News & Articles on Burma Thursday-Friday, March 01-02, 2012 -------------------------------------- Slow connection: Myanmar test for IT crowd U.S.–Burma Policy Is About More Than a Successful By-Election Myanmar president vows more democratic reform Myanmar president vows equality for minorities Ethnic Peace is My Priority: Thein Sein Burmese President Denies Govt Power Struggle No longer a pariah ‘Misconceived ideas, flawed policies have been our undoing’ Problems obtaining campaign venues continue: NLD Burmese arbitration court gives Tai Yi workers pay increase Myanmar’s Leaders face a New Environmental Dilemma Has the Myitsone Dam in Burma really been suspended? Analysis: Will Burma change its media laws? Burmese election, human rights to influence lifting E.U. sanctions 12th AMRI To Be Held In Nay Pyi Taw, Myanmar In 2014 Myanmar president renews call for democracy, peace with rebels Vow to journalist boosts Myanmar hopes ------------------------------------- Myanmar's Suu Kyi says reforms could be reversed Published on Mar 2, 2012 http://www.straitstimes.com/STI/STIMEDIA/image/20120301/aungsansuukyi-r.jpg Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi said on Wednesday it was too early to declare democratic reforms brought in after five decades of military rule were irreversible and played down talk of accepting a cabinet seat. -- PHOTO: REUTERS OTTAWA (REUTERS) - Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi said on Wednesday it was too early to declare democratic reforms brought in after five decades of military rule were irreversible and played down talk of accepting a cabinet seat. Nobel Peace Prize laureate Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) will contest 48 by-elections in April that could give political credibility to the isolated south-east Asian state and help speed the end of Western sanctions. Last March the former military junta made way for a nominally civilian government that embarked on a major reform drive, freeing hundreds of political prisoners, loosening media controls and engaging with Mr Suu Kyi, the 66-year-old leader of Myanmar's pro-democracy movement. 'Some are a little bit too optimistic about the situation. We are cautiously optimistic. We are at the beginning of a road,' said Ms Suu Kyi, speaking to an audience of students at Ottawa's Carleton University via a video link. http://www.straitstimes.com/BreakingNews/SEAsia/Story/STIStory_772384.html ------------------------------------- Home > Life & Family > Orlando Consumer News Slow connection: Myanmar test for IT crowd Jeremy Wagstaff, Asia technology correspondent Reuters 12:55 a.m. EST, March 2, 2012 (Reuters) - Myanmar has fewer phones per capita than any other country and probably the fewest Internet connections, and that has regional telecoms and IT companies licking their lips. But behind those statistics lies more than simply a virgin market waiting to be tapped. Myanmar has been run by generals for decades, leaving not only pent-up demand for connectivity, but also a complex web of interests and a unique ecosystem of technological make-do. All of which will require careful navigation by would-be investors. A recent gathering of techies in Yangon's Myanmar Info-Tech complex illustrates the promise, changes and problems Myanmar presents as the next frontier for investors. The meeting was organized by a loose triumvirate of business-oriented folk, bloggers and the country's IT diaspora. It was a so-called barcamp - an unstructured conference and chat-fest whose format was dreamed by up California techies tired of the exclusive, closed-door meets that are a regular feature of Silicon Valley. Summer will be here before you know it - Find a camp for your child before they fill up! The barcamp idea has taken Asia by storm, but nowhere more so than Myanmar. In October 2009, Emily Jacobi, founder of the first barcamp, traveled to Yangon in part to rustle up interest. Independent-minded bloggers and the business-oriented Myanmar Computer Professionals Association jumped at the idea, but overcoming mutual suspicions between the groups was less straightforward. Businessmen had long been used to building ties with government to win work. "It was harder to convince my fellow independent co-founders of BarCamp Yangon that parking our activities under the umbrella of this legally standing computer association was a good idea," says Thaung Su Nyein, secretary of the association and managing director of IT and media company Inforithm-Maze. The first BarCamp Yangon, in early 2010, had 3,000 people turn up - a barcamp record. This was all the more surprising as it took place before any public sign of a political thaw. Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi was then still under house arrest. By the time of the third gathering last month she was a free woman, about to contest a by-election - and the gathering's guest of honor. BASIC UNDERSTANDING The conference's popularity is a reflection of how much interest there is in technology, but also illustrates how deprived local people are of information and networking opportunities. Thar Htet, a Singapore-based IT consultant who gave several talks at the first barcamp, said it was clear that most of those attending didn't understand even relatively basic topics. "You could see from their eyes that they didn't really understand," he recalls. When he went back this year, however, he found things had changed - a little. "People are teaching themselves and now certainly understand the topics better. But I also made the presentations simpler." This is perhaps unsurprising. Although Internet cafes have proliferated since 2003, helping spawn a generation of bloggers and self-taught programmers, there are limits to what they can do on slow Internet connections and without foreign training and expertise. When Pyae Phyo Maung, for example, attended the University of Computer Studies, Yangon, he had to bring his own computer. To learn more, those who can head overseas. Pyae Phyo Maung left for Singapore in 2009 where he still works as a computer consultant. Of his class of 10, he says, only two have remained in Myanmar. The barcamp highlights the challenges facing both local IT players and any future investors: how to address the tight grip on the country's IT and communications network by a coterie of government and business players. The government has long been caught between the commercial possibilities of technology and an instinct for self-preservation. Until recently, that self-preservation meant severely restricting access to communications, whether it was a telephone or an Internet connection. This became more acute after the 2007 Saffron Revolution, when activists posted photos, videos and reports of the anti-government protests to the outside world via cellphone and Internet. A crackdown on bloggers quickly followed. "It's more worries about an Arab Spring," says Marc Einstein, Tokyo-based regional analyst at Frost & Sullivan. "It's not a lack of funds holding things back." This is, after all, a country where the U.S. State Department warns visitors that it is illegal to own a modem, and where all network-ready computers must be registered with state-owned Myanmar Post and Telecommunications (MPT). Failure to do so could result in a fine and a 15-year jail term. In 2000, according to a survey of the industry by Australia-based consultant Paul Budde, the MPT changed its terms of service to warn that online content would be subject to the same strict filtering the offline media was subject to, and that users must obtain permission before creating web pages. http://www.orlandosentinel.com/features/consumer/sns-rt-us-myanmar-ittre82107u-20120301,0,1134688.story ----------------------------------------- U.S.