http://www.mizzima.com/news/election-2010/1854-nda-k-ready-to-surrender-arms.html
by Solomon
Tuesday, 17 March 2009 20:42
New Delhi (Mizzima) - A Sino-Burma border based ethnic Kachin rebel group has declared it is ready to abandon armed struggle after the 2010 general elections, if the new elected government urges them to do so.
Zahkung Tingying, founder and leader of New Democratic Army-Kachin (NDA-K) told Mizzima on Tuesday that they are ready to lay-down their arms if they can be sure that their demands will be fulfilled.
The NDA-K was the first Kachin armed group to reach a cease-fire agreement with Burma’s military junta, the then State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) in 1989.
“We are fighting for our rights, development of our people and if these are guaranteed why do we still need to continue armed struggle?” said Tingying. The rebel leader said this in a tone that suggested that the new elected government would be able to fulfill their demands.
“It is possible that we will surrender our arms but at the same time we need to see that our demands and desires will be fulfilled,” he added.
The Burmese military junta in recent months has stepped up pressure on all cease-fire ethnic armed groups to surrender their arms before the 2010 general elections and urged them to transform into political parties to contest the election, sources said.
But, so far, the junta has been unable to convince any of the ceasefire groups to surrender their arms.
The NDA-K, which claims to be fighting for security, social, economic and educational development of its people, however, said they believe that their hopes would materialize after the elected government assumes office following the 2010 elections.
The NDA-K, which is based in North-eastern Kachin state along the Sino-Burma border, was founded by former Kachin Independent Organization (KIO) officers Zahkung Tingying and Layawk Zelum in 1989.
But sources said, following the ceasefire agreement, the NDA-K has focussed more on business than politics and has not maintained active armed cadres. Militarily and politically, the NDA-K has lost its strength, the source added.
“They are no longer interested in the welfare of the people because they could not take the responsibility of the people. So what they say is not significant,” another source, who has a close relationship with the group, told Mizzima.
Similarly, a Sino-Burma border based military analyst, Aung Kyaw Zaw, said, the NDA-K lately lacks military power and strength and that it might be possible for them to surrender any time if the junta asks them to.
“They [NDA-K] have only around 300 to 400 soldiers right now. The military regime can compromise them anytime they wish to so it will not be a surprise if they lay-down their arms,” Aung Kyaw Zaw said.
He said the NDA-K was used well by the military government in its efforts to weaken the KIO, which is the major armed group among ethnic Kachin.
NDA-K has appointed five representatives to contest the ensuing election and will represent the group in the political party, which will be formed by representatives of all political and civilians groups in Kachin State.
The political party, which has not been officially announced, would be called the “Kachin State Progressive Party” (KSPP), sources said, and it will contest in the 2010 election as a representative party of the Kachin people.
Saturday, March 21, 2009
NDA-K ready to surrender arms -BURMA
Burma Junta Squeezes Opposition
http://www.isn.ethz.ch/isn/Current-Affairs/Security-Watch/Detail/?ots591=4888CAA0-B3DB-1461-98B9-E20E7B9C13D4&lng=en&id=97843
Monks protesting in Burma (Myanmar) in September 2007.
Burma's ruling military junta are aggressively seeking to eliminate all opposition ahead of elections in 2010. They may well succeed, says Daniel Pye
for openDemocracy.net
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In a small Karen National Union (KNU)-controlled village in eastern Burma children play tag and clutch pieces of string tied to oversized flying beetles. Here, at least, a semblance of normality remains. But the Tatmadaw - the Burmese military - are camped just 20km away.
The village is preparing for Karen Martyrs Day, a day of remembrance for those who gave their lives in pursuit of the independence promised by the British in 1948. The Karen have been fighting the central Burmese government ever since, in the world's longest ongoing civil war.
A Thai, sympathetic to the Karen's plight, shows me three schools and a medical clinic he built."But most of the teachers, nurses and doctors go to Thailand" he says. The young cadets in the village square are practicing for the coming ceremony. That was six months ago.
Despite torrential rain, in late June 2008 the battle for control of the region escalated. A new offensive is underway today. "Four cuts," the policy of the military junta, or State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) is intended to deprive the democratic opposition of food, funds, recruits and information. It operates by systematic intimidation and repression of the civilian population.
It aims to force villagers into sites controlled by the army, where they are forced to build roads to link up military installations, then "reintroduced" into what the Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) calls "forced labor villages." These labor camps are kept well away from tourists' cameras.
Surviving soldiers of the guerrilla campaign that helped defeat the Japanese Empire in Burma now struggle to nourish their bodies on hand-outs in "temporary refugee camps" near the border in Thailand. These camps house some 160,000 "displaced persons" from Burma. Most have fled the violence in the east of the country. Others live a marginal existence in frontier towns like Mae Sot, three kilometers from the border, where trafficking in drugs, gems, guns and people is the norm. They are dispossessed and largely forgotten.
When the Burmese generals refused to recognize the landslide victory of Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy in the elections of 1990, the elected government and their supporters were forced to flee the central plains and seek refuge in the mountainous jungles along the border with Thailand.
Burmese resistance fighters joined ethnic-minority guerillas in the stronghold of Manerplaw, after being pursued into the mountains. Manerplaw - the planned capital of a future Karen state - was overrun by the Tatmadaw in 1995 after a lengthy siege that cost hundreds of lives.
Armed with billions of dollars of Chinese military hardware over recent years, the Burmese army has no constituency within Burmese society. Mid to high-level officers see it as one of few real career opportunities and use their positions to enrich themselves. Soldiers are conscripted through forced lotteries or are rounded up in markets and schools. Most recruits are young boys.
Many Karen were converted to Christianity in the nineteenth century by Jesuit missionaries. But there are still a large number of Buddhist-animists. The late General Bo Mya of the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), who led the resistance fighters, described how the junta used an agent called U Thuzana to fracture their forces.
The junta sent U Thuzana into Manerplaw to preach his path to nirvana to the Buddhists, according to the general. He gained a devout following and suggested building monasteries on the mountain-tops that surround Manerplaw on three sides. Construction began without consulting Bo Mya. When he learned they would obstruct his soldiers' positions he had the half-built structures destroyed. This was used as a pretext to divide the Karen, and depicted as deliberate religious persecution.
It worked. Some of the Buddhists made a pact to guide Tatmadaw soldiers through the minefield covering the only land route in. These soldiers became the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), a slave militia in the pay of the junta.
Today's Crisis
Over the past seven months DKBA and SPDC patrols have repeatedly breached Thai sovereignty in their war against the Karen, Shan and Karenni rebels. They terrorise local Thais they suspect of harboring sympathies.
The SPDC's latest offensives, which began in Karen State but have now pushed into Shan and Karenni States, are part of an outright bid to force armed insurgencies into submission before the 2010 elections. According to Daniel Pedersen, author of Secret Genocide, Burman dissidents in Mae Sot agreed, saying the SPDC would pressure insurgents weakened by the current extreme military offensives to sign ceasefire deals before next year's poll. The loss of a base camp garrisoned by the 103 Special Batallion means that "only Wah Lay Kee, further north, remains," Pedersen testifies. Wah Lay Kee has seen serious bouts of fighting since it was attacked on the evening of 29 June 2008, and could fall at any time.
This war is as much about money as it is about crushing dissent and armed resistance. The area of conflict, between the Phop Phra region in the north, and Umphang to the south, has sizeable deposits of gold, tin, zinc and antimony, and has long been deforested on both sides of the border for its fine teak.
Deforested areas now provide a lucrative farming income to whoever can occupy them. Defeating the KNLA here could open up new trade and smuggling routes, and increase security for lucrative mining and damming projects already agreed with Thailand and private financiers.
Thailand's foreign ministry portrays the current escalation in violence as in-fighting between Karen factions and denies SPDC involvement. It is in their interests to maintain a semi-cordial relationship with the generals.
Speaking in August last year at a KNLA base camp destroyed in the ongoing offensive, Colonel Nerdah Mya, Bo Mya's son said: "We cannot run away from this. We must confront it, for our families, for our homes. We must continue the struggle."
The Human Cost
Over the past few months, lawyers, artists, monks, journalists, students and human rights activists have been given sentences of up to 65 years for "threatening the stability of the government." Writing a poem or drawing a cartoon critical of the regime is punishable by decades of forced labor and incarceration at the aptly named Insein (pronounced Insane) Prison.
The Karen Human Rights Group estimates between two and four million people are displaced within Burma, and a further one million eek out a meagre existence in the illegal labor market in Thailand. Mae Sot has over 40,000 registered migrant workers. The true figure, including those who do not register, may be four times larger. They produce clothing and other products to supply global high street brands, for which they are paid a pittance. Thailand calls this an "export processing zone."
Burmese living in Mae Sot are routinely arrested by the Thai police and driven to the "Friendship Bridge" that spans the Moei River on the Thai-Burma border. There they are handed to the Tatmadaw and taken to the SPDC stronghold of Myawaddy, where they face years of forced labor, destitution and torture.
Women are brutalized in brothels, many run by trafficking gangs with ties to the local police force, spies and drug cartels. Sexually transmitted infection makes this a death sentence. Some prefer suicide.
Men fare little better. Zin, aged 17, spent two years in prison. The favourite torture of his SPDC "interrogators" was to strip him naked, beat him and make him stand on tip-toes and simulate riding a moped while they drank whisky and burned his genitals for hours at a time.
"We have a saying in Burma," says Ken, a Burmese student living in Mae Sot, "Behind the smile there are many tears, but behind the tears there are many more smiles." Although he hasn't got long to live he dreams of studying computer science, hacking into US Defense Department servers and "stealing the Roswell spaceship" to force world leaders to listen.
"But one day I will go home," he says.
Human Rights Council discusses human rights situations in Myanmar and Democratic Republic of the Congo
http://www.humanrightstoday.info/?p=456
Posted on 18 March 2009 by admin
UNITED NATIONS Press release
Human Rights Council
Morning
17 March 2009
Libya’s Deputy Minister of Justice Addresses the Council
The Human Rights Council this morning discussed a report by the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, and the situation in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo as follow-up to the Council’s Special Session on that country. It also heard an address by the Deputy Justice Minister of Libya.
