Deposed prime minister Yingluck Shinawatra appeared before Thailand's governing junta council on Friday, one day after the military announced it had taken power in a coup. She is among the 155 political figures summoned by the National Peace and Order Maintaining Council who have been prohibited from leaving the country without permission (Bangkok Post). Army chief General Prayuth Chan-ocha addressed the civil service, calling on their help in implementing reforms before "return[ing] power to the people." Meanwhile, a nationwide curfew was in force as protestors were dispersed, though some dissent was seen in Bangkok, and television stations have had their programming replaced by the military's (Reuters). The United States declared the takeover a coup, which could prompt curtailed aid and military relations (WSJ). Analysis "In the nation's capital, troops and police officers appear to be exercising restraint. Let us hope this continues, for there is a long history of rights violations under martial law in Thailand. In some 30 of Thailand's 76 provinces, martial law was already in place before Tuesday, in some cases for years. Extrajudicial executions, deaths in custody, enforced disappearances and torture have been documented under military jurisdiction. There has been almost no accountability for these violations," writes Sam Zarifi in the New York Times. "Whatever appointed government is put into place by the military likely will launch reforms that, in theory, could help cleanse Thailand's political system of graft and vote buying but that, in reality, will be designed to try to ensure the Shinawatras and their political base are disempowered once and for all. This will not be an easy task; in fact, it is probably impossible. The supporters of Puea Thai include both the majority of Thais and a small, hardened minority of activists who will be willing to fight the Thai military in Bangkok or in upcountry towns," writes CFR's Joshua Kurlantzick. "If the coup results in the military's unilateral appointment of a new prime minister who is unacceptable to the Thaksin side a further escalation is bound to occur. Yet such bleak predictions belie the potential for progressive change that lies at the heart of all crises. Rather than seeing Thailand's troubles as a decline one might equally interpret them as a negotiation of a new social contract ahead of a sea change in the structure of the Thai state," writes Serhat Ünaldi in the Diplomat.
Saturday, May 24, 2014
Friday, May 23, 2014
BURMA AND THAILAND NEWS SUMMERY -May 22, 2014
NEWS Along Thai-Burma Border, Signs of Rising Drug Trade Voice of America CHIANG MAI, THAILAND — According to a new United Nations report, seizures of illegal methamphetamine drugs around the world last year reached ... Flag as irrelevant The Irrawaddy News Magazine Ditching Clunkers, Car Imports Drive Burmese Demand for Oil The Irrawaddy News Magazine Burma produces some oil of its own, but most is imported. ... But traders say undocumented fuel flows, particularly
Tuesday, April 5, 2011
Enslaved on 'ghost ships'
Enslaved on 'ghost ships'
From a thriving industry in southeast Asia, the catch might end up on dinner plates almost anywhere in the world.
But you might be shocked to know how these fish are caught. Sometimes the boats are floating prisons crewed by slaves.
In this video report above, CNN's Dan Rivers explores the story of brothers Pheum Dina and Pheum Bolin, who were lured from Cambodia to work on the fishing boats three years ago. They say they were imprisoned on a Thai trawler for 3 months – with no pay and no chance to escape. They were slaves at sea.
The National Fisheries Association of Thailand, which works closely with the government on fishing-related issues, says it has not received reports of abuse or torture of crew in the past couple of years on Thai boats.
The chairman of the group says most crews are there of their free will. But he acknowledged some recruiters may have made false promises about pay and working conditions to some Burmese or Cambodian workers.
The association's Mana Sripitak also says it educates Thai fishermen about anti-human trafficking laws, warning that there, "could be fine(s) or jail term(s), and their boats could be confiscated if they are found guilty."
Wednesday, October 6, 2010
Concerns over Thai plans to return Burmese asylum seekers
Concerns over Thai plans to return Burmese asylum seekers
Liam Cochrane
Last Updated: Wed, 6 Oct 2010 17:06:00 +1100
Human rights groups have expressed concern over Thailand's plan to repatriate Burmese asylum seekers to Burma after the country's November 7 elections.
Thailand's foreign minister, Kasit Piromya, who made the announcement in New York, says repatriating Burmese asylum seekers is a priority for his government.
"I am going back to Bangkok, and one of the first things I will be doing is to launch a more comprehensive program for the Myanmar (Burmese) people in the camps."
"The displaced persons, the intellectuals that run around the streets of Bangkok and Chiang Mai province, to prepare them to return to Myanmar (Burma) after the elections," he said.
More than 140,000 Burmese asylum seekers live in nine camps spread along the Thai-Burma border.
Most of them have fled conflict, and persecution along ethnic or political lines.
David Mathieson, senior researcher on Burma for Human Rights Watch, says the idea of making those Burmese return is "absurd".
"It's simply not safe for them to go back. Just because Burma's holding elections in November doesn't mean the conditions have changed at all."
Rights groups, as well as the United Nations, have expressed concern about the credibility of the election system, which reserves a quarter of all seats for the army and will take place without the main opposition party.
The National League for Democracy chose to not take part because its leader Aung San Suu Kyi wasn't allowed to be involved and remains under house arrest.
Thailand's foreign minister, Mr Kasit says it is unlikely Burma�s elections will be completely free or fair, but he says it is the first step on the road back to an open and democratic Burma.
"We are going to prepare the Myanmar (Burma) people in Thailand for an eventual return to a new Myanmar (Burma), maybe half-democratic, but I think it is a beginning."
But David Mathieson says the vote next month is merely a mirage of democracy.
"This is one of the negative sides of the Burmese elections, this kind of phoney optimism that people have that the Burmese elections are a serious process - and they're just not."