–Burma Policy Is About More Than a Successful By-Election Robert Warshaw March 2, 2012 at 1:16 pm As we inch closer to the April 1 by-elections in Burma, during which Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) will contest some 46 parliamentary seats, Western observers need to step back, assess the conditions on the ground, and determine whether the recent reforms in Burma—coupled with a free and fair election—merit easing sanctions. Indeed, European nations (and the U.S. to a lesser degree) are touting successful elections as the benchmark for lifting sanctions, yet at a panel discussion hosted by Walter Lohman and The Heritage Foundation on Wednesday, Lorne Craner, president of the International Republican Institute, advised against jumping the gun after the elections. To Craner, the elections are an important development, but they are merely the first step toward truly free and fair national elections in 2015. There should be a positive, concrete U.S. government response to the April balloting, but we are a long way from normalizing relations. Craner highlighted key benchmarks for determining whether the election is free and fair—before, during, and after the election itself. Before the election, political parties must be able to campaign freely—the Burmese government has largely allowed this, relaxing campaign restrictions on the NLD. During the election, citizens must be able to vote without government pressure or intimidation, with observers monitoring for ballot-stuffing and voter fraud. (A low turnout would raise suspicions of government interference.) Finally, election winners must be allowed to assume their seats, something the ruling party did not allow after the 1990 elections. Yet because successful elections are in the government’s interest, there remains a legitimate concern that these elections are not necessarily a barometer of Naypyidaw’s tolerance for democracy. Jared Genser, president of Freedom Now, raised this issue in highlighting that the elections, in the end, could legitimize the Burmese government in a way that allows it to stifle the NLD. After all, even if the NLD wins all available seats, it will hold less than 10 percent of the parliament and would be easily quashed in votes, causing it to have less power inside government than outside. If this is in Naypyidaw’s interest, then of course it will not interfere in the election. Moreover, without real constitutional and legal reform, Genser argued, the election does little to address the fundamental issues in Burma, such as the military’s absolute authority over the parliament. The by-election is an attractive talking point, but, according to Genser, real change will come about only through sustained legal reform, something the government has shown little interest in doing. Until then, several issues will continue to cast doubt on the government’s willingness to reform, raising the possibility of backsliding on recent progress. One such issue is political prisoners. Aung Din, a former political prisoner in Burma, repeated his longstanding call for the unconditional release of all political prisoners. He emphasized that recent amnesties have only suspended sentences on former prisoners—not commuted them altogether—to stifle any dissent from ex-prisoners, as in the case of Shin Gambira. The numbers of actual political prisoners vary, but the panelists agreed that the onus remains on the government to allow access to its prisons and records so that all political prisoners may be accounted for and freed. Another issue involves ethnic minorities. If the government is serious about national reconciliation, Naypyidaw should, according to Aung Din, declare a nationwide ceasefire, withdraw its soldiers from ethnic states of Kachin and Karen, and then allow humanitarian access into these areas. These resource-rich states should not see their resources siphoned off to China but rather have royalties used within the state. Finally, ethnic minorities are oppressed under Burmese law—for instance, governors of ethnic states are selected by Naypyidaw, not their own people. Constitutional reform is essential in resolving this issue. Both pessimists and optimists should remain realistic about the situation on the ground. Free and fair elections on April 1, even if Aung San Suu Kyi wins, will not change much at the end of the day. The pressure will be on to lift sanctions at that time, but lawmakers should continue to hold high standards and, while rewarding Burma, should not rush to significantly lift sanctions until all political prisoners are released, an internationally monitored nationwide ceasefire is brokered, and sustainable legal reform is embarked upon. Everyone wants to see Burma transition into a pro-Western democracy, especially The Heritage Foundation. Its transition has to be managed carefully, with step-by-step reforms. We should judge progress based on facts, not rhetoric. http://blog.heritage.org/2012/03/02/u-s-burma-policy-is-about-more-than-a-successful-by-election/ ------------------------------------ Myanmar president vows more democratic reform Associated PressBy AYE AYE WIN | Associated Press – Thu, Mar 1, 2012 Myanmar President Thein Sein delivers his speech at Parliament in Naypyitaw, Myanmar, Thursday, March. 1, 2012. Sein said Thursday that his government will build on the sweeping reforms it has begun over the last year, and will work hard to convince skeptics at home and abroad that it is truly committed to democratic change. (AP Photo)Enlarge Photo Myanmar President Thein Sein delivers his speech at Parliament in Naypyitaw, Myanmar, … Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, center, poses for a photo with Werner Langen, left, a German member of the European parliament and group members from a delegation on relations with countries belonging to The Association of Southeast Asian Nations, ASEAN, at her lake side home Wednesday, Feb. 29, 2012, in Yangon, Myanmar. (AP Photo/Khin Maung Win)Enlarge Photo NAYPYITAW, Myanmar (AP) — Myanmar President Thein Sein said Thursday his government will build on the sweeping reforms it began last year and will work hard to convince skeptics at home and abroad that it is truly committed to democratic change. His speech to Parliament came nearly one year after he took office as head of a nominally civilian government that replaced a long-ruling military junta but remains dominated by retired military officials following elections widely regarded as neither free nor fair. Since then, Thein Sein has overseen a wave of dramatic change that has shocked even some of the Southeast Asian nation's fiercest critics. Those changes include freeing political prisoners, signing cease-fires with armed rebel groups, easing restrictions on the press and opening a dialogue with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. "There are many more steps to be taken," Thein Sein told lawmakers in the capital, Naypyitaw. "We have to continue to work hard, as there are many people within and outside the country who are skeptical and suspicious of our government." Thein Sein said those steps include strengthening the rule of law, boosting private businesses and improving the impoverished country's basic infrastructure, which lags far behind much of the rest of Asia. The army ruled Myanmar with an iron fist for nearly half a century, turning it into a pariah state while jailing thousands of critics and confining Suu Kyi to 15 years of house arrest. Thein Sein, who previously was the junta's prime minister, seemed to address skepticism that the military was fully behind his reforms. There has been speculation that he represents only a more liberal faction in a military that long took a hard line toward dissent. The 2007 constitution, drafted under army guidance, ensures the military has the decisive voice in government — it automatically holds one-quarter of the seats in Parliament — and is in a position to reverse change. "There is no hard-liners camp or soft-liners camp in our government. Except for some difference in administration, depending on individual personality, attitude and behavior of the person, we are implementing our duties in strict adherence with the government policy," Thein Sein said. The U.S. and European Union have praised Myanmar's progress but say they will be closely watching how an April by-election is conducted before deciding whether to lift sanctions imposed during military rule. Human Rights Watch says that despite the reforms and multiple cease-fires reached with ethnic insurgents, the military is still abusing civilians, subjecting them to forced labor and sexual abuse. Suu Kyi's political party is running for all 48 seats being contested, and she is likely to win a seat of her own, giving her a voice in government for the first time. But the vast