 30, citing pubic concern about it. Human Rights Watch has documented killings against civilians, including that of a 52-year-old woman and her four-year-old grandson who were shot when soldiers entered a village looking for rebels. A 36-year-old mother of six told Human Rights Watch how she and children as young as 14 were forced to porter for Burmese soldiers. Read more: http://www.smh.com.au/world/violence-mars-burmas-credibility-in-the-west-20111019-1m7xd.html#ixzz1bBkSS5Xg ------------------------------------------- Who is the grand-master of civil war in Burma? By Zin Linn Burma's current political scenario is more blurred than its external phenomena. Despite the obscurity of its politics, Burma is known that there are rivalries within the current cabinet. While soft-liners stand with President Thein Sein, the hardliners are challenging Thein Sein's new approach, primarily his risk at mutual understanding with Aung San Suu Kyi and the pro-democracy factions. These hardliners favor continued supporting strong military dominance throughout the country and the purging of any opposition. Burma's armed forces have been fantastically faithful and unified shielding the military dictatorship since 1962. For more than fifty years, there was no threat of split in the ruling chain of military command. But if measures are expected to be getting out of control, there cannot be forget about coup d'A~(c)tat in order to replace direct military ruling. Thein Sein and his cabinet members have taken a number of steps that seem intended to meet the constant calls of the international community. For example, the president has met with Burma's Nobel laureate and democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi. Besides, he agreed to stop the controversial Myitsone dam project financed by China, as a sign of respect towards people's desire. Even though, he cannot make a decision to stop the ongoing civil war with Kachin, Karen and Shan ethnic armed groups. If the president could not manage to end civil war, his dream of good governance and poverty alleviation may be a castle in the wind. Who is the decision-maker of the war against the Kachin Independence Army (KIA)? Although, President Thein Sein has been speaking about the national unity for many times, the wars with ethnic groups continue. If these wars are not launched by the government, then the person responsible for this war may be the present military boss General Min Aung Hlaing. Then, another question arises. Does the military boss comply with the defense minister of the new government? The President Thein Sein government used to say that it has been trying to build a peaceful and developed country; on the other hand the momentum of civil war is increasing. So, the words of the government are not in harmony with the acts of the armed forces. Keeping political dissidents in prison and attacking ethnic armed groups is the policy of the previous junta's boss, Sen. Gen Than Shwe. Hence, it is to be considered that the new military boss is going along with Than Shwe's policy rather than President Thein Sein's guidelines. Then, there is another question: Is Than Shwe still powerful in Burma's politics? The war in Kachin State seems to be the outcome of the policy divergence between the Burmese government and the Burma Army. It means the military is standing together with the hardliners of the existing cabinet led by the vice president Tin Aung Myin Oo. Moreover, the hardliners are also a pro-China faction. Hardliners have decided to protect the Chinese development projects in Kachin State in addition to their power structure and business profits. Because of the China factor, some observers think, the soft-liners led by President Thein Sein cannot stop simply the war against KIA and they cannot afford to free all political prisoners in favor of change. People believe that China is pulling the strings in Burma's politics in order to establish its regional strategic power. Meanwhile, over 2,000 Chinese soldiers have deployed along the Sino-Burma border in its south-western Yunnan province, as civil war escalates in northern Burma between government troops and Kachin resistance forces, Kachin News Group said. Bum Htoi, a border-based military analyst and former officer of the Chinese-backed Communist Party of Burma (CPB), said more Chinese People's Liberation Army troops have been deployed on the lengthy border with Burma in Kachin State and Shan State since early October. According to eyewitnesses, Chinese troops are mainly deploying at Jang Hkawng, La Ying, Manghai (former CPB headquarters) and Xiao Zhai. The Kachin Independence Army (KIA) also confirmed Chinese combat troops are currently deploying near KIA strongholds close to the China border, KNG said. Over 300 Chinese troops are currently stationed at the newly constructed military post in the Chinese town of Manghai, opposite Mongkoe in Burma, according to residents of Mongkoe. Over a hundred Chinese PLA troops have been deployed at Manghai since Burmese troops began a new offensive against the KIA on June 9, Bum Htoi added. He said, "It is unusual that