Abdulssalam E. El Tumi, Deputy Minister for Justice of Libya, said that recognizing that security, peace and human rights were the fundamental ingredients of the development process, Libya had deployed great efforts to achieve those objectives. In this regard, Libya had realized many projects in the development area at the national level as well as in the African Continent in order to achieve and reach the development goals. At the national level, Libya made every effort to support and consolidate human rights for every Libyan citizen. All citizens equally enjoyed freedom and dignity and everyone was entitled to all rights, including the enjoyment of health, access to education, work and development together with the right to freedom of opinion and expression, and the right to political participation without discrimination of any kind as set forth in the Great Green Charter of Human Rights in Jamahiriyan era, and in the Freedom Consolidation Law.
Tomas Ojea Quintana, Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, said that he had travelled twice to Myanmar, once in August 2008 and recently from 14 to 19 February. He had decided to engage with the Government in a constructive dialogue with a view to improve the human rights situation of the people in Myanmar. In this regard, he had recommended four core human rights elements to be implemented before the election in 2010. These four core human rights elements included review of national legislation in accordance to the new Constitution and international obligations; progressive release of prisoners of conscience; training for the armed forces to ensure respect of international human rights and humanitarian law as well as establishment of an independent and impartial judiciary.
Myanmar, speaking as a concerned country, said the fact that the Special Rapporteur had been able to visit the country for the second time since he took his office in less than a year was a clear demonstration of the Government’s will to engage with the Human Rights Council in realising the protection and promotion of human rights in Myanmar. To demonstrate his constructive approach with the Government, the Special Rapporteur should vividly highlight the positive initiatives taken by the Government whilst respecting the present judiciary and legislative systems of a sovereign State. Furthermore, the report was replete with sweeping statements focusing mainly on the lack of independency and impartiality of the systems.
In the inter-active dialogue on Myanmar, countries raised issues concerning arbitrary detention; censorship of the media; an inclusive election process in 2010; discrimination of ethnic groups; the dire humanitarian situation and access for international humanitarian agencies; and impunity for human rights violations. Several countries called for the unconditional release of the more than 2,200 political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi. Concerns were expressed that the general election would not be inclusive and would only lead to a legitimization of the military rule. The rights of the child raised various concerns, inter alia, regarding a growing illiteracy rate and the recruitment of child soldiers.
The following delegations took the floor in the interactive dialogue on the situation of human rights in Myanmar: Philippines, Singapore, Czech Republic on behalf of the European Union, China, Slovenia, Republic of Korea, Sweden, Japan, United Kingdom, Indonesia, India, Australia, Thailand, Malaysia, New Zealand, Norway, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Italy, Switzerland, Canada, Argentina and the United States.
The non-governmental organizations Asian Legal Resource Centre, Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development and Worldview International Foundation spoke on the human rights situation in Myanmar.
In the follow-up to the Special Session of the Human Rights Council on the situation of human rights in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kyung-wha Kang, Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights, introduced the report of the High Commissioner on the situation of human rights and the activities of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. She said that the development and the emergence of democracy in the Democratic Republic of the Congo would remain difficult to achieve unless the challenges outlined in this report were tackled as a matter of priority. Most importantly, a new impetus must be given to efforts to address the issue of impunity.
Walter Kalin, Representative of the Secretary-General on internally displaced persons, said the Council had asked a number of its mechanisms to urgently examine the situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo, in particular with regards to violence against women. The general human rights situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo remained a cause for serious concern, and had further deteriorated since the adoption of the resolution in March 2008. The systematic and gross violations of the human rights of civilians and gross breaches of international humanitarian law were taking place in front of a backdrop of a grave humanitarian situation. There was grave arbitrary displacement; violence against women and girls, in particular rape and gang rape; intimidation of and violence against human rights defenders, lawyers and judges; and forced recruitment of children into armed groups continued.
The Democratic Republic of the Congo, speaking as a concerned country, said that most reforms which the Government had undertaken were done in tight partnership with the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Mission of the United Nations Organization in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the United Nations system, the European Union partners, and other members of the international community. However, the Democratic Republic of the Congo was surprised that some partners often, at the Human Rights Council, spoke of events that were diametrically opposed to the truth on the ground. With regards to violence against women, there had also been significant changes, including putting into place a national fund for the promotion of women and protection of children.
On the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, countries expressed their concerns on serious setbacks in the combat against impunity, as well as continued killings of civilians, recruitment of child soldiers, kidnappings, and sexual violence against women by armed groups. Some countries saw an Independent Expert as indispensable as a liaison between the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the international community when it came to improved respect for human rights. The cooperation of the Democratic Republic of the Congo with various United Nations mandate holders was widely welcomed among States. However, in order to emerge from the dire humanitarian situation humanitarian assistance from international organizations was indispensable.
Speaking on the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo were: Egypt on behalf of the African Group, Japan, Chile, Netherlands, Czech Republic on behalf of the European Union, Canada, Norway, Tunisia, Luxembourg, United Kingdom, Angola, Republic of the Congo, United States, Switzerland, Russian Federation and Djibouti.
This afternoon at 3 p.m., the Human Rights Council is scheduled to conclude its discussion on the situation of human rights in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, before starting its general debate on human rights situations that require the Council’s attention.
Statement by the Deputy Minister for Justice of Libya
ABDULSSALAM E. EL TUMI, Deputy Minister for Justice of Libya, expressed gratitude to the President of the Council and the Bureau for their efforts to make the work of the Human Rights Council a success. He also thanked the High Commissioner for Human Rights, and was honoured to see an African woman appointed to this important function. Recognizing that security, peace and human rights were the fundamental ingredients of the development process, Libya deployed great efforts to achieve those objectives. In this regard, Libya had realized many projects in the development area at the national level as well as in the African Continent in order to achieve and reach the development goals, such as the project “Al Gadhafi Trans Saharan Road” consisting of building a highway that would connect the Northern part of the African Continent with its Western and Southern regions. This road would be a vital artery that would maintain trade traffic throughout the continent. Libya also exerted great and continuous efforts towards the settlement of conflicts that sometimes arose in the African Continent by peaceful means.
At the national level, Libya made every effort to support and consolidate human rights for every Libyan citizen. All citizens equally enjoyed freedom and dignity and everyone was entitled to all rights including the enjoyment of health, access to education, work and development together with the right to freedom of opinion and expression, and the right to political participation without discrimination of any kind as set forth in the Great Green Charter of Human Rights in Jamahiriyan era, and in the Freedom Consolidation Law, stressed Mr. El Tumi. Libya was also part of all core international conventions and instruments on human rights and always fulfilled its commitments by submitting its periodic reports regarding its compliance with those conventions. In addition, the Libyan Government had shown its resolute intention and joined the international community to fight against terrorism. Libya denounced all forms of this scourge and had ratified all related international and regional conventions and was also contributing to the elimination of its root causes. Libya considered that the elimination of this phenomenon needed first of all agreement on the definition of terrorism and making a distinction between terrorism and the legitimate right of the peoples to resist foreign occupation and their legitimate right to obtain their freedom and independence, underscored Mr. El Tumi.
Libya appreciated the strenuous efforts made by the international community in order to eradicate racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and any kind of intolerance through the implementation of what had been decided by the heads of States through the Durban Declaration and Plan of Action Conference held in South Africa in 2001. Libya followed with deep interest the special preparatory meetings for the Durban Review Conference to be held in April 2009. Libya called upon all States to give great importance to the spirit of consensus that helped a lot in the preparation of the Durban Declaration and Plan of Action. Libya called upon those States which intended to boycott the conference to review their decision since it would give a wrong signal to the international community about their commitment to fight racism and discrimination, stressed Mr. El Tumi.
Document
The Council has before it the report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tomás Ojea Quintana (A/HRC/10/19), which mainly covers human rights developments in Myanmar since the Special Rapporteur’s interim report to the General Assembly of 5 September 2008. The Special Rapporteur has travelled twice to Myanmar and has established constructive working relations with the Government. The report elaborates on the issues related to the protection of human rights and reports on severe sentences and unfair trials of prisoners of conscience; situations of exploited and/or detained children; victims of forced labour; the use of shackles in prisons; lack of awareness by detainees of legal procedures and their rights, such as the right to a lawyer; police prosecutors; convictions of lawyers defending prisoners of conscience; prison conditions; and ill-treatment or torture of prisoners and detainees. It also looks at the situation with regard to freedom of expression, assembly and association in the context of the upcoming elections in 2010, and reviews internal conflicts with regard to international humanitarian law and protection of civilians and issues of discrimination and need for humanitarian assistance. An overview is also given of the situation of Daw Aung Sa Suu Kyi, and the Special Rapporteur reiterates his call for the termination of her detention under house arrest, as a contravention of several articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The Special Rapporteur’s main recommendation reiterates his previous call for focusing on four core human rights elements: the review of national legislation in accordance to new Constitution and international obligations; progressive release of prisoners of conscience; training for the armed forces to ensure respect of international human rights and humanitarian law; as well as establishment of an independent and impartial judiciary.
Presentation of Report by Special Rapporteur on Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar
TOMAS OJEA QUINTANA, Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Myanmar, said that this was the second time that he addressed this forum. Since his first appearance here, he had traveled twice to Myanmar, once in August 2008 and recently from 14 to 19 February, which explained the delay in the issuance of his report. He had decided to engage with the Government in a constructive dialogue with a view to improve the human rights situation of the people in Myanmar. In this regard, he had recommended four core human rights elements to be implemented before the election in 2010. These four core human rights elements included review of national legislation in accordance to new Constitution and international obligations; progressive release of prisoners of conscience; training for the armed forces to ensure respect of international human rights and humanitarian law as well as establishment of an independent and impartial judiciary.