Despite the comments from Thailand's Foreign Minister, groups involved with refugee resettlement say they have seen no changes to policy about Burmese asylum seekers.
Kitty McKinsey is the spokeswoman for the UN High Commissioner for Refugees in Asia.
"The UN refugee agency has no reason to believe that the Thai government intends to force refugees to return to Myanmar," she said.
David Mathieson from Human Rights Watch says that while forced repatriation would be frowned upon by the Western world, Thailand has done it recently.
"It's very unlikely they would force refugees back after the elections. However, Thailand did do that over Christmas with the Hmong refugees in the north. They forced them back and there was very little Western countries could do to stop that."
In addition to the asylum seekers in camps on the border, Thailand is also home to an estimated two million Burmese economic migrants, most of them working without proper visas.
Chris Lom, information officer at the International Organisation for Migration, says many of those migrants need the Burmese economy to strengthen and provide them with the chance of work.
"For the vast majority of those two million irregular migrants here, and also registered migrants working here in Thailand, they are here for economic reasons," he said.
"But there are very large numbers of people from Myanmar (Burma) who would go back if the economic situation allowed them to and they could find jobs there."
Thailand's Foreign Minister, Kasit Piromya, says the elections in Burma next month will be a test, not just of Burma but also of the regional bloc, ASEAN.
"The credibility of the election is not only on the credibility and respectability for Myanmar (Burma) but for ASEAN as a whole. It's our credibility and respectability and also on the notion of ASEAN centrality to the whole Asia Pacific."
Friday, December 11, 2009
Thailand Burma Border Consortium (TBBC) Press Release, 29 October 2009, Rising Instability in Eastern Burma
PRESS RELEASE, 29 OCTOBER 2009
RISING INSTABILITY IN EASTERN BURMA
Bangkok - During this sixtieth anniversary year of the Geneva Conventions, Israel’s military assault on Gaza
and Sri Lanka’s refusal to distinguish between Tamil combatants and civilians have been high profile
challenges to the relevance of international humanitarian law. Out of the media spotlight, the Burmese Army
similarly persists in breaking the rules of war by indiscriminately attacking civilians and causing massive
displacement. Indeed, aid agencies report that threats to human security in eastern Burma are increasing.
“After 25 years of responding to the consequences of conflict in eastern Burma, it is tragic to see the causes
remain unaddressed and the situation is likely to further deteriorate during the next twelve months. A recent
influx of refugees into Thailand and monitoring reports from internally displaced communities indicate that
violence and abuse in eastern Burma are increasing”, said Jack Dunford, Executive Director of the Thailand
Burma Border Consortium (TBBC).
TBBC is an alliance of twelve aid agencies from ten countries working to provide food, shelter, non-food
items and capacity building support to Burmese refugees and displaced persons. The humanitarian agency
has just released findings from field surveys about conflict and displacement conducted with over 3,100
households during the past 5 years in rural areas of eastern Burma.
The main threats to human security in eastern Burma are related to militarisation. Military patrols and
landmines are the most significant and fastest growing threat to civilian safety and security, while forced
labour and restrictions on movement are the most pervasive threats to livelihoods. Trend analysis suggests
that the threats to both security and livelihoods have increased during the past five years.
Over 3,500 villages and hiding sites in eastern Burma have been destroyed or forcibly relocated since 1996,
including 120 communities between August 2008 and July 2009. The scale of displaced villages is
comparable to the situation in Darfur and has been recognised as the strongest single indicator of crimes
against humanity in eastern Burma. At least 75,000 people were forced to leave their homes during this past
year, and more than half a million people remain internally displaced.
The highest rates of recent displacement were reported in northern Karen areas and southern Shan State.
Almost 60,000 Karen villagers are hiding in the mountains of Kyaukgyi, Thandaung and Papun Townships,
and a third of these civilians fled from artillery attacks or the threat of Burmese Army patrols during the past
year. Similarly, nearly 20,000 civilians from 30 Shan villages were forcibly relocated by the Burmese Army in
retaliation for Shan State Army-South (SSA-S) operations in Laikha, Mong Kung and Keh Si Townships.
Thailand’s National Security Council recently acknowledged it was preparing for another mass influx of
refugees due to conflict in Burma’s border areas leading up to the proposed elections in 2010. Conflict has
already intensified in Karen State with over 4,000 Karen refugees fleeing into Thailand during June. The
increased instability is related to demands that ethnic ceasefire groups transform into Border Guard Forces
under Burmese Army command. Such pressure has already resulted in the resumption of hostilities in the
Kokang region which caused 37,000 civilians to flee into China.
“The breakdown of 20 year old ceasefire agreements reflects how the Burmese junta’s ‘road map to
democracy’ offers no political settlement for the ethnic minority groups. Whether next year’s elections
provide a small window of opportunity or merely entrench military rule, there is an urgent need to address
ethnic grievances in order to promote national reconciliation and solutions for displaced persons”, said Mr
Dunford.