over 2,000 Chinese troops are deployed near the Burma border. It is aimed at blocking Kachin refugees from crossing into Chinese soil." According to IDP aid groups, at present Chinese border authorities have been not only preventing Kachin refugees from entering China but also barring the cross-border food and medicine supplies from China to KIA-controlled areas where over 20,000 Kachin internally displaced persons take shelter, KNG reported. Increasingly, Kachin people in battle-zones are escaping to temporary camps in the KIA controlled areas and Burmese government-controlled areas in Kachin State and Shan State, aid groups in Laiza said. Fearing abuses from the Burmese army, tens of thousands of Kachin fled their villages, Human Rights Watch said in its October 18 press release. Before arriving at displaced persons camps in KIA controlled areas, several thousand villagers hid from the Burmese army in the jungle, in some cases for a month after the fighting began. Human Rights Watch documented the killings of three Kachin civilians by Burmese soldiers in June and is investigating credible allegations of other killings. Several people told Human Rights Watch that Burmese army soldiers fired on them as they were fleeing their village. The Burmese army has unlawfully used Kachin civilians for forced labor, which has long been a serious problem in Burma's ethnic areas, Human Rights Watch said. While President Thein Sein has been pledging to create a peaceful and organized nation, his military branch has been violating fundamental human rights. All these war crimes violated by Burmese soldiers will re-emerge to haunt the President. If so, the president must try to convince the military commander-in-chief that this war will lead the nation into an abysmal misery. Hence, the President must call a nationwide ceasefire in order to stop ongoing war crimes. It is a dishonor not only for the President and his government but also for the whole nation that the Burma Army has allowed a variety of criminals in its national armed forces. http://www.opednews.com/articles/2/Who-is-the-grand-master-of-by-Zin-Linn-111019-363.html ----------------------------------------- VOA News.com: 10-18-2011 Time For All Burma's Political Prisoners To Be Released The United States hopes this recent release is only the beginning of a time-bound process that results in the unconditional release of all political prisoners. Aid groups and human rights organizations estimate that about 2,200 men and women are being held in Burma's jails on political charges. Under a mass amnesty, the government of Burma has begun freeing thousands of prisoners from its jails, the latest in a series of actions and reforms that could improve the tightly-controlled nation's ties with the international community. Officials promised the release, which coincides with a Buddhist holiday, will eventually include 6,359 men and women who are elderly, ailing or disabled, and those "who have served an appropriate sentence and have shown progress in behavior and discipline." Burma's leaders typically grant a prison amnesty once or twice a year. In May, President Thein Sein announced the release of 20,000 prisoners, commuted death sentences and reduced all jail terms by one year. Only about 45 of those released were considered political prisoners, however, and the number of political activists and other prisoners of conscience included in the current release is unclear. The Government of Burma has not published a comprehensive name list of those released. Aid groups and human rights organizations estimate that about 2,200 men and women are being held in Burma's jails on political charges, often in poor conditions and subjected to cruel treatment. The United States welcomes the Burmese Government's release of any political prisoners and will carefully follow the total number and identities of political prisoners has released in this amnesty. While noting some positive developments in Burma - including substantive dialogue between pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and government officials -- the United States hopes this recent release is only the beginning of a time-bound process that results in the unconditional release of all political prisoners, which the United States, the international community, Burmese citizens, and Burma's recently established Human Rights Commission have long called for. http://www.voanews.com/policy/editorials/Time-For-All-Burmas-Political-Prisoners-To-Be-Released--132071463.html -------------------------------------------- Burma may free more political prisoners soon YANGON, BURMA - Oct 19 2011 14:14 Burma may soon release hundreds more political detainees, a senior government official said on Wednesday, a week after about 200 dissidents were freed in an amnesty welcomed by the West as a step towards reform. Ko Ko Hlaing, a senior political adviser to President Thein Sein, said no official decision had been taken but that another amnesty soon would be the logical move. "I have got a feeling that the government may grant an amnesty on remaining prisoners of conscience soon," he