In May this year it would be six years that Madame Aung Sa Suu Kyi was detained under house arrest. According to the 1975 State Protection Act, used to justify her detention, a person judged to be “a threat to the sovereignty and security of the State and the peace of the people” could only be detained for up to five years. The five-year limit had now passed. During his mission, the Special Rapporteur had inquired about Madame Aung Sa Suu Kyi’s legal case against her house arrest and conditions of detention, which was submitted to the authorities on 8 October 2008. The Minister of Home Affairs explained that the case was received by the Prime Minister who had instructed both the Chief Justice and Ministry of Home Affairs to look into the matter. The Special Rapporteur called for an urgent, impartial and independent review of this case.
Regarding the situation of prisoners of conscience in Myanmar, the Special Rapporteur spoke about the harsh sentences delivered by prison courts. During the period between October and December 2008, some 400 prisoners of conscience were given sentences ranging from 24 years to 65 years of imprisonment. In January 2009, a member of All Burma Federation of Student Union, in his early 20s, was sentence to 104 years of imprisonment. The progressive release of all prisoners of conscience before the elections included also all those sentenced to decades and decades of imprisonment. Concerning the Muslim population in North Rakhine, the Special Rapporteur said that despite being in this region for generations, this population was stateless. It was not recognized by the Government as one of the ethnic groups of the Union of Myanmar and was subject to discrimination. Without having the citizenship, the Muslims of North Rakhine could not participate in the active life they should.
Statement by a Concerned Country
WUNNA MAUNG LWIN (Myanmar), speaking as a concerned country, said the fact that the Special Rapporteur had been able to visit the country for the second time since he took his office in less than a year was a clear demonstration of the Government’s will to engage with the Human Rights Council in realising the protection and promotion of human rights in Myanmar. During his visits, the Government had facilitated almost all of his requests, and the report reflected some positive developments and significant progress in the situation of human rights in Myanmar to some extent, but still failed to reflect the true situation on the ground. With respect to the political developments in Myanmar, the fifth step of the Seven Step Road Map was being prepared, and that was to hold a free and fair democratic election in 2010. The report repeatedly stated that there were over 2,000 prisoners of conscience in Myanmar - there were no prisoners of conscience, the only individuals serving prison terms had broken the laws of Myanmar.
To demonstrate his constructive approach with the Government, the Special Rapporteur should vividly highlight the positive initiatives taken by the Government whilst respecting the present judiciary and legislative systems of a sovereign State. Furthermore, the report was replete with sweeping statements focusing mainly on the lack of independency and impartiality of the systems. The development projects implemented by the Government in the border areas and regions which once were lagging behind due to insurgency should also be reflected and encouraged. The accusations made in the report were identical to the disinformation spread by remnants of insurgents and the non-governmental organizations that were confronting the Government. Myanmar was trying the utmost to meet most of its Millennium Development Goal targets in areas such as health, education, and access to safe drinking water. Since the fifth step of the Road Map, democratic elections, would be held next year, Western countries should refrain from politicising the human rights issue at this crucial time. Myanmar firmly believed that only genuine cooperation would best serve the protection and promotion of human rights, and would continue to cooperate with the Council and the Special Rapporteur in the spirit of sincerity and trust it had always displayed as long as its national interests and sovereignty were not infringed upon.
Interactive Dialogue on Report on Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar
ERLINDA F. BASILIO (Philippines) noted that the Special Rapporteur had acknowledged the cooperation which the Government of Myanmar had been extending to him. In less than a year, the Government of Myanmar had invited the Special Rapporteur to conduct two country visits; the last one having been held only last month. In recent months, the Government had also received visits from the UN Secretary-General’s Special Envoy, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees and the International Labour Organization. Those visits indicated that the Government of Myanmar was willing to engage constructively with the international community and United Nations mechanisms, in order to forward its democratic transition and national reconciliation process in accordance with its Seven Step Roadmap and new Constitution.
In spite of the challenges of underdevelopment and the great tragedy caused to communities and infrastructure by Cyclone Nargis, the Government of Myanmar had taken steps to improve the situation of human rights. Notably the Government released 6,313 prisoners last month.
TAN YORK CHOR (Singapore) said that the Special Rapporteur had said that his primary task was to cooperate with and assist the Government of Myanmar in its efforts in the field of the promotion and protection of human rights. Singapore said that it highly appreciated this helpful approach and that what should drive the Council was a spirit and desire to help the people of Myanmar. In presenting his findings and assessment, the Special Rapporteur had highlighted a need to raise human rights awareness in Myanmar and made it clear that he stood ready to provide assistance and expertise, calling on the donor community to do the same. Hence, he showed that he was not out to criticize but help. In turn, Singapore appreciated the greater openness by which Myanmar had engaged all the international officials who visited Myanmar recently. Singapore also thanked the Special Rapporteur for pointing out that Myanmar’s social development indicators called for concerted action and support.
JAN KAMINEK (Czech Republic), speaking on behalf of the European Union, said the report highlighted a range of serious concerns with the current situation, and the European Union was concerned about the continuing violations and called for the immediate release of all prisoners of conscience. What could be done to reduce the gap between the law as enacted, and its actual application and administration; how could the irregularities in legislation that had not yet been reformed be addressed, the European Union asked? Also of particular concern was the lack of legal representation available to prisoners, and the failure to recognise the obligation to ensure access to counsel - how could improvement in this regard be promoted, and the information on this disseminated to the public; what was the timeframe for the possible release of political prisoners; and was the complaint procedure administered by the ILO on forced labour available to persons outside the capital and how effective was it, the European Union asked?
YAN JIARONG (China) took note of the report and the presentation by the Special Rapporteur. China recalled that recently the Government of Myanmar in the scope of diplomatic and domestic measures had taken steps to improve the human rights situation in the country. Last May there was a referendum, and as a result a new Constitution was adopted. In addition the Government of Myanmar was already engaged in fulfilling the Seven Step Roadmap. Myanmar continued to cooperate with human rights mechanisms. It had received the Special Rapporteur, as well as the Representative of the Secretary-General, which further illustrated their will to participate and cooperate with the international community, which was of interest to China. With the global economic and financial crises, the country was faced with more challenges, and it was China’s hope that the international community would contribute to their development, and foster an inclusive environment for cooperation in this regard. China would continue to work to find an appropriate solution to the situation in Myanmar.
ANDREJ LOGAR (Slovenia) said that Slovenia noted progress regarding the cooperation of the Government of Burma/Myanmar with the international community – namely with the International Labour Organization and the release of some political prisoners and the cooperation with the international community while delivering the humanitarian assistance to the people affected by the cyclone Nargis. Since the rights of the child were one of the Slovenian key priorities in the field of human rights, Slovenia welcomed the great importance given to children in the report of the Special Rapporteur. Slovenia firmly believed that children were one of the more vulnerable groups and that children were of paramount importance to the future of a country and the whole human society. Slovenia deplored that the Special Rapporteur had to report the spread of child illiteracy and that children were forced to work from an early age to support their families.
LEE SUNG-JOO (Republic of Korea) said the report was comprehensive and insightful, and the Special Rapporteur’s constructive engagement in dialogue and cooperation with the Government was welcome, and Myanmar was also to be commended in this regard. The release of some 6,313 prisoners, including 29 prisoners of conscience in February 2009, could be an indication that the authorities were taking the reconciliation process in a more serious way. However, there was still concern that more than 2,100 prisoners of conscience remained captive. The 2010 elections was one of the most important challenges facing Myanmar, and the promise of the authorities to conduct them on international standards should be kept. In order to do so, it should be clearly understood that a free and fair election also meant the participation of major political actors, including the NLD. United Nations monitoring and technical assistance would also be essential. Effective implementation and completion of the four core elements before the 2010 elections were important, but little time was left in the run-up to the elections. What most possible and imminent measures could the authorities take in the context of these elements, the Republic of Korea asked?
JAN NORDLANDER (Sweden) thanked the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Burma/Myanmar and commended him for his report that shed light on the deplorable human rights situation in Burma/Myanmar, which remained of grave concern to Sweden. Sweden asked the Special Rapporteur if he could describe how, according to his dialogue with the authorities, international standards may be upheld during the 2010 elections?
In the Special Rapporteur’s recommendations, Sweden recalled that he concentrated on four core human rights elements. One of them concerned the progressive release of prisoners of conscience. Sweden was concerned not only about the high number of this group of prisoners, but also about the conditions in prisons, and the cases of arbitrary detention. The number of national laws that, according to the Special Rapporteur, needed to be revised – 380- would seem overwhelming to any State, noted Sweden. Could the Special Rapporteur recommend any order of priority in this gigantic work in order to improve respect for human rights and have the Myanmar authorities give any sign of willingness to call for international assistance in their task, asked Sweden?
SHINICHI KITAJIMA (Japan) said that Japan appreciated Myanmar’s positive attitude toward cooperation with the international community which included accepting the visits of the Special Rapporteur and the Special Advisor to the United Nations Secretary-General, Mr. Gambari, earlier this year as well as the release of political prisoners since late February. Japan believed it was important for the international community to acknowledge and respond to such positive developments in Myanmar. Japan expected the Government of Myanmar to continue the release of political prisoners and to proceed with the democratic process in such a manner so that all the parties concerned could participate in the process, so that the 2010 general election would be blessed by the international community. On prison reform, Japan asked the Special Rapporteur how the international community could better help Myanmar’s efforts.
PETER GOODERHAM (United Kingdom) said the United Kingdom was deeply concerned about the grave human rights situation in Burma, and called upon the regime to comply with the recommendations set out by the Special Rapporteur and by the Secretary-General in their reports to the Human Rights Council. In particular, the United Kingdom called for the unconditional release of the more than 2,200 political prisoners in Burma, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The regime must desist from further politically-motivated arrests. Unless all prisoners were released and the democratic opposition and ethnic groups could participate freely in the proposed 2010 elections, the results would have no international credibility. In addition, the regime should urgently address the dire humanitarian situation, including by providing access for unfettered humanitarian agencies to all areas in need. Was the Special Rapporteur confident that training for the judiciary and human rights training for civil servants and the police would be effective in spite of the fact that these institutions were dominated by officials close to the regime, the United Kingdom asked?