ENDS
Enquiries (in Thailand) : Sally Thompson (+66) 022385027, or (+66) 0898508457
“Protracted Displacement and Militarisation in Eastern Burma” is available from
www.tbbc.org/resources/resources.htm
http://www.tbbc.org/announcements/2009-10-29-media-release.pdf
Wednesday, October 14, 2009
မဲေဆာက္က ျမန္မာတို႔၏ ကထိန္ပြဲ ၿခိမ့္ၿခိမ့္သဲက်င္းပ
http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1971:2009-10-13-11-46-52&catid=1:news&Itemid=2
မဲေဆာက္က ျမန္မာတို႔၏ ကထိန္ပြဲ ၿခိမ့္ၿခိမ့္သဲက်င္းပ
Tuesday, 13 October 2009 18:43 ဘေစာတင္
ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံ မဲေဆာက္ၿမိဳ႕ရွိ ေရႊ ့ေျပာင္း ျမန္မာအလုပ္သမားမ်ား စုေပါင္း၍ မဟာဘံုကထိန္ သကၤန္း ကပ္လွဴ ပြဲကို ယမန္ေန႔ နံနက္ပိုင္းက စည္ကားသိုက္ၿမိဳက္စြာ က်င္းပခဲ့ၾကေၾကာင္း သတင္းရရွိသည္။
မဲေဆာက္ၿမိဳ႕ ေတာရေက်ာင္းတြင္ ယမန္ေန႔က ျမန္မာအလုပ္သမားမ်ားႏွင့္ ေဒသခံ ထိုင္းလူမ်ိဳးမ်ား စုေပါင္း ၿပီး မဲေဆာက္ရွိ ေက်ာင္းေပါင္း ၂၀ ၊ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ ျမဝတီၿမိဳ႕ဘက္ရွိ ေက်ာင္းေပါင္း ၂၀ တို႔မွ သံဃာ အပါး ၇၀ ေက်ာ္ႏွင့္ သီလရွင္ အပါး ၅၀ ေက်ာ္တို႔ကို ဘုံကထိန္ခင္း၍ အေကြ်းအေမြးျဖင့္ လွ်ဴဒါန္းၾကေၾကာင္း ေတာရ ေက်ာင္း ေဂါပက အဖြဲ႕အက်ိဳးေဆာင္ ဦးခ်စ္တင္က ေျပာသည္။
“စက္ရံုေတြ၊ ျမန္မာစာသင္ေက်ာင္းေတြက ပေဒသာပင္ေတြကို အိုးစည္ ဒိုးပတ္၀ိုင္းေတြနဲ ့လာပို ့ၾကတယ္၊ အိမ္ေတြမွာလည္း တႏိုင္တပိုင္စုၿပီး လွဴၾကတာေတြ၊ က်ေနာ္တို႔ေက်ာင္းကို ကုိးကြယ္ၾကတဲ့ ထိုင္းေတြ ျမန္မာ ေတြက ဒီကထိန္ပြဲႀကီး အတြက္ ၀ိုင္းလွဴၾကတယ္၊ ဒါႏွစ္တုိင္းပဲ”ဟု ၎က ေျပာဆိုသည္။
မဲေဆာက္ ေရာင္ျခမ္းစက္ရံုုမွ မသဇင္က“က်မတို႔အရမ္းၾကည္ႏူးရပါတယ္၊ ေပ်ာ္လည္း အရမ္းေပ်ာ္တယ္၊ ကထိန္ပြဲမွာ က်မတို႔ စက္ရံုက အစ္မတေယာက္က မမိုးအကကိုကတယ္၊ ဦးေရႊရိုးအကေတာ့ အျခားက ငွား တာ၊ လူေတြအမ်ားႀကီးပဲ ေထာင္နဲ ့ခ်ီရွိမယ္ထင္တယ္၊ အလွဴလိုက္ခံတုန္းကလည္း ကမ္းနားအထိသြားၿပီး က်မတို႔အလွဴခံခဲ့ၾကတာ၊ ရြာမွာဆို ကထိန္ခင္းခ်င္ေတာင္ မလြယ္ဘူး၊ လွဴခ်င္လည္း အဆင္မေျပလို႔ မလွဴရ ဘူး၊ တခါ အလွဴႀကီး လုပ္မယ္ဆို ဘယ္သူ ကို တိုင္ရ ခြင့္ျပဳခ်က္ယူရနဲ ့လွဴတာေတာင္ ေပ်ာ္ေပ်ာ္ မလွဴရဘူး၊ အေမတို႔ကို ျမင္ေစခ်င္တယ္၊ သမီးတို ့ဒီမွာ စုေပါင္းလုပ္ ၾကတာကို”ဟုေျပာသည္။
၎ အသက္ (၁၉)ႏွစ္ ဝန္းက်င္ရွိ မသဇင္သည္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ ရန္ကုန္တိုင္း လႈိင္သာယာ ၿမိဳ႕နယ္မွ လာေရာက္ ၍ အလုပ္လုပ္ေနေသာ ေ႐ႊ႕ေျပာင္းအလုပ္သမား တဦးျဖစ္ၿပီး ထိုင္းႏုိင္ငံတြင္ ေရာက္ရွိေနသည္မွာ ၆ လခန္႔ရွိ ၿပီ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
ကထိန္ပြဲသို႔ လာေရာက္သည့္ မဲေဆာက္ၿမိဳ႕ဘန္႔ ေစာင္ကြဲ စက္ရံုမွ ျမန္မာျပည္သား ကိုမင္းမင္းက လည္း“ဒီမွာအလွဴလုပ္ရတာက လြတ္လပ္တယ္၊ ဘာမွ အေႏွာင့္အယွက္မရွိဘူး၊ ကိုယ့္ရိုးရာကုိယ္ လုပ္ၾကတယ္၊ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ျမန္မာ ျပည္သားေတြက အလွဴဆို အားလံုးက တက္ညီလက္ညီပဲ၊ လွဴၾကတယ္၊ ေပ်ာ္တယ္၊ တကယ္ပဲ ၀မ္းသာတယ္္၊ တတ္ႏိုင္သမွ် စုေပါင္းလွဴၾကတာပဲ၊ စက္ရံုေတြ မွာလည္း လူငယ္ေတြမ်ားေတာ့ လိုက္ၿပီးေဆာ္ၾသရတာ မခက္ဘူး”ဟု ေျပာဆိုသည္။
ယမန္ေန႔က ကထိန္ပြဲတြင္ ကထိန္တရားကို ျမ၀တီၿမိဳ ့မွ ကိုးန၀င္းေက်ာင္း ဆရာေတာ္ က ႂကြေရာက္ ခ်ီးျမႇင့္ၿပီး ကထိန္ပြဲသို႔ လူပရိသတ္အနည္းဆံုး ၁၅၀၀ ခန္ ့လာေရာက္ေၾကာင္း ေဂါပက အက်ိဳးေဆာင္ ဦးခ်စ္တင္ က ေျပာဆိုသည္။
ဗုဒၶဘာသာ အစဥ္အလာအရ ဝါတြင္း သုံးလပတ္လုံး ဝါမက်ိဳးမပ်က္ဘဲ ပဝါရဏာျပဳေသာ ရဟန္းရွိရာ ေက်ာင္းတိုက္တြင္ သီတင္းကြ်တ္ လျပည့္ေက်ာ္ ၁ ရက္ေန႔မွ တန္ေဆာင္မုန္း လျပည့္ေန႔အထိ ကထိန္ ခင္းၾကျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
ယင္းသို႔ ကထိန္ခင္း၍ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားအား ကထိန္သကၤန္း ကပ္လွဴျခင္းကို ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံတြင္ ပုဂံေခတ္က ပင္ အစျပဳခဲ့ၾကေၾကာင္း က်န္းစာမ်ားအရ သိရသည္။
Friday, June 12, 2009
Reasons why Thailand can't push Burma too far
http://www.nationmultimedia.com/2009/06/11/politics/politics_30104843.php
By Supalak Ganjanakhundee
The Nation
Published on June 11, 2009
There are at least four reasons why Thailand is not able to push Burma's political development toward democracy and national reconciliation, as well as to free opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
First, the current government led by the Democrat Party has no record of civilian supremacy, not to mention democracy and reconciliation. The Thai government is not comfortable commenting on any military run government since it obtained help from military top brass to form its own coalition. Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva knows very well how much he owes the commanders.
People in this country love to call on the military to intervene whenever they have problems with civilian government. The latest military coup d'etat happened only three years ago.