majority of seats are already filled, and the legislature will continue to be dominated by military appointees and ruling party officials. Suu Kyi has said she fears the military could undo the reforms, but has confidence in Thein Sein. "I think that the president is perfectly sincere when he said that he wanted to bring true democracy to Burma and he wanted to make all efforts possible toward achieving it," she told a visiting European Union delegation Wednesday. Burma is the old name for Myanmar and generally preferred by its pro-democracy movement. Thein Sein said he was encouraged to see many political forces participating in the political process, apparently referring to Suu Kyi and her opposition party. And he acknowledged that life had not been easy under past regimes. "Our people have suffered under various governments and different systems and the people will judge our government based on its actual achievements," he said. http://news.yahoo.com/myanmar-president-vows-more-democratic-reform-081945177.html;_ylc=X3oDMTEwdjM1N2RvBF9TAzIwMjM4Mjc1MjQEZW1haWxJZAMxMzMwNjAzMDM3 ---------------------------------- Myanmar president vows equality for minorities Foreign 2012-03-01 17:13 Myanmar's President Thein Sein delivers a speech at the Union Parliament in Naypyidaw on March 1, 2012. Photo courtesy: AFP NAYPYIDAW, March 1, 2012 (AFP) - Myanmar's president said on Thursday that his government wanted equal rights for ethnic minorities, the latest conciliatory gesture from the regime to armed rebel groups. Former general Thein Sein said in a speech to parliament that the authorities needed to end the "misunderstanding" with ethnic minorities, which he said was due to a lack of dialogue. "The expectation of ethnic groups is to get equal rights for all. Equal standards are also the wish of our government," he said. "Confidence is very important for national reconciliation in our country." Civil war has gripped parts of Myanmar since independence in 1948 and an end to the conflicts as well as alleged human rights abuses involving the military is a key demand of the international community. Thein Sein -- a former junta premier who came to power almost a year ago after decades of outright military rule -- has launched efforts to end ethnic conflict as part of a raft of reforms. The new army-backed government has reached tentative peace deals with several rebel groups including in eastern Karen and Shan states, but bloody fighting in northern Kachin has overshadowed reconciliation efforts. A presidential order issued in mid-December for the military to cease attacks against Kachin guerrillas failed to stop heavy fighting in the region, according to the rebels. Thein Sein acknowledged that the unrest had not yet ended but said he had instructed the military not to engage in combat except in self-defence. "Fighting will not stop by pointing the finger of blame at each other," he added. "Ceasefires are needed on both sides first for political dialogue... We all have to work so our ethnic youths who held guns stand tall holding laptops." Myanmar's regime held initial peace talks with representatives of the Kachin Independence Organisation in January in China, with the two sides agreeing to hold further negotiations in search of an end to the conflict. Last week pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi -- herself sometimes distrusted by ethnic minorities -- appealed for unity among the country's different groups as she campaigned in Kachin ahead of April 1 by-elections. The April polls, which will see Suu Kyi stand for a seat in parliament for the first time in a constituency near Yangon, are viewed as a key test of the government's commitment to nascent reforms that have surprised the West. http://www.mysinchew.com/node/70844?tid=37 -------------------------------------- Ethnic Peace is My Priority: Thein Sein By SAW YAN NAING / THE IRRAWADDY Thursday, March 1, 2012 Burmese President Thein Sein said young ethnic people should “swap guns for laptops” and be allowed their decades-demanded right to get involved in our “all inclusive political process.” In a speech before the Union Parliament to mark the first anniversary of his new government taking office, Thein Sein highlighted the importance of national reconciliation amongst Burma's diverse tapestry of ethnic minorities. “As our country is a Union nation, we must let all ethnic minorities get equally involved in the political process,” said Thein Sein on Thursday. “It is necessary that we, the current government, help to end the misunderstanding and mistrust between ethnic groups and the government.“ “According to a young ethnic armed leader, young ethnic armed people aged 18 and 19 often say they also want to hold laptops, computers. I feel very sad to hear this. I have decided to eliminate all these misfortunes during my government administration. “It is necessary to help ethnic young people who hold guns to be able to hold laptops and try to live a good life,” he added. And Thein Sein said that he felt responsible for making the lost dreams of long-suffering ethnic people come true, and that he has been in contact with rebel groups in order to achieve this. “We have no trick on the path in the direction of the peace,” he said. “We conduct peace deals based on the spirit of Panglong Agreement.” The Panglong Agreement was signed by Burmese independence hero Aung San and the Shan, Kachin, and Chin peoples in 1947. The agreement accepted the “full autonomy in internal administration for the frontier areas” and envisioned the creation of independent states for ethnic groups within a federal government. The president also gave assurances that government soldiers have been instructed to stop attacks against ethnic armed groups, and that Commander-in-Chief Gen Min Aung Hlaing has also ordered his troops to stop hostilities. “The armed conflicts will not come to an end if we just blame each other,” said Thein Sein. “We have to solve it by political means. For that, it is needed that we must start with ceasefire agreements.” Thein Sein went on to explain that there were three steps in his government's peace process—State level talks and stopping hostilities, repositioning troops and opening liaison offices in respective regions, and then setting up a timetable for Union level talks. But not all observers are convinced by the Thein Sein's remarks. Human Rights Watch’s senior researcher on Burma, David Mathieson, last month told the Wilson Center think tank in Washington, “No one knows what's happening within the [Burmese] military. The only thing we can discern is that they are as abusive as ever.” The president, however, vowed that it is government policy to ensure equality between the diverse minorities of Burma, and that the country must be proud to have more than 100 ethnic groups. He said that it is necessary to cooperate with ethnic leaders, political parties, representatives of civil society and civilians in order to allow ethnic minorities to live in dignity. He emphasized that ethnic cooperation is very important and it is unnecessary for minority groups to separate from the Union of Burma. Since late 2011, several peace deals with major ethnic rebels such as Karen, Shan, Mon and Chin militias have been reached under the negotiation of his Union level peace delegation. However, fighting still rages in Kachin State where an estimated 40,000 refugees, many women and children, currently live in make-shift camps near the Chinese border. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=23131 ---------------------------------- Burmese President Denies Govt Power Struggle By SAW YAN NAING / THE IRRAWADDY Thursday, March 1, 2012 Burmese President Thein Sein denied the existence of “hardliner” and “reformist” factions in his new government in response to speculation by political observers concerning severe divisions in his administration. His comments came during a lengthy speech before the Union Parliament in Napayidaw on Thursday morning which was televised live on state-run television station MRTV 4. Thein Sein said that he heard the rumors concerning “hard” and “soft” factions in his government, but that this was not the case. His statement counters accusations by commentators, journalists and opposition leaders who have spoken openly about hardliners within the new government actively trying to block reformist moves by the administration. Last year, a commentary by a senior Burmese official published in the Thailand-based English language Bangkok Post newspaper confirmed that there are elements in the new government which stand in the way of democratic reform. Constitutional amendments, the rule of law, economic development, internet freedom, education, human rights and internal peace were all also highlighted in Thein Sein’s speech. He said that as Burma has been isolated from a long time, forging a recovery of the national economy is crucially important. The rule of law was also a key component for an emerging democratic nation, he said. “The national economic recovery is a priority for the government,” said Thein Sein. It is therefore necessary to try to invite domestic and foreign investment and support inside the country, he added. Thein Sein also said that his government will work on better telecommunications such as internet access across the country, and planned to set up an online library for the education of students. A constitutional amendment would be made for the interest of the people of Burma, said Thein Sein. He added that the government was elected by civilians, and so would try to achieve the national reconciliation desired by civilians. He also said that the government will try to protect labor rights and increase the salary of civil servants as well as relax restrictions on the media. The president explained that the government was working on tax reductions for civil servants. Some concessions have already been implemented such as reducing the price of phones, cars and transportation. Thein Sein, a former general, took office in March last year. Afterward, a series of political reforms have emerged such as the release of political prisoners, including pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, as well as concessions on political dissidents and media workers. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=23129 ------------------------------------- No longer a pariah Shada Islam | Opinion | From the Newspaper AS history speeds up in Myanmar, Europe can play a vital role in encouraging sustainable democracy, reform and economic progress in the country. A positive start has been made. In recent visits to Myanmar, European foreign ministers and senior officials voiced support for the military-backed civilian government’s efforts at political and economic change and have pledged a two-year aid package. European businesses, meanwhile, are interested in Myanmar’s natural resources and are also looking to invest in tourism, financial services, hotels, telecommunications networks and infrastructure. However, the barriers to progress are formidable: international isolation, decades of mismanagement and inept military rule have left the economy in tatters. The EU is especially well-placed to help. Europe has strong experience in implementing poverty-alleviation projects and offers a lucrative market for Myanmar’s exports of timber, oil and gas, textiles, seafood, gemstones and manufactured goods. Lacking the institutions needed to support and deepen the democratisation process, Myanmar needs EU assistance for ‘capacity-building’ programmes to help the administration and the new parliament hammer out crucial legislation on land reform, foreign investment laws and exchange-rate unification. European pledges of increased aid and trade are expected at the first large-scale international aid conference on Myanmar to be organised by the United Nations later this year. A separate pledging conference focusing on aid to conflict zones in the country’s ethnic-controlled areas is also being convened. For all the focus on new aid commitments, the future of EU-Myanmar relations hinges on European governments’ decision to lift or keep existing sanctions on Naypyidaw. Imposed in 1996 after bloody military crackdowns on the pro-democracy movement led by Nobel Prize laureate and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, EU sanctions target nearly 1,000 firms and institutions with asset freezes and visa bans and also include an arms embargo, a prohibition on technical assistance related to the military and investment bans in the mining, timber and precious metals sectors. The EU has signalled a readiness to be flexible. Citing “the remarkable programme of political reform”, in Myanmar since March 2011, EU foreign ministers agreed in February to suspend the travel ban on President Thein Sein and 86 other senior leaders. Further moves are expected. Aung San Suu Kyi is running for a seat in parliament along with other members of her National League for Democracy. There is talk that once elected she might take up a government post, perhaps leading ethnic reconciliation efforts or taking over as foreign minister. Forging a European consensus on how best to deal with Myanmar’s rapidly changing political landscape is not proving easy, with EU governments divided on how far to go in rewarding Myanmar’s reform process. If elections are deemed free and fair, proponents of faster engagement with Myanmar say the EU should be ready to undertake a ‘big bang’ lifting of sanctions, leaving only an arms embargo and personal sanctions on junta veterans in place. Others advise a more cautious approach, arguing that Europe should ensure that the reforms are irreversible before re-engaging fully with the country. Both sides make a strong case. Advocates of a quick decision to lift sanctions argue that such a move will encourage further rapid political reform in Myanmar, help much-needed economic development and, crucially, highlight Europe’s ability to respond to rapid historic changes taking place within the country. Myanmar’s reforms will only become institutionalised and irreversible if the international community provides support at this critical moment, they argue. A rapid EU response to changes in Myanmar will result in improved European ties with the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the larger Asia-Pacific region. On the economic side, there is concern that with competition to do business with Myanmar heating up, a failure to lift sanctions could penalise European companies vis-à-vis their Asian and American rivals. Those favouring continued sanctions warn there have been other false dawns in Myanmar and note a lack of real progress in meeting the demands of the country’s ethnic minorities. As Burma Campaign UK points out, not all political prisoners have been released. Most importantly, the group underlines that “almost all changes that have taken place are in effect ‘gifts’ from the military-backed government” which can be reversed at the stroke of a pen. To give away too many sanctions too soon will remove the EU’s already-limited leverage and could discourage further change, says Burma Campaign UK. The reasons for Myanmar’s political turnaround are complicated — but largely home-grown. Clearly, the government is anxious to break away from the too-warm embrace of China and especially to end years of Beijing’s domination of the country’s economy. Keeping up with its Asean partners also played a role. Whatever the reasons for the change, all roads now lead to Myanmar, with the nation hailed as Southeast Asia’s most promising new ‘tiger economy’. A policy of smart EU engagement with Myanmar should include increased aid for health, education and rural development but also technical assistance and help in capacity building and the development of rule of law. There should be stronger interaction with civil society and local organisations. Myanmar can be reinstated as a beneficiary of the EU’s Generalised System of Preferences (GSP) and/or given access to the EU’s zero duty-zero quota Everything But Arms initiative for least developed countries. Given Myanmar’s long history of authoritarian rule and violation of human rights, caution is certainly in order. However, the time appears right for a strong EU signal of its readiness to engage and advance Myanmar’s efforts at reform. A ‘big bang’ approach is likely to be more effective both as regards EU support for Myanmar’s future development and the Europe’s standing as an important actor in the wider Asia Pacific