KHONEPHENG THAMMAVONG (Lao Peoples Democratic Republic) said that the situation in Myanmar was complex and challenging, especially the natural disaster created by Cyclone Nargis in May 2008 that caused the great loss of life, property and infrastructure in the country. The Government of the Lao Peoples Democratic Republic supported the Association of Southeast Asian Nations fundamental principles of non-interference in internal affairs and peaceful settlement of disputes in addressing the internal issue of Myanmar. The Government extended its support to Myanmar’s policy of national reconciliation, as well as the Seven Step Roadmap process and the plan to hold general elections in 2010. The democratization process in Myanmar should be a gradual and peaceful process, which required a constructive approach to the issue in order to guarantee the unity, peace, stability, security in the country and region. The Lao Peoples Democratic Republic would continue to contribute within its own capacity and efforts in realizing peace in Myanmar.
RACHITA BAHANDARI (India) said that India took positive note of the steps taken by the Government of Myanmar since the visit by the Special Rapporteur. A large number of prisoners, including a few prisoners of conscience, had been released. The Special Rapporteur had expressed concerns, especially with regard to the four human rights markers he had laid down pertaining to the review of national legislation, release of prisoners of conscience, and reform of the armed forces and the judiciary. Again, however, the Special Rapporteur had acknowledged the initial encouraging response of the Myanmar authorities in these four areas while calling for more progress. As a close and friendly neighbour with whom India shared a land border of more than 1,600 kilometres, India had believed consistently that Myanmar’s process of political reform and national reconciliation would be more inclusive, broad-based and expeditious. India continued to support the United Nations Secretary-General’s Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari who visited Myanmar last month and was able to meet the detained National League for Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
GUY O’BRIEN (Australia) said the Special Rapporteur’s report reaffirmed the need for the international community to remain engaged in seeking to improve the human rights situation in Myanmar. Australia was gravely concerned by the ongoing detention of a large number of political prisoners, now more than 2,100, and welcomed the release in February of 29 prisoners, although this fell short of the international community’s expectations. Australia was gravely concerned about the ongoing practice of forced labour, and the use of child soldiers and landmines by combatant groups. The international community’s insistence that Myanmar should honour its human rights obligations had long gone unheeded. Australia welcomed the Special Rapporteur’s focus on practical steps that could be taken to secure real improvements for the people of Myanmar. What were the Special Rapporteur’s views on areas which he thought had the greatest potential for positive cooperation between the Government and the United Nations.
VIJAVAT ISARABHAKDI (Thailand) said that as Mr. Quintana himself had noted, while the human rights situation in Myanmar remained challenging, on the whole, both his visits had been constructive since the identified objectives were achieved. Thailand fully supported his mission as part of an ongoing process of constructive dialogue and engagement. No doubt, to a large extent, the responsibility for engagement rested with the Government of Myanmar in addressing the concerns of the international community. Thailand shared the aspirations of the international community regarding human rights in Myanmar. Thailand hoped to see Myanmar move forward along the process of reconciliation and democratization in accordance with the Seven Step Roadmap. This process should be inclusive and broadened to include all different political forces. On the international front, Thailand welcomed the constructive dialogue between the Myanmar Government and the United Nations. Thailand hoped that this cooperation and dialogue could be enhanced further, both in terms of human rights and humanitarian assistance.
ANIZAN SITI HAJAR ADNIN (Malaysia) said that Malaysia, as a developing country and a fellow ASEAN member, recognised the many and complex challenges that Myanmar needed to address, including those issues raised by the Special Rapporteur in his report. Myanmar should further enhance its cooperation and engagement with the international community to address its manifold challenges, including the humanitarian crisis, poverty eradication, and the improvement of the human rights situation in the country. The women, children and people of Myanmar should be provided with the opportunity to achieve their economic, social and cultural rights. Malaysia hoped all relevant parties would stand ready to cooperate in providing the necessary assistance to support Myanmar’s effort to further advance the general well-being of the people of Myanmar, including a better standard of living and full enjoyment of human rights. National reconciliation was the key to peace, stability and development in Myanmar, and it should expedite its path towards national reconciliation and democratic reform. The Council and the international community should continue to play a meaningful role to assist Myanmar through a forward-looking, constructive and consensus approach.
WENDY HINTON (New Zealand) welcomed the opportunity to engage with the Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Myanmar, and thanked him for his comprehensive report. In recent years, New Zealand had made numerous calls expressing concern about the human rights situation in Myanmar. New Zealand was supportive of the UN-led effort on Myanmar, including the United Nations Secretary-General’s Special Envoy. The Special Rapporteur’s report showed that despite some recent steps forward, the Council should continue to monitor developments in Myanmar, particularly in the lead up to the elections and constitutional referendum in 2010.
New Zealand stressed that the report highlighted that the military Government was failing to demonstrate a real commitment to the process of democratization. There were well over 2,000 prisoners of conscience and a number of leading political figures including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi continued to be detained. New Zealand called for their immediate and unconditional release. New Zealand also remained concerned by the information contained in the report about the impact of armed conflict on the civilian population.
BENTE ANGELL-HANSEN IDUN TVEDT (Norway) said that Norway shared the Special Rapporteur’s concern that he was unable to meet with the leaders of political parties. The human rights situation in Myanmar remained of serious concern. Shortcoming must be addressed quickly and effectively by the Government in order to meet its international obligations and to create conditions necessary for free and fair elections. Norway fully supported the Special Rapporteur in his effort to obtain substantive and time bound progress with regard to the four core human rights elements identified. Norway was deeply troubled by the many reports of rape, forced labour, children being recruited and used as child soldiers and other human rights abuses by the Tatmadaw, particularly in the ethnic areas. The impunity enjoyed by military personnel was a root cause for these ongoing violations. Norway asked the Special Rapporteur if he had raised the issue of impunity within the armed forces in his dialogue with the authorities.
MURIEL BERSET (Switzerland) said Switzerland was concerned with regards to the task that the Special Rapporteur described in his recommendations, namely the implementation of the four elements of human rights before the 2010 elections. With regards to the 380 domestic laws that had been sent to the relevant Ministries to verify their compatibility with international standards, had the Special Rapporteur been given details on the timescale and next steps in order to achieve this goal by 2010; had the assistance of the High Commissioner for Human Rights been requested in order to establish a human rights training programme for the police, the armed forces, and penal officers, Switzerland asked?
ROBERTO VELLANO (Italy) expressed gratitude and appreciation for the excellent work accomplished by the Special Rapporteur thus far. Italy had been following with deep concern the developments of the human rights situation in Myanmar. Despite some limited positive developments, at the moment the political process in the country – in view of the elections scheduled for 2010 – still suffered from a lack of transparency and inclusiveness and could not be considered free and fair.
Freedom of assembly, association and expression were not guaranteed, and therefore, especially in view of the general elections, Italy urged the Burmese Government to open an inclusive dialogue with democratic political opposition. Italy considered that the number of political prisoners recently released was insufficient, and Italy was concerned by the recent imprisonment of several prominent human rights activists. Italy called for the release without condition of all the political prisoners and detainees, and the lifting of all restrictions on political parties.
GUSTAVO RUTILO (Argentina) thanked the Special Rapporteur for his report on the human rights situation in Myanmar. In particular, Argentina considered the approach taken by the Special Rapporteur as appropriate in view of the relations with the authorities of the country. Argentina called on Myanmar to continue and broaden its cooperation with the Special Rapporteur. As the report stated, respect for freedom of expression and assembly was essential to achieve the objectives established on the way to the general elections in 2010. However, the report noted that 16 journalists and bloggers were still in prison. Argentina asked the Special Rapporteur how the development of these rights would develop in view of the elections in 2010. Also, one of the four key elements for the implementation of human rights in Myanmar was the training of security forces to ensure the respect for human rights and international human rights law. Argentina asked the Special Rapporteur in which manner this training could be undertaken?
ANIK BEAUDOIN (Canada) said human rights defenders were often victims of detention or arbitrary arrest in Burma, and, despite the repeated calls from the international community for the Government to respect the human rights and fundamental freedoms of the population, the situation remained worrying. According to the Special Rapporteur, what could the international community do to induce Burma to free political prisoners and respect prisoners’ rights in general; what precise measures could the Government take to ensure that the 2010 election be viewed as credible and legitimate on the political level; how could it be ensured that legitimate political actors including those in detention participate fully in the elections; and what was the Special Rapporteur’s view on what measures the Government should take to protect the fundamental rights and dignity of the Rohingya ethnic minority, Canada asked.
DIAN TRIANSYAH DJANI (Indonesia) thanked the Special Rapporteur for the informative report submitted for the Council’s consideration. Indonesia was heartened by the recent developments in Myanmar and by the fact that the Government had now engaged in a willing and constructive dialogue with the Special Rapporteur and other United Nations mechanisms. A number of positive developments attested to the will of the Government to address the concerns of the international community with regard to the situation in Myanmar. Thus, Indonesia noted with appreciation the news that the Government had already released 6,313 detainees and seven prisoners of conscience to date. It was hoped that more prisoners would be released in the course of this year.
Another positive move, recalled Indonesia, was the Government of Myanmar’s expressed willingness to address the adoption and implementation of the four core human rights elements recommended by the Special Rapporteur. Those were essential prerequisites to the establishment of a conducive environment for the 2010 election. Furthermore, Indonesia, expressed its profound hope that the election would be conducted in a credible, transparent, fair and inclusive manner.
ANNA CHAMBERS (United States) said that the United States remained deeply concerned about the incarceration of over 2,000 prisoners of conscience in Burma. The United States noted that the Special Rapporteur was able to visit some prisons, including Insein, and conduct some of his requested meetings. Could the Special Rapporteur comment on what could be done to encourage the Government to rapidly release all the prisoners of conscience? More broadly, how could the international community promote democratic reform and the rule of law? The United States had repeatedly stated that improvements in the country’s human rights record would be necessary for this country to have normal relations with the United States and the international community. The United States would continue to explore and identify concrete ways to address human rights problems, including with bilateral partners and through international organizations.