The Thai military junta dissolved at the end of 2007. Nobody in this country could say the military has no influence in politics, notably over this current government.
So-called national reconciliation is a political term this government might not be able to spell out. As long as it cannot reconcile the red- and yellow-shirted movements, it's better to have no comment about the even worse national division in Burma.
Disunity in that country is deeper than in Thailand, absolutely. It is not just a matter of political difference, but also a problem of race.
Second, Thai elites - notably those in power - have no clear vision about future opposition and dissident groups. They have no more faith in the opposition's fighting against the Burmese junta.
It seems the Thai elite jump to the conclusion the opposition, and even the rebellious ethnic minorities Thailand uses as a buffer, have a very slim chance of defeating the Tatmadaw [Burmese military].
Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya has talked to ethnic minorities along the Thai border several times over past months since he took the position, to convince them to turn themselves into the junta's fold.
The move is most helpful for the junta but weakens the dissidents.
Very few Thais connect strongly with Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy. Some female members of the ruling Democrat Party and SEA Write-award winning author Jiranan Pitpreecha met Suu Kyi more than a decade ago.
Thammasat University conferred an honorary doctorate degree on her when she turned 60, but such a link is very slim. No strong pressure group could force the Thai government to help her.
Third, the Thai economy relies too much on resources from Burma. The government, every government, would never dare challenge the junta. Making Burma angry might cause trouble in business.
Thailand could not join any economic sanctions to pressure the junta since they would pose a direct challenge to its own economy. The jewellery industry, for example, suffered from the US's Tom Lantos Block Burmese Jade Act of 2008, since it stifled imports from any country of gems and jewellery containing Burmese raw material.
Rubies and other Burmese gemstones account for about 20 per cent of raw materials for the Thai jewellery industry.
Exports of gems and jewellery to the US dropped sharply in the last quarter of 2008 when the Act was enforced in October. Exports to the US contracted 35.19 per cent between October and December last year, according to Ministry of Commerce data.
Besides gemstones, Thailand is buying via pipeline more than a billion cubic feet of gas a day from Burma's Yadana and Yedagun gas fields, accounting for some 20 per cent of total consumption in this country.
Fourth, Thailand has the burden of proximity as it shares more than 2,200 kilometres of border with Burma.
The borders shelter problems ranging from smuggling and trafficking to political conflict. The junta knows how to use border issues to mount pressure on Bangkok.
Burma's military offensive against the Karen National Union over past weeks caused at least 3,000 people to flee to Thailand, home already to 111,000 displaced persons from Burma.
The operation coincided with the Thai Asean Chairman's statement on Aung San Suu Kyi.
As long as this country fails to overcome these obstacles, it will find it very difficult in lending a hand to save Aung San Suu Kyi.
Thursday, June 11, 2009
Thai army reinforces Burma border
http://www.abitsu.org/?p=4976
June 11, 2009
By Jonathan Head, BBC News: Thailand has sent heavily-armed troops to reinforce positions along the Burma border after an influx of ethnic Karen refugees fleeing an army offensive.
More than 4,000 people have fled Burma for Thailand in the largest influx of refugees in the area for a decade.
Karen rebels have been fighting for an independent state for 60 years, in the world’s longest-running civil war.
Over the last three years the Burmese military has driven the rebels back to a few small bases along the border.
The long war along Burma’s forested eastern border has caused immense human suffering, with an estimated 500,000 ethnic Karen forced from their homes.