told Reuters. "Why should the rest remain in prison while some others have been released? I don't see any point in it," he said, adding the decision was not his to make. Comments on the record by senior government officials or people close to national leaders are rare -- the country has been tightly controlled by a small group of generals for five decades until elections last year ushered in a new civilian government. Burma freed about 200 political prisoners, including several prominent dissidents, on October 12, leaving an estimated 1 800 behind bars, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), some of whom are serving sentences longer than a century But Ko Ko Hlaing on Wednesday questioned that number and said the AAPP had gathered its data from outside the country and it was therefore inaccurate. He put the figure at about 600. Under military rule, Burma denied having any political prisoners and said everyone serving in its jails or labour camps was a criminal. The amnesty came as one of the world's most reclusive states begins to open up amid promises of economic and social reforms and a bid to gain international recognition for its new, but much criticised, civilianised system of government. http://mg.co.za/article/2011-10-19-burma-may-free-more-political-prisoners-soon/ ------------------------------------------- Burma's Junta: Can a Tiger Change Its Stripes? By Kyi May Kaung, October 18, 2011 Since at least the fake elections of November 2010, the Burmese junta has floated the fiction that it is now a "civilian government" with a real parliamentary process in place at the Potemkin capital of Naypyidaw, or "The Seat of the King." Senior General Than Shwe, who "retired" in 2010, and his wife are said to have a Burmese royalty fetish, with only two chairs in their reception room. Visitors, it is said, must sit or grovel on the floor and use the "royal language" of the old pre-1886 Burmese court when addressing them. This may be apocryphal, but "Naypyidaw" does mean what it means, and the parade ground there features the three great conqueror kings of Burmese history. General Thein Sein, now changed into civilian clothes, is Burma's nominal "Prime Minister." He is supposed to be the "reformer" behind the so-called moderate group now said to be on the ascendant. Since anti-sanctions, pro-junta apologists have always been seeing "young Turks" in the Burmese army, I think it is little more than a good cop, bad cop routine. But two weeks ago the controversial Myitsone Dam in North Burma was halted in response to "the people's wishes." The junta also announced it would free 6,359 prisoners. The hope was that Burma's over 2,000 political prisoners would be included in this "amnesty," but the Association for the Assistance of Political Prisoners, Burma (AAPPB) has said that only 207 political prisoners have been released so far. Prominent leaders such as Min Ko Naing of 1988 fame; Ashin U Gambira, the monk who led the Saffron Revolution in 2007; and U Khun Htun Oo are not among the released. Famous Burmese comic Zarganar, or "Tweezers," is. In an interview with the Oslo-based Democratic Voice of Burma, Zarganar---with the charming insouciance of the true comic genius who can't help speaking the truth, even at possible detriment to himself---said. "Yes, thank you, my health has been good, but since before I got on the plane [and heard about] the possible reforms, I got a headache and my neck began to hurt." (I did all the translations presented here). He added, "I can't say that I am seeing any significant reforms, just because I have been released." He explained that he "was allowed to read newspapers and 12-13 journals, so I could keep up." Zarganar had been sentenced to 35 years, of which he had served only 3. "Up to yesterday [while still in prison]," he said, "I sort of believed there might really be reforms, but today, doubt has entered my mind. If it is true reform, then why aren't all the [political] prisoners released? The number released is miniscule. Even former Lt. General Khin Nyunt [imprisoned in 2004 due to an internal junta purge and corruption charges] should be released. These weren't arrested during the Thein Sein government. If it's true reconciliation, please let everyone go...I'll put up my life as security." Zarganar said in other interviews that he needed to consult with Aung San Suu Kyi and that he would be traveling to see other political prisoners and lend his support. About his arrest and jail time he quipped, "Since I was arrested for giving alms to Buddhist monks, I might have to excommunicate myself from Buddhism." Long live Zarganar, and all the artists and jesters. Foreign Policy In Focus contributor Kyi May Kaung is a poet, an artist, and an analyst of Southeast Asian politics. http://www.fpif.org/blog/burmas_junta_can_a_tiger_change_its_stripes?