EVENY USTINOV (Russian Federation) said the situation concerning the respect of human rights and fundamental freedoms was far from catastrophic as some attempted to portray it. The authorities guaranteed the fundamental social and economic rights of their citizens, had freed almost all those jailed after the events of 2007, and had carried out an amnesty in 2009. After the reform, Myanmar would continue to build the society, and it was working with the United Nations mechanisms and system. Russia believed that the existing restrictions on civil and political rights were of a temporary nature, and would soon come to an end. The increasing attention paid by the international community to the issue was artificial, and the accusations levelled at the leadership were based on unreliable information, from unverified and politicised sources. It would be constructive to maintain an unbiased approach, and note the success of Myanmar on the path of reform, and to encourage the leadership to pursue these reforms and find acceptable solutions to ensuring the fundamental human rights of the population.
MARC ANTHONY, of Asian Legal Resource Centre, said they welcomed the approach taken by the Special Rapporteur to the institutional issue of human rights abuse in Myanmar, especially the criminal justice system. The Asian Legal Resource Centre said they understood that the Special Rapporteur met with the Attorney General, Police Chief, Bar Council and Chief Justice, the latter who had reportedly ordered cases arising from the September 2007 protests to be heard in closed courts. The Resource Centre recalled that family members and lawyers had been obstructed or denied access to those trials, and asked the Special Rapporteur if he was able to take up this issue with the Chief Justice? There remained many persons in the prisons of Myanmar who were arrested, charged and sentenced illegally and in evidence-less trials since the 2007 protest, did those cases get discussed with the Chief Justice?
GIYOUN KIM, of Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (Forum-Asia), in a joint statement with Conectas Direitos Humanos, said that in order for the Road Map to be a meaningful process, the leaders of political parties and other prisoners of conscience should be immediately released in order to allow them to freely participate in the completion of the Road Map. Since the Constitution was totally stained with intimidation, coercion and manipulation by the armed forces during the referendum in May 2008, the organizations had serious doubt how this Constitution could be a benchmark for any judicial and legislative reforms, and the organizations hoped to hear the view of the Special Rapporteur on this matter. Also, the organizations asked how the Association of Southeast Asian Nations would be able to contribute to effectively address the human rights and humanitarian crisis faced by Rohingya refugees and stateless people.
THAUNG HTUN, of Worldview International Foundation, said Myanmar was now at a critical juncture. On one hand the situation of human rights was deteriorating in the cities and villages and in the remote areas of the ethnic nationalities, and on the other hand, the SPDC was going ahead with its own roadmap to legitimise the military rule through a new election in 2010. There was concern that the legal system had not been used to take action against perpetrators who were responsible for killings in the Saffron Revolution in 2007, but to further suppress the victims who were involved in peaceful demonstrations. The 2008 Constitution failed to guarantee basic human rights and did not prevent future discrimination on an ethnic basis. It was urgent for Burma to go through the 4Rs process before 2010.
THOMAS OJEA QUINTANA, Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, in his concluding statement, said he heard a good number of speakers and comments which demonstrated the interest and concern of the international community with regard to the human rights situation in Myanmar. He said first and foremost he appreciated the decision by the Government of Myanmar to cooperate with his mandate. However, it was important to point out that the principle governing the mandate outlined that cooperation was the means to achieving that end.
On the judicial reforms process, Mr. Quintana noted that he held constructive talks with the Supreme Court Justice and the Attorney General. The Supreme Court Justice, appreciated the technical cooperation extended by mandate, not only for training purposes, but also to deal with substantive issues, and which enabled further discussions on substantive national issues which sometimes violated human rights. Judicial reform was central to the work in Myanmar, and would enable his work to avoid impunity in the future, and in relation to the human rights situation faced in the past as well, stressed Mr. Quintana. Sweden and Switzerland asked about legal reform, and 380 domestic laws had been transmitted to ministries. Mr. Quintana said he had insisted that the priority be placed on the laws that affected freedom of expression, association and participation in elections.
On children, Mr. Quintana pointed out to the Government of Myanmar that their report to be submitted to the Committee on the Rights of the Child had not been done as of yet. Therefore he urged the Government of Myanmar to do so in order to allow for a comprehensive assessment of the situation of children in the country. He appealed to the Government of Myanmar to continue its efforts to address the human rights situation in the country. Mr. Quintana also expressed concern on civil and political rights, as well as the economic, social and cultural rights being violated, and was gravely concerned about the situation in many states in the country. With regard to political prisoners on conscience, Mr. Quintana said those prisoners should be set free before the elections proposed for next year, and recalled that he was working closely with the Government for their progressive release before then. He called on the Government of Myanmar to adopt the law to regulate elections for next year. Mr. Quintana called upon the international community once again to help implement the four core human rights elements in Myanmar, before the elections next year, as this would be the only way for the people of Myanmar to live free and with respect for their human rights.
Documents on the Follow-Up to the Eighth Special Session on the Situation of Human Rights in the East of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
The Council has before it the report of the High Commissioner on the situation of human rights and the activities of her Office in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (A/HRC/10/58), which notes that the human rights situation in the country remains of grave concern. Acute conflicts and long-standing structural challenges have worsened the already precarious living conditions of the Congolese. During the reporting period, in eastern Congo, Government control was often challenged or replaced by various armed groups, resulting in or perpetuating conflicts that have engendered serious violations of human rights, such as arbitrary executions, sexual violence, abductions and pillaging. While international attention has focused on the conflict in eastern Congo, the public space for protests and criticism in the rest of the country has diminished considerably, with the authorities showing little tolerance of those critical of their policies. Mainly as a result of inadequate wages, police and army officers commonly use their position to extract payment from civilians, often through the use of arbitrary arrests and physical force. The judiciary faces enormous challenges, ranging from a profound lack of resources to widespread corruption and political and military interference, depriving citizens of an effective legal framework through which to seek redress. During the reporting period, the United Nations Joint Human Rights Office in the country – composed of the Human Rights Division of the MONUC and the OHCHR Office in the Democratic Republic of the Congo – has stepped up its monitoring and advocacy activities, including with regard to judicial and disciplinary follow-up to violations committed by state agents, and to fight impunity in the area of sexual violence. The report ends with a number of recommendations addressed to the Government and to the international community, including that the Government increase transparency over the collection of state resources, in particular by mapping revenues received from actors exploiting mineral-rich areas in compliance with the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative and prioritize the allocation of revenues in compliance with the duty of the State to maximize resources for the further realization of human rights by providing detailed oversight over budget expenses.
The Council has before it the combined report of seven thematic special procedures on technical assistance to the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and urgent examination of the situation in the east of the country (A/HRC/10/59), is presented by the mandate holders on violence against women; internally displaced persons; independence of judges and lawyers; the right to health; human rights defenders; human rights and transnational corporations; and children and armed conflict. Those special procedures find that the general human rights situation in the country remains a cause of serious concern and has further deteriorated since the adoption of resolution 7/20 by the Council. In the east of the country in particular, systematic and gross violations of the human rights of civilians and grave breaches of international humanitarian law are taking place. Specific concerns highlighted relate to forced and arbitrary displacement; the effect of the humanitarian crisis on economic, social and cultural rights; violence against women and girls; the situation of human rights defenders; and the impact of armed conflict on children in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. Impunity, the existence of non-State armed actors, the present state of the security and justice sectors, the illegal exploitation of natural resources, the political instrumentalization of ethnic cleavages and the lack of equality between men and women are identified as root causes of human rights concerns. Eight priority objectives are outlined: fighting impunity and strengthening the law enforcement and justice sectors; reforming the security sector; preventing the re-recruitment of children by armed groups and socially reintegrating children associated with armed groups; protecting women’s rights and ensuring gender equality; addressing economic root causes of human rights violations; protecting the rights of the displaced and minorities; providing access to health care, especially for marginalized groups; and strengthening State and civil society structures to protect and promote human rights. The seven thematic special procedures urge the Council to continue taking a leadership role to ensure that the human rights dimension of the peacebuilding process in the Democratic Republic of the Congo is duly addressed and recommend that the Council establish a special procedure mechanism on the human rights situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in particular areas affected or threatened by armed conflict. The authors also recommend that benchmarks to measure human rights progress in the Democratic Republic of the Congo be developed by the United Nations, in consultation with the Government, civil society and donors.
Presentation of Reports on the Follow-Up to the Eighth Special Session on the Situation of Human Rights in the East of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
KYUNG-WHA KANG, Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights, introduced the report of the High Commissioner on the situation of human rights and the activities of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The report expressed concern over serious violations of human rights that occurred in the country during the period under review. On a general level, the combination of long-standing structural challenges and acute conflicts had worsened the already precarious living conditions of many Congolese. Control over parts of eastern Congo had been disputed between the Government and various armed groups, perpetuating conflicts that had had detrimental consequences for the civilian population there. Arbitrary executions, sexual violence, abductions, detention and pillaging had been commonplace occurrences, in a climate of generalized impunity, as detailed in the report before the Council.
While international attention had focused on the conflict in eastern Congo, the public space for protest and criticism in the rest of the country had diminished throughout the reporting period. On numerous occasions, as illustrated in the report, the authorities had clamped down on those critical of their policies. Mainly as a result of inadequate wages, police and army officers commonly used their power to obtain financial or other benefits, often by using arbitrary arrests and physical force. The judiciary also faced enormous challenges; the lack of an independent judiciary deprived citizens of an effective legal framework through which to lodge complaints or seek redress. The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights had intensified its efforts to fight impunity in the area of sexual violence by making trial monitoring more systematic, and through the implementation of technical cooperation programmes in the framework of the recently finalized comprehensive United Nations strategy to combat sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. A network of non-governmental organizations, coached and trained in witness protection, was established in eleven provinces.