Most of those who fled into Thailand over the past week had already been displaced, and were living at a camp inside Burma when it was repeatedly shelled by Burmese army mortars.
Squalid camps
Fighters from the Karen National Union (KNU) say they are holding their ground - but they are heavily outnumbered by the joint forces of the Burmese army and a Karen splinter group which is allied to the government.
The KNU has steadily retreated over the decades, from its position of greatest strength right after Burma’s independence in 1948 when it came close to capturing Rangoon, to its situation today, with just a few bases along the border.
Its strength has been sapped recently by a string of defections, and by the assassination of its most charismatic leader in Thailand last year.
The Thai government has tried to start a dialogue between the two sides this year, so far with little success.
The 4,000 new arrivals will join around 100,000 other Karen who have sought shelter in Thailand.
Most are confined to squalid camps, which the Thai authorities do not allow them to leave. Some have lived in these camps for more than a decade.
Topics: Daily News |
Wednesday, June 10, 2009
Karen Pushed Over Thai Border by Burmese Troops
Nearly 4,000 ethnic Karen are said to have abandoned a camp and villages in eastern Burma to seek refuge in Thailand following attacks on Karen guerrillas by government troops.
Burmese troops were shelling and attempting to advance on five encampments of Karen insurgents as villagers continued to flee in one of the largest movements of refugees across the border in a decade, Karen spokesman David Thaw said.
Thai troops have been deployed along the frontier to keep fighting from spilling over.
June 09, 2009
The ethnic group’s Karen National Union has been fighting for more than 60 years for greater autonomy from Burma’s junta, but its strength has dwindled over the past decade due to army offensives and divisions within its ranks.
Human rights groups and the United Nations have accused Burma’s government of torture, killings and rape of Karen civilians in their attempts to stamp out the insurgency. But this appears to have had no effect and the military regime has denied the charges.
“Once again, the international community is looking the other way while my people are attacked and forced to run for their lives,” Zoya Phan, a Karen with the Burma Campaign UK, said in a statement. “Why hasn’t a single government called for an end to these attacks?”
Some 100,000 mostly ethnic Karen refugees already shelter in camps in Thailand after fleeing counterinsurgency operations, while aid agencies say nearly half a million others are internally displaced inside eastern Burma.
Thaw said a camp in Burma that sheltered internal refugees had been abandoned, and that the government and the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army were trying to overrun five Karen positions nearby.
The Democratic Karen Buddhist Army split from the predominantly Christian Karen National Union in 1995.
About 25 opposing troops have been killed or wounded since the fighting began over the weekend, the spokesman said. He said he had no information about Karen casualties.
Thailand doesn’t allow the refugees to enter established camps in the country, so they are relying on Buddhist monasteries near the border, Thaw said. AP
Monday, May 18, 2009
Burma's jailing of Suu Kyi is a test for both Asean and Surin
http://nationmultimedia.com/2009/05/18/opinion/opinion_30102894.php
By Kavi Chongkittavorn
The Nation
Published on May 18, 2009
IN THE PAST FEW DAYS, world leaders after leaders, governments after governments, as well as Thailand, Indonesia and Singapore have expressed concern over the plight of opposition party leader, Aung San Suu Kyi. They have done that several times since the 1990's, in response to Burma's frequently used tactics. One question remains: What is the next course of action?
The Burmese junta understands well its latest scheme - adding charges against her for breaking house-arrest terms for allowing an American intruder to stay - would anger the international community and further harden their positions. That was exactly what Rangoon would like to see happening. The harder the position is outside the country, the better the regime is able to garner support from its rank and file. All members of Burma's military, the Tatmadaw, must stay united to ward off foreign threats.
Furthermore, the frustration helps highlight the prevailing hypocrisy deeply rooted in the overall approaches taken by various players on Burma. Despite strong and sustained condemnation by the international community, the UN Security Council's permanent members have not yet intervened in the Burmese situation. Thus far China and Russia have vetoed any move in that direction. The Rangoon regime continues quite effectively to hold the council hostage, playing off one power against the other.
For China more than for other council members, Burma matters the most. Its rich mineral and energy resources with unique strategic land-bridge to the Indian Ocean have placed the country on Beijing's premium list. Unlike its highly visible collaborative spirit in the North Korean nuclear crisis, Beijing has not yet shown any willingness to persuade Burma to become more resilient. One contributing factor is the absence of common threats in the case of Burma. The perceived nuclear threat brought by Pyongyang's military ambition is equally shared by all council members. That was not the case for Burma at this juncture. Any change of status quo there could bring political uncertainty and further undermine Beijing's preeminent position.
From September 2005 onward, former world leaders and Nobel laureates have repeatedly urged the council's members to intervene, arguing that the situation in Burma affects international peace and security. Somehow, it has not been recognised as such by UN members, even though similar arguments worked very well in the situations in Sierra Leone or Afghanistan or Sudan.
Asean has to take the blame for harbouring such an attitude. The grouping has suffered internal bleeding after Burma gained admission in 1997 without conditions. For the past 12 years, this pariah state has failed to contribute to the collective well-being and reputation of the Asean family. The absence of responsibility to protect its citizens and minorities has caused widespread regional problems, for instance in cross-border human trafficking and internal displacements. Rangoon's constant denials regarding the Rohingya asylum seekers are just one example.
Indifference by Asean of Burma's intransigence cannot continue forever because the Asean Charter came into force last December. Obviously, the principle of non-interference is still very much alive in framing member's behaviour and collective responses. But the charter does give room for the Asean leaders to act with discretion regarding sanctions against their own peers' non-compliance and collective irresponsibility. The question is being asked today: who will take the lead?