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+FPIF+%28Foreign+Policy+In+Focus+%28All+News%29%29 ---------------------------------------------- Burma: Army Committing Abuses in Kachin State 18 Oct 2011 05:20 Source: Content partner // Human Rights Watch Burma's armed forces have committed serious abuses against ethnic Kachin civilians in renewed fighting in Kachin State. (New York) - Burma's armed forces have committed serious abuses against ethnic Kachin civilians in renewed fighting in Kachin State, Human Rights Watch said today. Since hostilities began over five months ago against the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), Burmese armed forces have been responsible for killings and attacks on civilians, using forced labor, and pillaging villages, which has resulted in the displacement of an estimated 30,000 Kachin civilians. On September 30, 2011, Burma's President Thein Sein suspended a controversial US$3.6 billion hydropower dam project on the Irrawaddy River in Kachin State, which appears to have been one of several factors in the renewed hostilities between the Burmese government and the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO). The Chinese-financed project was suspended after growing dissent in Burma over its current and potential environmental and social impacts. "Renewed fighting in Kachin State has meant renewed abuses by the Burmese army against Kachin villagers," said Elaine Pearson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch. "Tens of thousands of people have fled through the mountains and jungle at the height of the rainy season, driven away by fear of army attacks." Fighting between the Burmese army and the KIA, Burma's second largest ethnic armed group, began on June 9, ending 17 years of ceasefire. The Burmese army first attacked a strategic KIA post at the location of another Chinese-led hydropower dam on the Taping River in Momauk township, Human Rights Watch said. The army subsequently launched a major offensive and moved in hundreds of troops to areas formerly controlled by the KIA. There have since been failed ceasefire talks and an unconfirmed number of skirmishes, ambushes, and battles involving heavy mortar shelling. The KIA subsequently destroyed several road and railway bridges to frustrate the Burmese army's advance and supply lines. The KIA reportedly began conscripting able-bodied men and women aged 18 to 55 for a two-month military training, in anticipation of protracted fighting. Human Rights Watch conducted a fact-finding mission to the conflict areas in Kachin State in July and August, visiting abandoned villages and eight remote camps of internally displaced persons. Witnesses described serious abuses committed by Burmese soldiers, including killings and attacks on civilians, pillaging of villages, and the unlawful use of forced labor. Fearing abuses from the Burmese army, tens of thousands of Kachin fled their villages, Human Rights Watch said. Before arriving at displaced persons camps in KIA controlled areas, several thousand villagers hid from the Burmese army in the jungle, in some cases for a month after the fighting began. Those who were able to visit their homes to get provisions told Human Rights Watch that Burmese army soldiers had occupied their villages and confiscated their property and belongings. Some described being held by Burmese soldiers, who interrogated them harshly for information about the KIA, including by threatening to kill them. Interrogations were particularly menacing for villagers who spoke Kachin dialects and very little Burmese. Human Rights Watch documented the killings of three Kachin civilians by Burmese soldiers in June and is investigating credible allegations of other killings. Villagers told Human Rights Watch that on June 15, Burmese army forces entered Hang Htak village in Man Je township searching for suspected associates of the KIA. A Burmese soldier shot and killed a 52-year-old woman and her 4-year-old grandson in their home at close range as they tried to flee. On June 17, credible local sources told Human Rights Watch that a group of soldiers allegedly shot and killed Nhkum Zau Bawk, a farmer and day laborer, in Kawng Gat Ban Ma village as he stood unarmed with a group of friends at a cemetery. Local authorities reportedly provided financial compensation to the man's family, but no legal action was taken against the perpetrator. According to the September 2011 report to the United Nations General Assembly by the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Burma, Thomas Ojea Quintana, "Allegations of abuses against civilian populations throughout Kachin State include reports of 18 women and girls having been gang-raped by army soldiers, and of four of those victims being subsequently killed." While Human Rights Watch did not speak to any victims or witnesses of rape, community members confirmed such abuses had occurred. Several people told Human Rights Watch that Burmese army soldiers fired on them as they were fleeing their village. For instance, in early June, Burmese soldiers twice fired on a 62-year-old Kachin woman and her three young grandchildren in Sang Gang village. She told Human Rights Watch, "In the morning when we were cooking rice, we heard gunfire and we left our food and went to the field, looking into the village the whole day before we fled. When we ran the soldiers shot