Peace, development and the emergence of democracy in the Democratic Republic of the Congo would remain difficult to achieve unless the challenges outlined in this report were tackled as a matter of priority. Most importantly, a new impetus must be given to efforts to address the issue of impunity; the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, with the active assistance of the international community, must be prepared to deal with this issue in a forceful and unequivocal manner in order to discourage those who would resort to violence to gain or keep political influence to control natural resources. Following the successful holding of a series of free and fair elections in the country in the recent past, Congolese citizens held high expectations that their lives would noticeably improve. These expectations must not be let down.
WALTER KALIN, Representative of the Secretary-General on internally displaced persons, said the Council had asked a number of its mechanisms to urgently examine the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in particular with regards to violence against women. The Special Procedures had enjoyed good cooperation from the Government, and had carried out a mission to the country, and had been able to discuss the findings with the Prime Minister. The general human rights situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo remained a cause for serious concern, and had further deteriorated since the adoption of the resolution in March 2008. The systematic and gross violations of the human rights of civilians and gross breaches of international humanitarian law were taking place in front of a backdrop of a grave humanitarian situation. There was grave arbitrary displacement; violence against women and girls, in particular rape and gang rape; intimidation and violence of human rights defenders, lawyers and judges; and forced recruitment of children into armed groups continued.
Members of the State security forces committed serious violations. There were reports that on Sunday, four human rights defenders had been arrested after a press conference. The Government’s main shortcoming with regards to its human rights obligations lay in what it failed to do. In many areas, it abdicated its basic responsibilities, leaving the United Nations peacekeeping operation and the work of the United Nations agencies to fill the void. The perpetrators of the worst crimes could expect impunity due to the deplorable situation of the law enforcement and penitentiary situations, but also due to the lack of will to bring perpetrators to justice. There was a lack of will to remove human rights violators and reinforce the chain of command. The lack of equality between men and women and ethnic conflicts were also part of the root causes of human rights violations.
Technical assistance could aid Government action, not replace it. The Government, assisted by its partners, should prioritise action, including reforming the security section, preventing the recruitment of children by armed groups, protecting women’s rights and gender equality, addressing the economic root causes of human rights violations, protecting the rights of the displaced and minorities, providing access to health care, and strengthening State and civil society structures to protect and promote human rights. In order to measure progress in human rights and the effectiveness of technical assistance, benchmarks should be developed by the United Nations in consultation with the Government, civil society organizations, and others. The Council should take a leadership role to ensure that the human rights issues in the peace-building process remain a priority. The Council should establish a follow-up mechanism to the report.
Statement by the Concerned Country
UPIO KARURA WAPOL (Democratic Republic of the Congo), speaking as a concerned country, said most reforms which the Government had undertaken were done in tight partnership with the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Mission of the United Nations Organization in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC), the United Nations system, the European Union partners, and other members of the international communi. Source: HREA - www.hrea.org
Naval Expansion Makes China a Growing Power
Mar 17, 2009
By Richard D. Fisher, Jr.
In late 2008 and during the first weeks of 2009, Chinese and Russian sources provided new insights into China’s ambitions to build aircraft carriers and air wings to equip them. This data was then assessed in light of China’s momentous December 2008 decision to dispatch a small People’s Liberation Army Navy flotilla to prosecute Somali pirates (see related story on p. 21), resulting in wide commentary about the country’s ambitions to build a much larger conventional navy. Absent from much of this analysis, however, is an adequate understanding of China’s progress in assembling a phalanx of space, air and naval forces designed to pose an effective asymmetrical threat to large conventional navies.
A three-level Chinese military challenge is unfolding for Washington and its allies. A long-standing debate over whether China intends to build a large conventional navy to defend its increasingly global interests is being settled in the affirmative, justifying a continued investment by the U.S. and its allies in large naval forces. At the same time China’s success in fielding effective asymmetrical capabilities makes necessary the development of defensive systems, it also undermines the continued justification for large conventional platforms like aircraft carriers, which could be sunk if found. A third challenge emerges when China successfully deploys its asymmetrical systems, either on unique platforms or by sale of elements to allies.
Much of the justification for this large technology and capability investment has been provided by China’s requirement to quickly assemble the means to prevent the U.S. from aiding Taiwan if China forces “unification” without building a correspondingly large conventional military. People’s Liberation Army (PLA) planners in the early 1990s assessed that if U.S. military access to the western Pacific was denied or impeded, China’s military threats to Taiwan would become more credible and have the desired political effects. This period begins to see early PLA efforts to invest in modern military capabilities: new C4ISR systems; space and airborne weapons; and a naval expansion that focuses on regional-denial capabilities.
This is China’s near-term goal, but it also provides building blocks for future power projection. Perhaps the most important enabler for the PLA’s transition from a regional to a global force will be advances in C4ISR. A key aspiration of PLA doctrine since the late 1990s has been to apply ever more sophisticated information technologies to military endeavors. With its roots in the now famous 1986 “863 Program” to fund high-technology military research, C4ISR progress has benefited from the PLA building one of the world’s most advanced national fiber-optic grids in the 1990s, plus creation of one of the world’s leading computer chip and hardware sectors. These have enabled the PLA’s steady progress in creating C4ISR capabilities in space, on the ground and in cyberwarfare.
China has made dramatic progress in building space information architecture with communication, navigation and surveillance satellites. So far the PLA controls only two dedicated communication satellites, one of which supports Ka-band tactical communication links. But the PLA is thought to have access to a larger number of communication satellites controlled by China’s satellite companies.
An initial constellation of four BeiDou navigation satellites (navsat) was placed in orbit in April 2007. Only capable of China-region coverage with the help of ground-station broadcasts, they have a secondary text-communication function. China’s larger goal is to loft a 30-satellite Compass navsat constellation by 2015. This will provide global coverage and complement and compete with the U.S. GPS, Russian Glonass and European Galileo navsat systems.
China launched the first two HuangJing high-resolution electro-optical surveillance satellites on Sept. 5, 2008. These will eventually comprise a constellation of at least four electro-optical and four Russian-aided radar satellites, the first to be launched this year. This follows the YaoGan surveillance satellite constellation, which consists so far of two planar radar satellites and two electro-optical satellites. China intends to fly some of these satellites in formation, which could yield data to support 360-deg. mapping and 3D mission-planning programs. An electro-optical, surveillance-satellite program with Brazil was recently extended by three satellites (making five total), and China has long been a major consumer of commercial satellite imagery. Chinese sources also indicate that the PLA is developing dedicated missile-early-warning satellites.
An important achievement was the Apr. 25, 2008, launch of the PLA’s first TianLan data-relay satellite, which supported last September’s Shenzhou-7 manned space mission. More capable data-relay satellites that will support real-time global targeting missions can be expected. With a competitive small-satellite sector centered in aerospace universities, China is fast emerging as a leading developer of micro- (50 kg., or 110 lb.), nano- (30 kg. and less) and pico- (5 kg. and less) satellites. China launched three microsatellite missions in 2008, including BanXing-1, which operated in formation with Shenzhou-7. China, like other space powers, expects that expensive large-bus satellites will give way to formations of less expensive, less vulnerable and easier to replenish microsatellites.
PLA inner-space surveillance capabilities include advances in radar and electronic intelligence systems. A recent network of bistatic, long-range, over-the-horizon radar facilities for the first time allow the PLA to monitor naval and air activities more than 1,000 km. (620 mi.) at sea. The PLA has added fixed and mobile tactical radars, including active phased array, digitally enhanced long-wave radar useful for counterstealth operations and long-range passive radar similar to the Ukrainian Kolchuga system, which China reportedly purchased. China has many electronic intelligence and signals intelligence facilities, including sites in Cuba and, reportedly, Myanmar.
PLA surveillance capabilities will soon be enhanced by the acquisition of high-altitude long-endurance (HALE), medium-altitude long-endurance (MALE) and vertical-takeoff unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs). Chengdu Aircraft Corp. is developing a HALE UAV that is a dead-ringer for Northrop Grumman’s Global Hawk, while Guizhou Aircraft is developing a novel box-wing HALE drone. Guizhou and Chengdu are also developing MALE UAVs, while vertical UAVs are emerging from China’s helicopter companies and design groups.
Command and communication capabilities benefit from a proliferation of digital and broadband platforms across all PLA services, which aid the development and implementation of joint-forces doctrines and more efficient command structures. National, theater and field-level command posts combine data and video from top command sources to the field, for use along the command chain, while broadband capabilities have helped revolutionize PLA logistics and access to military education. The laptop computer is becoming ubiquitous in the PLA.
In addition, the PLA has made strides in equipping its services with modern computer-based training simulators, from fighter cockpits to submarine command decks, missile and tank crew trainers and personal computer-based infantry-decision trainers. It is reasonable to expect the PLA to follow the example of the U.S. and others in creating networked simulation training for disparate joint forces.
An example of increasing C4ISR prowess occurred last Dec. 8, when according to Chinese accounts, China’s maritime surveillance agency was able to take advantage of precise information concerning the location and patterns of Japan’s coast guard ships, to catch the latter by surprise and move its ships in to assert claims to disputed islands in the East China Sea.
The PLA’s precision surveillance is being combined with new capabilities for precision strike—see our next installment.
Richard D. Fisher, Jr., is a senior fellow with the International Assessment and Strategy Center of Arlington, Va., and author of China’s Military Modernization: Building for Regional and Global Reach (Praeger, 2008).