As the Asean chair in 2007, Singapore went extra miles to express "revulsion" against the regime's violent repression. Last week, Thailand, the current chair, called for an end of Suu Kyi's detention after the current term expires later this month. That was Bangkok's strongest position on Burma since the Thaksin government's pro-Rangoon policy set in early 2001. Both Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva and Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya have expressed deep concern over Suu Kyi's situation. Thailand, as the grouping's frontline state, wanted and needed to do more. The Abhisit- government was supposed to take a fresh lead on Burma but political turmoil and the aborted Pattaya summit prematurely weakened such endeavour. In days ahead, Thailand would require extraordinary moral courage together with Abhisit's leadership to take up this challenge. Does he have what it takes to tackle Burma head-on as his predecessor, former prime minister Chuan Leekpai, did in 1997-2000? We will find out sooner than later.
Within hours after the Cyclone Nargis hit the Irrawaddy Delta last May, Asean Secretary-General Surin Pitsuwan initiated the leading role of Asean in relief and rescue missions there. He took extraordinary steps, using the grouping's and his influence and networks to assist Burma's recovery.
Now with an expanded mandate and responsibility under the Asean Charter and the Cha-am chairman's statement, will Surin be able to duplicate this effort to the current political crisis and garner Burma's cooperation? The international community has very high, perhaps unrealistic, expectations of Surin's authority and leadership to help free Suu Kyi. Can he push the envelope? Certainly, he can, but at his own peril unless he receives backing from the rest of Asean's leaders. One more time international and regional players have to face the same dilemma - which course of action to take on Burma. Last week, the Obama Administration renewed for another year the 1997 law banning US investments in Burma. Washington's review of policy on Burma would take several more weeks as appointments of key officials related to East Asia remain incomplete. The EU has continued with its current sanction regime and pledged to ease it in response to genuine progress inside Burma, such as the release of political prisoners, including Suu Kyi.
For over two decades, the Burmese people have risen to the occasion defending their democratic dream, however distant it might be today. The Saffron Revolution in September 2007 demonstrated their courage to continue fighting the dictators. In their hearts, they know the case against Suu Kyi is unjust.
The trial and subsequent decision could spark off fresh protests and disturbances once again in days ahead, especially in time of economic difficulties. High commodity and gasoline prices caused public outcries that eventually led to street demonstrations in 2007. Perhaps, as the international community ponders various options, the Burmese people could show the way.
Sunday, May 17, 2009
New Thai Policies Not Junta-Friendly
BURMA:: New Thai Policies Not Junta-Friendly
By Marwaan Macan-Markar
BANGKOK, Dec 30 (IPS) - If Burma's military regime is showing signs of worry about the change of guard that has taken place in neighbouring Thailand, there are good reasons.
Thailand's new coalition government in Thailand, headed by the Democrat Party, plans to unveil a Burma policy that is expected to be a break from what has largely prevailed since 2001 -- where Bangkok pampered the junta with diplomatic niceties and offered a protective shield against international criticism.
Kasit Piromya, the new foreign minister, spelled out what the Burmese junta could soon expect during a conference for academics and diplomats held at a university here on the eve of his appointment. ''We are a democratic society, an open society, and our foreign policy should reflect this,'' said Kasit, a veteran diplomat who has served in major capitals, including Washington D.C. and Tokyo.
''No personal business deals will shape our foreign policy. Our government will not mix business and politics,'' he added. ''When there are no business deals with the military junta, we can talk. We will not be blackmailed by economic interests.''
Kasit also asserted that Thailand will observe human rights and environmental concerns. ''We shall treat the Burmese as we do Thais. We will not do anything to jeopardise the Burmese community.''
Such language is rooted in the diplomatic policies of previous governments headed by the Democrat Party, the last of which was from 1997 till 2000. When the Democrats were last in power, their foreign policy was firm and had a clear direction aimed to be in accordance with international norms, says Kavi Chongkittavorn, a senior editor and columnist on regional affairs at 'The Nation,' an English-language daily.
The last Democrat-led coalition maintained Thailand's support for democracy in Burma, Kavi told IPS. It was also during that period that Thailand became one of the few countries that placed human rights as a pillar of its foreign policy.
In fact that government, headed by former prime minister Chuan Leekpai, did not conceal its reservations towards the Burmese junta known for its oppressive rule and human rights violations.
On one occasion, the Chuan administration refused to fall in line behind Burma's military leaders following a 1999 attack by Burmese dissidents on the country's embassy in Bangkok. The Thai government described the dissidents as students fighting for democracy, much to the rage of the Burmese generals who had condemned them as terrorists.
Another piece of symbolism was the refusal by Chuan to visit Burma during his term in office. Such coldness towards an immediate neighbour contrasted with the customary visits he made to other members of the regional, 10-member Association of South-east Asian Nations (ASEAN).
In fact, the Chuan administration took the lead in pursuing a Burma policy aimed at influencing democratic change, which, at the time, appeared more assertive than the ASEAN approach. This policy, unveiled in mid-1999, was dubbed flexible engagement.
On the other hand, ASEAN, whose members include Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Vietnam, in addition to Thailand and Burma, was more content with a policy of constructive engagement. This regional policy served to cushion Burma from international criticism and was defended in South-east Asian capitals as a more prudent way of prodding the Burmese military towards democratic reform.
But a new foreign policy chapter between Thailand and Burma, or Myanmar as the junta renamed the country, emerged in 2001. It came with the electoral triumph that year of the Thai Rak Thai (Thais Love Thai TRT) party, led by the billionaire telecommunications tycoon Thaksin Shinawatra.