region. The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Brussels. http://www.dawn.com/2012/03/03/no-longer-a-pariah.html --------------------------------------- ‘Misconceived ideas, flawed policies have been our undoing’ Friday, 02 March 2012 13:57 Mizzima News (Mizzima) – U Myint, an economic adviser to Burmese President Thein Sein, has delivered an overview of how to utilize international aid funds, which are expected to start flowing rapidly into Burma starting this year. Aung San Suu Kyi and Burmese presidential adviser U Myint at an economic workshop in Naypyitaw in November. Photo: Mizzima Aung San Suu Kyi and Burmese presidential adviser U Myint at an economic workshop in Naypyitaw in November. Photo: Mizzima The advisory paper, delivered at a workshop this week organized by the the Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development and the Japan International Cooperation Agency, outlined challenges and goals for the Burmese government in the near term. He said it is important to acknowledge that “for over half a century since we gained independence, it has not been lack of resources, but rather misconceived ideas and flawed policies that have been our undoing.” “For foreign assistance to help us, and for that matter, for us to help ourselves, we must be honest with ourselves,” he said. “And the first thing that is required for greater honesty will be to make a frank and objective assessment of where we are at present.” He said the World Bank Policy Research Group has learned that aid works when the following conditions are satisfied: First, the timing of aid is important. If donors come forward with aid at a time when a recipient is making a genuine and determined effort at economic reforms, then good results are achieved; Second, although money is important, giving only money is not good. Giving aid in a mix of money and ideas (or know-how) is more effective; Third, the recipient country must demonstrate that it has the capability to manage its affairs and can make effective use of aid. “In light of the above, the ball is in our court to make sure that the resumption of development aid that flows into the country are put to good use and benefit all our people,” he said. He said it’s important that Burmese officials not suffer from “self-delusion.” “On the contrary, we need to show that we are realistic, practical and hard-nosed and that we want aid to be need-driven rather than donor-driven,” he said. “Hence, we will come forward with concrete proposals concerning our needs, give justification for desirability of donor support for them, and will also provide convincing arguments why we believe they will contribute to our economic reform and restructuring process.” At this stage of Burma’s development, he said, it is important to accept relevant ideas, expertise and knowledge from donors about better and more efficient ways of doing things that will help improve the well being of the Burmese people. “We will also have to make sure that we have got rid of the constraints, hang-ups, confused ideas and misdirected policies that in the past have made us incompetent and ineffective, and are ready to demonstrate that we can put our house in order, can manage our affairs, and can deliver the goods,” he said. Burma is in a good position to take on the three challenges noted above, he said. “However, these are formidable and difficult challenges. The problems they pose have been built up over decades. Many areas they cover are strewn with land mines,” he said. “At present a lot of internal and external pressures have been exerted on us to rush headlong into these areas for all sorts of reasons. But we will have to be realistic and make our best efforts to resist these pressures and move forward at a pace, in a time frame, and in a manner that we feel confident are reasonably cautious, well thought-out and planned, within our capacity to deliver, and that meets our strategic concerns.” http://www.mizzima.com/business/6690-misconceived-ideas-flawed-policies-have-been-our-undoing.html ------------------------------------ Problems obtaining campaign venues continue: NLD Friday, 02 March 2012 16:30 Phanida Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – The NLD is still experiencing problems in obtaining appropriate venues to hold campaign rallies, which calls into question the fairness of the upcoming April 1 Burmese by-election. Aung San Suu Kyi speaks in Aung Ban in Shan State on Thursday, March 1, 2012. Thousands of supporters gathered to hear her during her one-day trip to Kalaw and Aung Ban. Photo: Mizzima Aung San Suu Kyi speaks in Aung Ban in Shan State on Thursday, March 1, 2012. Thousands of supporters gathered to hear her during her one-day trip to Kalaw and Aung Ban. Photo: Mizzima National League for Democracy chairman Aung San Suu Kyi had planned to deliver speeches on March 6 in Dekkhina Thiri, Ottara Thiri, Zabu Thiri and Pobba Thiri townships in Naypyitaw, but was denied permission in two of the townships, NLD campaign secretary Nyan Win said. “We’ve applied for the permits again.. We only want a fair competition,” Nyan Win said. The NLD failed to get permission in Pobba Thiri Township, in which NLD candidate Zay Yar Thaw, a popular singer, will stand in the by-election, and Zabu Thiri Township, in which NLD candidate Sandar Min will stand. Suu Kyi wants to deliver speeches in the two townships in support of the NLD candidates, if permission is granted. Candidate Zay Yar Thaw said that earlier the NLD had made arrangements for Suu Kyi to deliver a speech on what he described as “farmland” in the township, but, on February 29, the District Election Commission informed the township administrative office that it objected to the planned location of the rally. “That means they [the township] cannot give permission,” he said. “The letter from the township administrative office said that the location is near a monastery and also near a school,” Zay Yar Thaw said. He said the decision would be appealed at the Union Election Commission (UEC) level. Zay Yar Thaw said that the UEC also warned the NLD about making campaign trips without informing the UEC in advance. In other political matters, columnist Ngar Min Swe, who writes articles in state-run newspapers, has reportedly distributed letters in Thongwa Township, Rangoon Region, saying that Aung San Suu Kyi’s support of sanctions against Burma is a mistake. Elsewhere, two NLD signboards were destroyed in Naypyitaw, and the NLD has filed a complaint with the UEC. Meanwhile, Suu Kyi continues campaigning. On Thursday, she made a one-day campaign trip to Shan State and delivered speeches in Kalaw, Aung Ban and Heho. http://www.mizzima.com/news/inside-burma/6692-problems-obtaining-campaign-venues-continue-nld.html ------------------------------------- Burmese arbitration court gives Tai Yi workers pay increase Friday, 02 March 2012 20:08 Myo Thant Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – A township labour arbitration court has ruled that striking workers at the Tai Yi footwear factory in an industrial district in Rangoon should receive a pay raise to a minimum 120 kyat (US$ 15 cents) per hour, amounting to a wage increase of about US$ 24 per month. Striking workers at the Tai Yi footwear factory in the Hlaingthaya Industrial Zone in Rangoon on Wednesday, February 22, 2012. The strike started on February 6. Photo: Mizzima Striking workers at the Tai Yi footwear factory in the Hlaingthaya Industrial Zone in Rangoon on Wednesday, February 22, 2012. The strike started on February 6. Photo: Mizzima The workers had asked for a basic pay raise to 150 kyat (US$ 19 cents) per hour, a bonus of 8,000 kyat for workers who had no absences during the month and a better working environment. The factory owner offered 100 kyat (13 cents) per hour, which the workers rejected. The court did not make a ruling on the issue of a monthly bonus for no absences. A total of 1,800 workers went on strike on February 22. “It’s about a 20 kyat increase per hour,” said Pho Phyu, the workers labour consultant. The leaders of the strike believed the decision was fair enough, he said. “The leaders of the workers assume that it is appropriate and fair although they do not get the wages they demanded and deserved,” he said. The court did not rule on the