Photo: USMC
Flag this message【再送】ビルマ人権の日特別講演会(3/19)ビルマ（ミャンマー）― 牢獄からの生還～国際ロビイストになった元政治囚 アウンディンが語るビルマの真実～
Flag this message【再送】ビルマ人権の日特別講演会(3/19)ビルマ（ミャンマー）― 牢獄からの生還～国際ロビイストになった元政治囚 アウンディンが語るビルマの真実～
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ビルマ市民フォーラム メールマガジン 2009/3/18
People's Forum on Burma
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日時が迫りましたので、以下、再送させていただきます。
先週ビルマ人権の日にあたる3月13日から、ビルマの政治囚を支援する
団体「ビルマ政治囚支援協会（AAPP)」らが中心となり、政治囚の
釈放を求めるグローバルキャンペーンが開始されました。
現在、24カ国、160の団体が参加しています。
日本でも、在日ビルマ人民主化活動団体のほか、私たちPFB、
ビルマ情報ネットワーク、アムネスティ・インターナショナル（日本）が
賛同・参加しています。
これは、3月13日～5月24日までに、888,888名の署名をあつめようと
いうキャンペーンです。
明日の講演会会場では、キャンペーンについてもご説明し、署名を
集めます。ぜひ皆さまお越しください。
ＰＦＢ事務局
http://www1.jca.apc.org/pfb/
★【転送大歓迎】★
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ビルマ人権の日特別講演会 【3月19日(木）18時30分～】
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ビルマ（ミャンマー）― 牢獄からの生還
～国際ロビイストになった元政治囚 アウンディンが語るビルマの真実～
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なぜ僕が刑務所に？ 僕にあるはずの自由と権利をただ求めただけなのに...
自分の意見を自由に述べる、行きたいところへ行き、会いたい友人に
いつでも会える----そんな「自由」や「権利」がビルマにはありません。
「微笑みの国」と称されるビルマですが、黄金に輝くパゴダ（仏塔）や
色鮮やかな民族衣装、眩しすぎる人びとの笑顔の影で、軍事政権の下、
多くの人が自由を奪われ、囚人同様の生活を強いられています。そして
軍政を批判したり、民主化を求める活動を行ったり、サイクロン被災者の
救援活動をしたことを理由に、現在も2,100人以上の僧侶や市民が政治囚
として投獄されているのです。獄内での拷問や過酷な尋問、劣悪な処遇など
も伝えられています。国連特使や人権団体などは軍事政権に対し、何度も
全政治囚の即時釈放を求めていますが、釈放のペースは鈍化しており、
その一方で多数の市民や活動家の逮捕が続いています。
3月13日は「ビルマ人権の日」です。
自らのいのち、家族、生活を犠牲にし、闘い続ける政治囚。「民主化の進展
には、まず全ての政治囚を釈放し、民主化を求める側と軍事政権とが対話を
することが最も重要」と語るアウンディン氏。「なぜ僕はビルマの民主化を
求めるのか？自らの体験をもとに、現在も獄中で闘いつづける仲間の声を、
日本のみなさんに届けたい。」
--------------------------------------------------
●日時：2009年3月19日（木）18時30分～20時30分（開場18時15分）
●場所：総評会館 ４階 402会議室
東京都千代田区神田駿河台3-2-11TEL： 03-3253-1771
【交通機関】
● 地下鉄
丸ノ内線／新宿線をご利用の方は地下道を通り、千代田線方面へ
東京メトロ千代田線 新御茶ノ水駅 B3出口 （徒歩0分）
東京メトロ丸ノ内線 淡路町駅 B3出口 ※ （B3出口まで徒歩5分）
都営地下鉄新宿線 小川町駅 B3出口 ※ （B3出口まで徒歩3分）
※B3a出口は、違う方向へ出ますのでご注意ください。
● JR中央線・総武線 御茶ノ水駅 聖橋口 （徒歩5分）
●地図：http://www.sohyokaikan.or.jp/access/index.html
●参加費：500円
●定員：50名（申込み不要／先着順）
●主催：ビルマ市民フォーラム、ビルマ情報ネットワーク（BurmaInfo）、
（社）アムネスティ・インターナショナル日本
●問合先：ビルマ市民フォーラム事務局 （宮沢）
03-5312-4817, pfb@izumibashi-law.net
--------------------------------------------------
【アウンディン氏 プロフィール】
米国ビルマ・キャンペーン共同設立者・事務局長
ビルマ政治囚支援協会（AAPP）米国代表
アウンディン氏は1988年にビルマ（ミャンマー）で起きた全国的な民主化
運動に関与したことが理由でつかまり、政治囚として4年間、獄中で過ごした。
1989年にはアムネスティ・インターナショナルの「良心の囚人」になり、
同団体の支部による手紙書きキャンペーンの対象となった。現在は獄中に
残る仲間たちや家族を支えるビルマ政治囚支援協会の一員でもある。
2003年に民主化支援団体、米国ビルマ・キャンペーンを設立（本部：ワシン
トンDC）。米国ビルマ・キャンペーンは米国議会や政府に積極的に働きかけ、
ビルマに民主化をもたらすために日々努力している。米国議会などの公聴会で
ビルマの状況について証言するほか、各種メディアにも頻繁に登場する著名な活動
家。
アメリカン大学（修士）。
アウンディンは1989年4月23日に逮捕された（一部メディアは
24日に逮捕と報道）。逮捕の数時間前にAFPのインタビューに応じ、
「武力闘争ではなく、平和的な活動を通じて民主化を目指したい」
と語っていた。
逮捕直後の１か月間、ビルマ軍情報部の尋問センターに収容された
後、容疑も確定しないままインセイン刑務所に1年収容された。
独房に収容され、家族との面会も認められなかった。総選挙の4日
前の1990年5月23日に軍事裁判所で4年間の懲役刑を宣告される。
1993年7月、4年3か月ぶりに釈放される。
アムネスティ・インターナショナルの良心の囚人だったことは、
2001年に米国に渡って初めて知った。
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【ビルマとは？】
ビルマ（ミャンマー）では2007年秋、燃料費の大幅値上げをきっかけに
全国で数十万の仏教僧、学生、市民が民主化を求め立ち上がりました。
これに対して軍事政権はデモの武力弾圧に踏み切り、数百人ともいわ
れる死者をだしました。これ以降、約1,000人が新たに拘束され、ビルマ
全土の政治囚は2009年2月現在，2100人にも上っています。
彼らは拷問を受け、その政治信条と政治活動ゆえに長期の禁固刑を言い
渡されました。政治囚の中には昨年5月巨大サイクロンの支援活動を
行ったこと理由に拘束された人もいます。
また、昨年5月には、巨大サイクロン「ナルギス」がビルマ史上最悪と
なる被害をもたらした直後、ビルマ軍政は、被災者の救援よりも自らの
権力維持を最優先課題とし、一方的に起案した新憲法の是非を問う国民
投票を強行しました（投票から数日後、賛成率92.4％で新憲法が承認
されたと発表）。
アウンサンスーチー氏を始めとした民主化勢力との対話もないまま
進められたこうした手続きは国際社会から厳しく批判されましたが、
軍政は新憲法に基づいて来年2010年に総選挙を実施しようとしています。
軍政はさらに、総選挙にむけて政治弾圧を強めており、2007年8月以降
約1,000人が新たに拘束され、政治囚の数は2100人にも上るなど、自由
で公正な選挙を行なうことは到底無理な状況となっています。
アウンサンスーチー氏率いる国民民主連盟（NLD）などの民主化勢力は、
各国政府に対して、軍政がすべての政治囚を解放し、民主化勢力や少数
民族の代表との対話に基づいて2008年憲法の内容を見直す作業をしない
限り、2010年に予定されている総選挙を正当な選挙とは認められない
ことを明らかに表明してほしいと要請しています。
--------------------------------------------------
【ビルマ人権の日とは？】
1988年3月ラングーン工科大（ＲＩＴ）の学生と地元有力者の息子とが茶店で
口論となり、この喧嘩を発端に学生によるデモ隊と治安警察が対立、警官は銃を
持って学生らを弾圧しようとした。そして、この弾圧により銃撃された学生ポウ
ンモー氏が命を落とし、その二日後にもう一人が死亡した。
そのため、この事件をきっかけにこれまで溜め込んでいた政府への怒りが爆発、
学生や大勢の市民によるデモが連日行われ、1988年8月8日（8888）の大暴動へと
つながった。
それ以来、民主化勢力は民主化運動の引き金となるこの象徴的な日を記念日と
して、「ビルマ人権の日」と呼んでいる。
--------------------------------------------------
参考：
◆米国ビルマ・キャンペーン
http://uscampaignforburma.org/
◆ビルマ政治囚支援協会
http://www.aappb.org/
ビルマの政治囚や彼らの家族への支援を目的に設立された。政治囚へ食料や物品を
届けるほか、国際社会と協力してビルマの政治囚の早期釈放を訴える活動を行ってい
る。
◇ビルマ市民フォーラム
http://www1.jca.apc.org/pfb/
◇ビルマ情報ネットワーク
http://www.burmainfo.org/
◇（社）アムネスティ・インターナショナル日本
http://www.amnesty.or.jp/
▽ビルマのページはこちら
http://www.amnesty.or.jp/modules/wfsection/article.php?articleid=1506
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Burma: Last Stand for Democracy?
http://www.morungexpress.com/columnists/17405.html
Daniel Pye
Burma’s ruling military junta are aggressively seeking to eliminate all opposition ahead of elections in 2010. They may well succeed
In a small Karen National Union (KNU)-controlled village in eastern Burma children play tag and clutch pieces of string tied to oversized flying beetles. Here, at least, a semblance of normality remains. But the Tatmadaw - the Burmese military - are camped just 20km away. The village is preparing for Karen Martyrs Day, a day of remembrance for those who gave their lives in pursuit of the independence promised by the British in 1948. The Karen have been fighting the central Burmese government ever since, in the world’s longest ongoing civil war.
A Thai, sympathetic to the Karen’s plight, shows me three schools and a medical clinic he built.”But most of the teachers, nurses and doctors go to Thailand” he says. The young cadets in the village square are practicing for the coming ceremony. That was six months ago. Despite torrential rain, in late June 2008 the battle for control of the region escalated. A new offensive is underway today. ‘Four cuts’, the policy of the military junta, or State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) is intended to deprive the democratic opposition of food, funds, recruits and information. It operates by systematic intimidation and repression of the civilian population. It aims to force villagers into sites controlled by the army, where they are forced to build roads to link up military installations, then ‘reintroduced’ into what the Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) calls “forced labour villages”. These labour camps are kept well away from tourists’ cameras.