Within months Thaksin, the new premier, revealed his affinity for business opportunities in Burma at the expense of pushing for democratic reforms and strengthening human rights. Bangkok's warmer ties towards its neighbour were described as forward engagement.
This shift paved the way for high-level visits between the leaders of the two countries, new business ventures in Burma with investments coming from Thailand and a more assertive defence of Burma's international critics by Bangkok. Burma, in fact, was described as Thailand's best friend by a ranking member of the Thaksin government early in this relationship.
Such ties did not fray during the over five years of the TRT administration, when, on many occasions, human rights violations by the Burmese regime were condemned by the rest of ASEAN. In 2003, the Thaksin administration was the only government in South-east Asia that came to the junta's rescue following its brutal assault and subsequent detention of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
A similar defence of the junta was mounted in early 2008 by Samak Sundaravej, the prime minister who headed a coalition government led by the People Power Party, a successor to the TRT, which was dissolved due to election malpractice in 2007. When interviewed on a Thai television channel about the brutality in Burma, Samak shot back: ''Killings and suppression are normal there''.
The end of such a policy of appeasement is going down well with Burma's pro-democracy activists living in exile in Thailand. ''It would mean a lot if Thailand helps with the democratisation process in Burma after so many years,'' says Soe Aung, spokesman for the Forum for Democracy in Burma, a network of Burmese political activists living inside the military-ruled country and beyond.
''We welcome the principled stand of the new Thai government towards Burma,'' he added in an interview. ''The junta must be having nightmares after learning that the Democrat Party is now in power.'' (END/2008)
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Thursday, May 7, 2009
Lessons for Burma from Thailand Crisis
http://burmanewscasts.blogspot.com/2009/05/lessons-for-burma-from-thailand-crisis.html
Wednesday, May 6, 2009
By PAVIN CHACHAVALPONGPUN
The Irrawaddy News
What does Thailand’s protracted political crisis tell its neighboring countries? What are the lessons to be learned from the Thai experiences? And what is the most vital message for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), of which Thailand is a member, as the organisation moves toward a greater regional integration?
The current political stalemate in Thailand is the work of two competing networks; one that supports former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and the other the old establishment.
Thaksin is represented by the red-shirt movement which comprises the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD), the poor in far-flung regions and underprivileged Thais. The old establishment is supported by Bangkok elite, part of the military and big business. Its notable agent is the People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD), whose members choose to wear yellow shirts that symbolise the king’s color.
The battle between the two political networks has been ferocious. The Pattaya incident and the Bangkok inferno signalled that at least one side of the network was willing to engage in a warlike fight to undermine its opponent. In the process, leaders of both networks claimed to act for democracy. But their brands of democracy have so far failed to untie the political deadlock.
The deep turmoil in Thailand reveals certain realities which have long existed in the region. Yet, leaders in the region have pretended not to see them. This time, as Thailand found itself on the brink of becoming a failed state, a few lessons could be learned by its neighboring countries.
First, continued crisis and escalating violence imply that democracy has remained a fragile commodity. A decade ago, Thailand was praised for its rapid economic development and progressive democratisation. Today, its political domain is transformed into a battlefield between two powerful forces possessing two different ideologies.
The Thai case shows that an elected government with excessive power, living on corruption and lack of respect for human rights, can be vulnerable; that traditional power-holders must face up to modern-day reality whereby the voice of the majority is the true voice of democracy; that the military has to be depoliticised for the sake of democracy; and that violent means employed to serve political purposes only further alienate democracy.
The rise of the red-shirt movement has the potential to lead a new opinion in certain Southeast Asian states where democratic rights have been taken away from the people. Not every member of the red shirts supports Thaksin. Some have participated in the rallies genuinely for the return of real democracy to the majority of Thais.
Second, although the power struggle is a part of Thailand’s democratic evolution and this proves that the country has come a long way since the political transition in 1932, its political drama does not necessarily encourage positive changes in certain parts of the region. It could send out the wrong message.
The message, for example, that anti-government activities must not be tolerated. The message that stability is more precious than changes, or even more than democratic rights, and that challenge in all forms to the ruling regime must not be allowed. And that Western democracy is not really compatible with Asian societies, as defended by Asian leaders for generations.
In other words, the Thai conflict could have compelled illegitimate regimes elsewhere, including Burma, to tighten their grip of power for fear of public disobedience and uncontrollable situations.
Third, Asean has been led to believe that the sole major obstacle to regional integration stems from the widening gap between the more and the less economically developed members. Unless Asean closes this economic gap, regional integration will remain largely elusive.
Yet, Asean leaders have overlooked the fact that a widening political gap, in terms of different levels of democratic development, has also affected the process of regionalism. The Thai political unrest has already delayed Asean gatherings. The political storm has held back the Thai leadership in Asean. The organisation has been operating on autopilot since last year. The slow response to the global financial crisis proved this point.
However, this is not Thailand’s problem alone. The gap in the levels of democratisation in the region has so far tarnished the good works Asean has achieved in other areas.
This existing political gap has produced different mentalities and attitudes among Asean leaders as they look ahead into the future. Some are enthusiastic about Asean’s newborn regionalism. Some are using Asean as merely a symbol of their pretentious embrace of international norms and practices.
Both Thailand and Asean have a long way to go until they meet their needed objectives. Crisis in Thailand can be used to remind its neighbours that true democratisation is an extremely arduous process. But its postponement would only make this exercise even more excruciating and troublesome.