workers’ demand for a better working environment and appropriate restroom facilities. Pho Phy said, “That is not a good trend or sign. We will have to work hard for a long time to achieve those kinds of demands.” About 1,800 striking workers reported back to the work on Wednesday. Strike leaders said they would continue to try to achieve fair compensation and working conditions at the Chinese-owned factory. As part of Burma’s move toward democratization, the Parliament passed a workers’ right-to-strike bill in October 2011. The bill allows for the formation of unions with a minimum of 30 people, which members can join or leave of their own desire. Workers can legally go on strike and protest for workers’ rights as long as it does not block transport or security infrastructure. Unions must register with a national registrar appointed by the government, and provide the government with specific details before a strike is planned. http://www.mizzima.com/business/6693-burmese-arbitration-court-gives-tai-yi-workers-pay-increase.html ---------------------------------- Myanmar’s Leaders face a New Environmental Dilemma Published on Mar 03 2012 // News Update, Slide Show FRIDAY, 02 MARCH 2012 Protesters want to shut down the Shwe gas pipeline, the potential source of vast revenues Having successfully persuaded the Myanmar government to stop construction of the Myitsone Dam on the Irrawaddy River and close down a planned coal-fired energy plant at Dawei on the southern coast, protesters have set their sights on the controversial Shwe pipeline, designed to stretch all the way across Burma to Yunnan in China. The protests present a dilemma for the government, which must now learn to balance the antipathy of its citizens to exploitation of its natural resources against the vast amount of revenues that would be lost if the Shwe project were to follow the other two into oblivion. Under decades of military rule, protests against construction projects have been met with heavy-handed force. Now, if the government wants to speed up the democratization process, it must contend with what has become known as NIMBY – “not in my backyard” – in the west. More than 125 organizations in 20 countries held demonstrations on March 1 and submitted a letter calling on President Thein Sein to postpone the trans-Burma oil and gas pipelines project, expressing serious concerns over human rights abuses as well as the social, economic and environmental impact on the Burmese people. Nearly 300 people participated in a demonstration in Yangon, wearing T-shirts with slogans like “Our Gas, Our Future.” At least nine activists were detained and interrogated by police for a brief period, but were freed. Another demonstration took place in the northern city of Chiang Mai in front of the Chinese consulate. In their letter the protesting groups called attention to what they called “serious social, economic and environmental impacts of this project, including human rights abuses.” “Thousands of acres of farm lands have been confiscated in Arakan and Shan States and Magwe and Mandalay divisions to clear the way for the pipeline corridor and related infrastructure,” the letter said, with the livelihoods of local fishing families in Arakan State destroyed due to development of offshore infrastructure for the pipeline project. The letter also called attention to militarization along the pipeline as protest from local residents has required suppression by the military. If the government buckled under to the demands of its citizens to close down the dam and the coal-fired plant, the Schwe pipeline complex is something else entirely. Shutting it down in the face of public opposition would cost billions. The income to the government from the pipeline would dwarf what it expected to receive from the Myitsone Dam project. Cancellation would probably also put the newly responsive government headed by Thein Sein on a direct confrontation path with hardliners in the government, said to be led by Vice President Tin Aung Myint Oo and Htay Oo, general secretary of the Union Solidarity and Development Party, who have been described as intent on derailing the reform process despite the cautious approval of governments across the world for the year-old government. Originally installed in what was universally viewed as a rigged election, the government has dramatically expanded freedoms, freed democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest and allowed her to stand in an upcoming by-election. The US$2.5 billion pipeline, being built by the Korean construction firm Daewoo International, is actually a spiderweb of lines designed to deliver 12 million metric tons of oil and 12 billion cubic meters of natural gas from Burma’s offshore Shwe field annually 771 kilometers across Myanmar to Kunming in China. The natural gas pipeline will extend another 2,100 km into China. It is being built under the auspices of the China National Petroleum Corp. and and Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise. CNPC will hold a 50.9 percent of the project and manage it, MOGE owning the other 49.1 percent. Major controversy has developed over the project, not least because of its environmental implications but also because it is regarded by a major segment of the country’s citizenry to be delivering Myanmar’s precious natural resources to China. The Myitsone Dam, with generating capacity of 7,600 megawatts, was expected to deliver 80 percent of its power to China despite the fact that70 percent of Myanmar itself is without electricity. “China has colonized Burma without shooting a gun and has sucked the life of the people of Burma with the help of the Burmese regime and its cronies,” exiled democracy advocate U Aung Din told reporters recently as quoted in an earlier Asia Sentinel story. “Now, they are killing the Irrawaddy River as well.” With a population similar in size to Thailand’s but with less than 8 percent of its neighbor’s electricity generating capacity, Myanmar has only about 2,000 megawatts (MW) of generating capacity against Thailand’s 26,000 MW. Rural, poverty-stricken Laos, with a population of only 6 million, has generating capacity equal to Burma’s. The coal-fired plant at Dawei in southern Myanmar would have delivered another 4,000 MW. An anti-pipeline group called the Shwe Gas Movement estimates that as many as 15,000 residents of 20 townships will be forced to move to make way for the construction. Rebels of the minority Shan state, through which the pipeline runs, have sought to stop it, with troops attempting to drive out the revels. Heavy fighting erupted last March over the construction. “Resentment of these pipelines is growing day by day. Thein Sein should listen to the will of the people,” Shwe Gas Movement’s Wong Aung told reporters at the Chiang Mai rally. “Under the current unaccountable structure, gas monies from the project will only feed corruption and not benefit the people.” If the decision to kill the Myitsone project surprised and irritated the Chinese government, stopping the Shwe pipeline would probably infuriate them. The pipeline is projected not only as a major source of income for the government, but a major source of energy for the energy-starved Chinese, whose needs are growing at about a 9 percent annual clip. The oil portion of the pipeline would deliver crude that now must travel on supertankers from Africa and the Middle East through the Malacca Strait. The pipeline would provide a much faster method of delivery. There are strategic considerations as well, with the Strait of Malacca heavily patrolled by US Navy ships. If there were a confrontation between the US and China, that would complicate matters considerably. http://www.shwe.org/news-update/myanmars-leaders-face-a-new-environmental-dilemma/ ---------------------------------------- Has the Myitsone Dam in Burma really been suspended? By Francis Wade Mar 01, 2012 8:33PM UTC The decision to suspend work on the massive China-backed Myitsone Dam in Burma is considered among President Thein Sein’s finer achievements since coming to office. It’s held aloft as a signal of his reformist credentials – a man who listens to the aggrieved public and responds in turn. But the situation up in Kachin state, where the dam site is located, remains shrouded