at us. We were really afraid. We just ran and hid." She said that after two days in the jungle without basic provisions, they decided to return home to get food, at which point they were fired upon a second time. "We had already left the house and were on our way out of the village ... and the soldiers opened fire on us [again]," she said. "No one was hit. When the soldier opened fire it made me shake and I didn't know what to do. We just ran." Under the laws of war applicable in conflict areas in Burma, all sides are prohibited from mistreating persons in their custody, targeting civilians, or pillaging homes and other civilian property. The Burmese army has unlawfully used Kachin civilians for forced labor, which has long been a serious problem in Burma's ethnic areas, Human Rights Watch said. Five civilians told Human Rights Watch that in recent months they had been forced to work for the military without compensation; several others knew of family or friends who had had to do so. A 36-year-old mother of six children who fled Lusupa village, a government-controlled area, told Human Rights Watch how she and other Kachin villagers, including children as young as 14, had been commonly forced to porter for the Burmese army. She said that her husband, who remained in their village to tend their crops and check on their home and belongings, was forced to carry out labor for the army twice, in late June and mid-July. The laws of war prohibit the use of uncompensated or abusive forced labor, including work in combat areas. Many Kachin recounted previous abuses at the hands of the Burmese army. A 58-year-old Kachin farmer, who said all his possessions had been taken by the Burmese army, told Human Rights Watch: "We lost our homes and properties to the Burmese soldiers several times. That is why I don't have hope in this situation." Recent abuses in Kachin State highlight the importance of establishing a United Nations commission of inquiry into alleged violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law in Burma, Human Rights Watch said. The UN special rapporteur for the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tomas Ojea Quintana, first called for a commission of inquiry in March 2010, and to date 16 countries have publically confirmed their support for the initiative, including the United States, the United Kingdom, France, and others, as well as Burmese democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi. "Pronouncements of political reform in Burma do not seem to have reached the army in Kachin State," Pearson said. "Ongoing abuses starkly demonstrate that until real steps are taken towards accountability, including an international commission of inquiry, minorities such as the Kachin will be a grave risk." http://www.trust.org/trustlaw/news/burma-army-committing-abuses-in-kachin-state --------------------------------------------- China arrests Myanmar gun-runners to Tibetan regions October 19, 2011 BEIJING, Oct 19 --- Chinese police have arrested 17 people for running guns into ethnically Tibetan parts of the country from northern Myanmar, and have seized a small number of guns and bullets, state media said today. China has long expressed concern that instability in Myanmar could spill over into its border provinces and regions. While the two countries have close economic and political ties, relations have been strained of late after Myanmar suspended the building of a controversial, Chinese-backed US$3.6 billion (RM17.6 billion) dam. China's official Xinhua news agency said the guns were smuggled in across the remote and lawless northern part of China's border with the former Burma, long a base for anti-government rebels and drug warlords. The suspects were arrested in the southwestern province of Yunnan, which borders Myanmar, Tibetan capital Lhasa and an ethnically Tibetan part of Sichuan province, the report added, citing the police. "Police said the suspects confessed that they began trafficking guns from Myanmar in 2009. All of the firearms were sold to Tibet and Tibetan regions in Yunnan and Sichuan provinces," it said. Police confiscated eight pistols and a rifle, along with 267 bullets, Xinhua said. The police have not announced the nationalities of those arrested, it added. The report also did not say who the end users of the guns may have been. "Yunnan police said that, in recent years, people vying for big money have started trafficking firearms, taking advantage of loose gun control laws amid arm conflicts in northern Myanmar," Xinhua added. While gun crime is rare in China thanks to tight controls, police uncovered a similar scheme along the Myanmar border in 2009, when police arrested 11 people and seized guns and explosives, it said. Many Tibetans chafe at Chinese rule and there have been numerous incidents of violent unrest over the years. But Tibetans wielding guns have almost never featured in any of these demonstrations. --- Reuters http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/world/article/china-arrests-myanmar-gun-runners-to-tibetan-regions/

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