Surviving soldiers of the guerrilla campaign that helped defeat the Japanese Empire in Burma now struggle to nourish their bodies on hand-outs in ‘temporary refugee camps’ near the border in Thailand. These camps house some 160,000 ‘displaced persons’ from Burma. Most have fled the violence in the east of the country. Others live a marginal existence in frontier towns like Mae Sot, three kilometres from the border, where trafficking in drugs, gems, guns and people is the norm. They are dispossessed and largely forgotten. When the Burmese generals refused to recognize the landslide victory of Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy in the elections of 1990, the elected government and their supporters were forced to flee the central plains and seek refuge in the mountainous jungles along the border with Thailand. Burmese resistance fighters joined ethnic-minority guerillas in the stronghold of Manerplaw, after being pursued into the mountains. Manerplaw - the planned capital of a future Karen state - was overrun by the Tatmadaw in 1995 after a lengthy siege that cost hundreds of lives.
Armed with billions of dollars of Chinese military hardware over recent years, the Burmese army has no constituency within Burmese society. Mid to high-level officers see it as one of few real career opportunities and use their positions to enrich themselves. Soldiers are conscripted through forced lotteries or are rounded up in markets and schools. Most recruits are young boys. Many Karen were converted to Christianity in the nineteenth century by Jesuit missionaries. But there are still a large number of Buddhist-animists. The late General Bo Mya of the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), who led the resistance fighters, described how the junta used an agent called U Thuzana to fracture their forces.
The junta sent U Thuzana into Manerplaw to preach his path to nirvana to the Buddhists, according to the general. He gained a devout following and suggested building monasteries on the mountain-tops that surround Manerplaw on three sides. Construction began without consulting Bo Mya. When he learned they would obstruct his soldiers’ positions he had the half-built structures destroyed. This was used as a pretext to divide the Karen, and depicted as deliberate religious persecution. It worked. Some of the Buddhists made a pact to guide Tatmadaw soldiers through the minefield covering the only land route in. These soldiers became the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), a slave militia in the pay of the junta.
Today’s crisis
Over the past seven months DKBA and SPDC patrols have repeatedly breached Thai sovereignty in their war against the Karen, Shan and Karenni rebels. They terrorise local Thais they suspect of harbouring sympathies.
The SPDC’s latest offensives, which began in Karen State but have now pushed into Shan and Karenni States, are part of an outright bid to force armed insurgencies into submission before the 2010 elections. According to Daniel Pedersen, author of Secret Genocide, Burman dissidents in Mae Sot agreed, saying the SPDC would pressure insurgents weakened by the current extreme military offensives to sign ceasefire deals before next year’s poll. The loss of a base camp garrisoned by the 103 Special Batallion means that “only Wah Lay Kee, further north, remains,” Pedersen testifies. Wah Lay Kee has seen serious bouts of fighting since it was attacked on the evening of June 29, 2008, and could fall at any time.
This war is as much about money as it is about crushing dissent and armed resistance. The area of conflict, between the Phop Phra region in the north, and Umphang to the south, has sizeable deposits of gold, tin, zinc, and antimony, and has long been deforested on both sides of the border for its fine teak. Deforested areas now provide a lucrative farming income to whoever can occupy them. Defeating the KNLA here could open up new trade and smuggling routes, and increase security for lucrative mining and damming projects already agreed with Thailand and private financiers.
Thailand’s foreign ministry portrays the current escalation in violence as in-fighting between Karen factions and denies SPDC involvement. It is in their interests to maintain a semi-cordial relationship with the generals. Speaking in August last year at a KNLA base camp destroyed in the ongoing offensive, Colonel Nerdah Mya, Bo Mya’s son said: “We cannot run away from this. We must confront it, for our families, for our homes. We must continue the struggle.”
The human cost
Over the past few months, lawyers, artists, monks, journalists, students and human rights activists have been given sentences of up to 65 years for “threatening the stability of the government”. Writing a poem or drawing a cartoon critical of the regime is punishable by decades of forced labour and incarceration at the aptly named Insein (pronounced Insane) Prison.
The Karen Human Rights Group estimates between two and four million people are displaced within Burma, and a further one million eek out a meagre existence in the illegal labour market in Thailand. Mae Sot has over 40000 registered migrant workers. The true figure, including those who do not register, may be four times larger. They produce clothing and other products to supply global high street brands, for which they are paid a pittance. Thailand calls this an ‘export processing zone’.
Burmese living in Mae Sot are routinely arrested by the Thai police and driven to the ‘Friendship Bridge’ that spans the Moei River on the Thai-Burma border. There they are handed to the Tatmadaw and taken to the SPDC stronghold of Myawaddy, where they face years of forced labour, destitution and torture.
Women are brutalised in brothels, many run by trafficking gangs with ties to the local police force, spies, and drug cartels. Sexually transmitted infection makes this a death sentence. Some prefer suicide. Men fare little better. Zin, aged 17, spent two years in prison. The favourite torture of his SPDC ‘interrogators’ was to strip him naked, beat him and make him stand on tip-toes and simulate riding a moped while they drank whisky and burned his genitals for hours at a time.
“We have a saying in Burma,” says Ken, a Burmese student living in Mae Sot, “Behind the smile there are many tears, but behind the tears there are many more smiles.” Although he hasn’t got long to live he dreams of studying computer science, hacking into US Defence Department servers and “stealing the Roswell spaceship” to force world leaders to listen.
“But one day I will go home,” he says.
Note: Some names are changed
to protect identities.
Five Suu Kyi Supporters Arrested In Myanmar - Opposition
http://www.nasdaq.com/aspxcontent/NewsStory.aspx?cpath=20090317%5cACQDJON200903170416DOWJONESDJONLINE000095.htm&&mypage=newsheadlines&title=Five%20Suu%20Kyi%20Supporters%20Arrested%20In%20Myanmar%20-%20Opposition
YANGON (AFP)--Myanmar authorities have arrested five members of detained democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's party, a spokesman said Tuesday, as the U.N. chastised the regime for its harsh treatment of dissidents.
Four men and a woman who worked as organizers for the National League for Democracy, or NLD, party were arrested last week in the commercial hub Yangon, said NLD spokesman Nyan Win.
"We do not know yet why they were arrested or where they were taken," Nyan Win said. "Their family members also want to know about them, and are worrying so much...We are still investigating."
A report Monday by the U.N. special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, Tomas Ojea Quintana, said many of the more than 2,100 political prisoners held in Myanmar have been sentenced in flawed, closed-door hearings.
Detainees suffered from a lack of medical care during imprisonment and from " physical ill-treatment" during interrogation, he added.
Quintana visited Myanmar from Feb. 14 to 19, and a regime official who didn't want to be named said the special envoy's request to meet Aung San Suu Kyi was rejected.
Myanmar's courts have handed out heavy jail terms to dozens of pro-democracy activists in recent months, many of them involved in protests led by Buddhist monks, which erupted in 2007.
Rights groups have accused the junta of trying to suppress any dissenting voices ahead of scheduled elections in 2010, which have been derided as a sham by activists because the polls bar Aung San Suu Kyi's participation.
"It is impossible to be all-inclusive in the coming 2010 elections by putting politicians in prisons," Nyan Win said.
The NLD won the country's last elections in 1990 but the junta never allowed them to take office, instead cementing their decades-long grip on power and keeping Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest for most of the last 19 years.
Myanmar has been ruled by the military since 1962.
(END) Dow Jones Newswires
03-17-090416ET
Copyright (c) 2009 Dow Jones & Company, Inc.
On Myanmar, UN Official Predicts April 18 Ban Visit
http://www.innercitypress.com/ban5myanmar031609.html
On Myanmar, UN Official Predicts April 18 Ban Visit, US Softens Too, Gas as Lubricant
Byline: Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press at the UN: News Analysis
UNITED NATIONS, March 16 -- On Myanmar, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon is actively arranging a visit for just after the April 12 ASEAN meeting, most probably on April 18, a senior UN official told Inner City Press on Monday night. The official painted a rosy picture of recent actions by the military government of General Than Shwe, from his belated softening on the Muslim Rohingya population to his government's engagement with Indonesia on this refugee issue. The news on Myanmar is good, the official said, mirroring a shift in United States policy under Barack Obama.
As Inner City Press reported from Washington last week, sources in the White House say that lobbying by the U.S. oil and gas industries has played a role in the Administration's signals that economic sanctions haven't been working in Myanmar, that it's time for more engagement -- read, U.S. business entry. The question on Ban Ki-moon, these sources say, is whether a visit by him can be accompanied by enough face-saving concessions by Than Shwe to allow everyone to make money.
The UN's spin of good news from Myanmar runs counter to a recent report on that military government's performance in the aftermath of last year's Cyclone Nargis. A Johns Hopkins report called for referral of Than Shwe and his senior officials to the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity. While some thought the indictment of Sudan's president might make referral of Myanmar more likely, the trend appears quite the opposite.
"If you can't beat them, join them," appears to be the UN's approached to Myanmar. Or at least, "visit them." Watch this site.
Footnotes: The above-quoted UN official, left nameless in an abundance of respect, spoke at a surreal reception Monday night to commemorate the 1988 massacre by gas of Kurds in Halabja. The reception, sponsored by Iraq's Mission to the UN, features smoked salmon and jumbo shrimp on ice, as well as liquor as more than one reported noted. The Kurds are not fanatics, said one correspondent long stationed there, wondering if one day 9/11/01 will be celebrated like this, or even by mall sales. One trusts that Burma's 8/8/88 will never be similarly toasted, despite the plentiful shrimp along the coast.
* * *
These reports are usually also available through Google News and on Lexis-Nexis.
Click here for a Reuters AlertNet piece by this correspondent about Uganda's Lord's Resistance Army. Click here for an earlier Reuters AlertNet piece about the Somali National Reconciliation Congress, and the UN's $200,000 contribution from an undefined trust fund. Video Analysis here
Feedback: Editorial [at] innercitypress.com
UN Office: S-453A, UN, NY 10017 USA Tel: 212-963-1439
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