in mystery. Reports coming from the area say little has changed – camps housing Chinese technicians and Burmese labourers remain, whilst work is ongoing on the road planned to connect the dam to the Chinese border. Moreover, according to eye-witnesses I’ve spoken to, security – both Burmese police and army – has actually increased around the dam site in the past two months. Given the project is meant to have stopped, this makes little sense. There also remains the issue of the 1,000 or so villagers relocated in 2010 to make way for construction (a portion of the 15,000 that was originally estimated to be displaced once an accompanying reservoir the size of Singapore formed): three out of five villages have been totally destroyed, but two – Mazup and Taunghpre – remain. Bizarrely, however, the inhabitants of those villages are still officially banned from returning (although some steadfastly refused to move in the first place, while others quietly go back), and thus pass their days in the Aungmyinthar relocation camp about three miles from the dam. Those who have attempted to return to Taunghpre have been greeted by Asia World employees who warned them quickly to leave (Asia World, run by Burmese business tycoon Steven Law, the son of former drugs kingpin Lo Hsing Han, is a partner in the project). The India-based Mizzima news agency ran a piece yesterday saying that Taunghpre villagers were warned by the Myitsone district chief not to attempt to set up home again there, and even made to sign a pledge. “He [district chief] said although there is possibility that we can work in farming again in the [Taunghpre] village area, we must not live there,” Mizzima quotes a local as saying. This all contributes to a feeling of uncertainty around the status of the project. The China Power Investment (CPI) Corporation, the lead company in the project, is certainly not giving up hope: last week it launched a PR campaign to reengineer public opinion about the dam, which has been hugely controversial and which became one of the key catalysts for Burma’s nascent environmental movement. CPI’s office in Myitkyina, the Kachin state capital, remains a hub of activity, and eye-witnesses report seeing trucks leaving it regularly in the direction of Myitsone. There is, however, no smoking gun, and the beefed up security makes access to the area difficult. But reports coming from the area suggest that the proclaimed ‘suspension’ may not be so clear cut. Whatever is going on continues to stir animosity among locals: earlier this week a ceremony was held in Taunghpre, attended by the likes of student activist Min Ko Naing, in which villagers constructed a wall around the local church with stones collected from the dam site. They say the wall is emblematic of their continued resistance against the project, suggesting they are witnessing a level of activity that pours doubt on the authenticity of Thein Sein’s vaunted decision. http://asiancorrespondent.com/77161/has-the-myitsone-dam-in-burma-really-been-suspended/ ----------------------------------- Analysis: Will Burma change its media laws? By Zin Linn Feb 29, 2012 5:56PM UTC Burma spent roughly five decades under the military dictatorship. During those years, the regime enforced several oppressive laws, especially on free expression and free press. Before the 1962 military coup, Burma was at the forefront of press freedom in Southeast Asia. There were around three dozen newspapers, including English, Chinese and Hindi dailies under a civilian government. Journalists were free to set up relations with international press agencies. The Printers and Publishers Registration Law was introduced shortly after the 1962 military coup that brought Gen Ne Win and his Burma Socialist Programme Party to power. Under this law all printers and publishers are required to register and submit copies of books, magazines and periodicals to Press Scrutiny Boards (PSB) prior to publication or production, or in some cases after. After the 1988 people’s uprising, the junta introduced more media restrictions such as the 1996 Television and Video Act, the 1996 Computer Science Development Act, the 2002 Wide Area Network Order and the 2004 Electronics Transactions Law. It is true that there have been some positive changes recently i.e. journals can publish Aung San Suu Kyi and her father’s pictures; some former restricted topics are now allowed; and some journals are allowed to publish prior to censorship. However, the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division (PSRD) and Burma’s Censorship Office are still powerful and active. Corruption, civil war, government mismanagement and several political topics cannot be reported on. Journalists are not allowed attend peace talks between government and ethnic groups. Such reform does not represent a policy change. To initiate a real change in media field, the government should totally get rid of the laws that suppress freedom of expression. However, the civilian government is reluctant to amend these laws. Journalists are under close scrutiny and often work undercover. During the people’s parliament session of Myanmar (Burma) on February 17, MP Tin Maung Oo of Shwe-pyi-tha constituency asked questions on the media issue. The Deputy Minister for Information Soe Win replied that a press law has been drafted and a press council will be formed in accordance with the new law. At present there is no journalists’ association to promote and protect the rights of media professionals in Burma. And the future press council should not be a government-appointed guild similar to the Myanmar Human Rights Commission. On January 30-31, the new media law, drafted by the Ministry of Information’s Press Scrutiny and Registration Department (PSRD) was introduced at a two-day media workshop jointly organized by the Myanmar Writers and Journalists Association and Singapore-based Asia Media Information and Communication Centre (AMIC). Tint Swe, the deputy director general of the PSRD, presented some hints of the draft law but not the subject matter of the press law. However, a source close to PSRD said that the draft law itself was adapted from the 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Act ratified after the military coup by the late Gen Ne Win. Furthermore, the draft law was prepared by the PSRD under the guidelines of the Information Minister. This was an unacceptable drafting process in the absence of media professionals. If the government has a plan to draw up a press law, it should allow the participation of experienced journalists, editors, producers and publishers from respective media fields. Furthermore, the government should invite media law experts, journalism consultants, human rights defenders and members of media watchdog groups internationally in order to create a standardized press law and press council to honor the freedom of the press. The government must consider abolishing the 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Act, and completely overhauling the laws that restrict freedom of expression, such as the 1950 Emergency Provisions Act, Article 505/B of the Criminal Code and the 1923 Official Secrets Act. The most serious issue is that the proposed draft media law only focuses on the print media and therefore it is not enough. In the age of the Internet, it is necessary to amend the 1933 Burma Wireless Telegraphy Act, the 1996 Television and Video Act, the 1996 Computer Science Development Law, 2002 Wide Area Network Order and the 2004 Electronics Transactions Law. Unless the government throws away those oppressive laws, current reforms in media will be regarded as window dressing. http://asiancorrespondent.com/77041/will-burma-make-changes-in-media-laws/ ---------------------------------------- Burmese election, human rights to influence lifting E.U. sanctions Friday, 02 March 2012 12:18 Mizzima News (Mizzima) – A European Union delegation to Burma says some sanctions could be lifted on Burma following a free and fair April 1 by-election, and the key to economic development lies in rural areas. Members of the E.U. delegation at a press conference in Rangoon. Photo: Mizzima Members of the E.U. delegation at a press conference in Rangoon. Photo: Mizzima Werner Langen, the chairman of the EU Economic and Monetary Affairs Committee, said Burma’s recent moves toward demoracy are “very impressive,” following a whirlwind tour of meetings with top government officials. “The decision to lift sanctions would be dependent on the way by-elections are held in April,” he said. “We are hoping these are the first steps toward a more democratic Myanmar. A free and fair election has been promised,” he said. “This is very important, but the most important development would be to improve the lives of the people in Myanmar.” He noted that more than 50 per cent of population lives in rural areas, “and they need infrastructure, they need water, they need technology, they need Investment.” Barbara Lochbihler, a member of the E.U. Human Rights Committee, said it is important for the Burmese government to show that it can return the soldiers to the barracks and end decades of serious human rights abuses and fighting in ethnic areas across the country. The human rights issues facing Burma’s government will play a large role in whether or not sanctions are lifted, she said. She said it was an “ongoing process” which needs much more attention and development. In rural areas, she said, many children are malnourished, and there is an unacceptable drop out rate in schools and such issues need to be addressed urgently. “From a human rights point of view, it is too early to say when the sanctions should be lifted, but the European Union is very committed and the parliamentarians are very committed to support all the reforms,” she said. She said the E.U. delegation got the impression that Burmese members of Parliament take their jobs very seriously and want to represent their constituencies. Robert Goebbels, the vice chairman of the E.U. Industry, Research and Energy Committee, said that the delegation members were very impressed by Aung San Suu Kyi in their meeting. “She said that the most important thing for the moment for your country is hope. And without goodwill on the part of all people, she said, 'There will be no hope.'” http://www.mizzima.com/news/inside-burma/6686-burmese-election-human-rights-to-influence-lifting-eu-sanctions.html -------------------------------------- March 01, 2012 17:31 PM 12th AMRI To Be Held In Nay Pyi Taw, Myanmar In 2014 KUALA LUMPUR, March 1 (Bernama) -- The 12th Conference of Asean Ministers Responsible for Information (AMRI) will be held in Myanmar's new administrative capital, Nay Pyi Taw, in February 2014. Myanmar Deputy Information Minister Soe Win said the matter was decided at the 11th AMRI Conference held here, today. "I would like to say that we are going to try our best for the upcoming 12th AMRI in 2014. Hope to meet you in Nay Pyi Taw," he told reporters at the press conference at the end of 11th AMRI. Earlier, Soe was appointed as 11th AMRI vice-chairman while Information, Communications and Culture Minister Datuk Seri Dr Rais Yatim as chairman of the meeting. Soe said the result of 11th AMRI was very fruitful. "We are encouraged by the successful result...we are going to host the 12th AMRI, AMRI+3 (China, Japan and South Korea) and other related meetings in Myanmar as successfully too," he said. -- BERNAMA http://www.bernama.com/bernama/v6/newsgeneral.php?id=649209 -------------------------------------------- Myanmar president renews call for democracy, peace with rebels Mar 1, 2012, 9:36 GMT Bangkok - Myanmar President Thein Sein marked his first year in office Thursday with a call to renew democratic reforms, make peace with ethnic minorities and increase foreign investment. In a speech to parliament in the capital Naypyitaw, Thein Sein said his government has been working hard to reform the political process. He said that has included two amnesties of political prisoners, paving the way for 'all-inclusive' democratic elections. Myanmar will hold a by-election on April 1, in which opposition National League for Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi will be allowed to participate as a candidate. The country has undergone dizzying political change since Thein Sein took office in March 2011. The president denied reports that the changes have taken place amid fierce infighting within his military-backed government. 'Our government has never been divided between hardliners and softliners, as many people say at present,' Thein Sein said. 'We are all working together to implement our government's policy.' He said he hoped to implement a comprehensive peace with ethnic minority insurgents and make it possible for young guerrilla fighters to 'swap their weapons for laptop computers.' 'I urge the international community to support us,' Thein Sein said. 'If you invest one dollar for business here, it means one dollar of assistance to the Myanmar people.' http://news.monstersandcritics.com/asiapacific/news/article_1693642.php/Myanmar-president-renews-call-for-democracy-peace-with-rebels ------------------------------------------ March 1, 2012 4:18 pm Vow to journalist boosts Myanmar hopes By Gwen Robinson in Bangkok The visit to Myanmar of a prominent dissident journalist underscored a pledge by President Thein Sein on Thursday to push on with democratic reforms and hold “all-inclusive democratic elections” on April 1. Aye Chan Naing, executive director of the Oslo-based Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), an exiled Burmese news agency banned inside Myanmar for nearly two decades, said in Yangon that he had been told the government would grant DVB’s exiled staff journalists visas to report from inside the country. DVB, which runs a website and an extensive video reporting network, has been operating from offices in Norway, Thailand and India and reporting covertly from inside Myanmar. At one point, 17 of its journalists were imprisoned in the country, while overseas staff made clandestine trips there to film and report on conditions under the then-military regime. All DVB’s journalists were released in a sweeping amnesty for political prisoners in January. The group has been commended for its independent reporting, particularly on the so-called Saffron Revolution uprising in late 2007, which it made into an acclaimed documentary. However in late 2011, the group was hit by reports that its Thailand branch had embezzled $300 000 in aid funds, mainly from Norway. Several staff stood down. Mr Aye Chan Naing’s five-day trip, his first since he fled Myanmar after the 1988 military crackdown, follows similar exploratory visits by other leading dissident journalists from formerly banned media organisations, including Thailand-based Irrawaddy and India-based Mizzima. DVB and the other groups are considering whether to open offices in Myanmar. However, Mr Aye Chan Naing said much remained to be done on the reform front. Mr Thein Sein’s speech to parliament came nearly one year after he took office as head of a nominally civilian government that replaced a harsh military regime. He has since overseen a wave of reform, including the freeing of hundreds of political prisoners and the relaxation of censorship. While some exiled media commentators remain wary of the reform process and warn it could backslide, most have praised the push to amend restrictive media laws. A new media and information law now being drafted would effectively allow independent media organisations to publish daily for the first time in decades. In his speech Mr Thein Sein pledged to push on with reforms, resolve ethnic conflicts and improve the environment for foreign investment. He rejected recent reports of deep divisions between reformers and conservatives within his military-backed government. “We are all working together to implement our government’s policy,” he said. He added that he hoped to implement a comprehensive peace with ethnic minority insurgents and make it possible for guerrilla fighters to “swap their weapons for laptop computers”. “I urge the international community to support us,” he said. “If you invest one dollar for business here, it means one dollar of assistance to the Myanmar people.” http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/e55d6a94-63ae-11e1-b85b-00144feabdc0.html#axzz1o2BjaXwM __._,_.___ Reply to sender | Reply to group | Reply via web post | Start a New Topic
Saturday, March 3, 2012
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