The author is a visiting research fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore. This commentary is his personal view.
at 5/06/2009 07:57:00 PM
Wednesday, April 15, 2009
KNU accepts junta’s offer for peace parleys
http://www.mizzima.com/news/regional/1948-knu-accepts-juntas-offer-for-peace-parleys.html
by Salai Pi Pi
Wednesday, 08 April 2009 15:33
New Delhi (Mizzima) - Burma’s leading ethnic armed resistance group, the Karen National Union has accepted the offer of the Burmese military junta for peace talks through Thailand’s Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya on Monday.
Saw David Takapaw, Vice-president of the KNU on Wednesday told Mizzima that KNU had reacted positively to Kasit at the informal meeting held in Bangkok for over one hour on Monday regarding the offer of the Burmese regime for peace parleys.
“We told them (Thailand) that we have accepted the offer of the junta on peace talks, as we want to solve political problems by political means,” Takapaw said. “
However, he said the date and venue for the talks are yet to be fixed.
KNU delegates led by Takapaw and General Secretary Naw Ziporah Sein met Kasit, the facilitator for the talks between KNU and the Burmese regime, and other officials from Thailand’s Foreign Ministry in Bangkok.
During the meeting, Takapaw said, Kasit revealed the message of the Burmese Prime Minister General Thein Sein that the junta would like to hold a dialogue with the KNU for national reconciliation.
“They (Thai) informed us that Thein Sein would like to talk to us regarding national reconciliation,” he said. “He (Kasit) said he will act as facilitator.”
Last month, Thein Sein sought help from Kasit during his two-day visit to Burma to persuade the KNU to contest the ensuing 2010 election.
“If the regime is willing to solve problems peacefully, we are ready to talk,” said Takapaw, adding that the KNU will insist the regime first convene a tripartite dialogue and amend the constitution.
Meanwhile, Takapaw alleged, the Burmese Army is supporting the KNU splinter group, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) in launching fresh offensives against its armed wing the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) in Kawkreit district in Karen state close to the Thai-Burma border. KNLA battalions have been retaliating using guerrilla tactics.
“Recently, the Burmese Army backed up the DKBA which was attacking us in Kawkreit district. We also retaliated in guerrilla warfare style,” he said.
“We (KNU and the junta) attack each other while we also talk to each other,” he added.
The KNU has held talks with the Burmese regime on five occasions previously since launching their campaign for self-determination in 1948.
The two sides were able to reach a verbal ceasefire agreement, commonly known as the “Gentlemen's Agreement," after the last round of formal talks between the KNU’s late leader, General Bo Mya, and former military intelligence chief, General Khin Nyunt, in the former capital Rangoon in 2004. The talks, however, came to a halt after Khin Nyunt was purged from the military hierarchy.
The KNU’s statement on peace efforts issued last month said, “Peace negotiations between the KNU and successive Burmese regimes have consistently failed because of lack of sincerity on the part of the regime in power.”
According to Burma’s state media ‘The New Light of Myanmar’ on April 4, Nay Soe Mya, son of the late KNU leader Gen Saw Bo Mya, led 71 Karen rebels and defected to the junta on March 30.
However, Takapaw said, among the 71 Karen who had defected to the junta, only four are from the KNLA armed group including Nay Soe Mya while the rest are civilians.
He went on to say that 71 Karen broke away from KNU as the Burmese regime, particularly Maj. Gen. Saw Htay Maung led DKBA tempted them with money.”
“It is better for KNU that such corrupt people defect” he added.
Thursday, April 2, 2009
Fishermen find killed Briton's body
http://www.google.com/hostednews/ukpress/article/ALeqM5jY_D37owGdGzacsiLjTxllExwNiA
The body of a British yachtsman allegedly murdered by three pirates has been found, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) said.
Three Burmese migrants have been accused of slitting the throat of 64-year-old Malcolm Robertson and throwing his body overboard when they raided his yacht as he sailed with wife Linda off the Andaman sea coast off Thailand last week.
A spokeswoman for the FCO confirmed a body found on Monday has been confirmed as that of businessman Mr Robertson, from Hastings, East Sussex.
Reports in Thailand said his body was recovered by fishermen about 10 nautical miles north of Satun's Lipeh Island.
A Foreign Office spokeswoman said: "A body recovered by the Thai authorities on Monday has been identified as Mr Robertson. Our thoughts are with Mrs Robertson and her family at this difficult time. The embassy team with them is providing consular support."
The discovery ends a week of anxiety for Mr Robertson's family, who had to endure several false reports of his body being found.
Three migrant workers from neighbouring Burma who were arrested on a raft about half a mile from the couple's 44ft yacht were charged with kidnap, assault and theft.
But Thai authorities said they could not bring a murder charge until they found Mr Robertson's body.
He owned a chain of coffee shops in and around his home town of Hastings and St Leonards but passed the running of the business to his children in recent years and was semi-retired.
He was fulfilling a lifelong dream by spending the winter months sailing around warmer climes in his yacht, named Mr Bean, with his wife. They were both qualified yacht masters who had sailed round the world.
Wednesday, April 1, 2009
Thailand supports democratization of Burma: Abhisit
http://www.mizzima.com/news/election-2010/1891-thailand-supports-democratization-of-burma-abhisit.html
by Usa Pichai
Wednesday, 25 March 2009 20:08
Chiang Mai (Mizzima) - The Prime Minister of Thailand has said talks with ethnic rebels, the Karen National Union, depends on the Burmese military junta and the United Nations, reiterating that Thailand supports democratization and national reconciliation in the country.
Abhisit Vejjajiva, Thailand’s Prime Minister on Tuesday was commenting on the Burmese government’s desire that Thailand persuade the KNU to begin a process of reconciliation with the junta and contest the 2010 general elections.
“The issue depends on the Burmese regime and the UN to make the discussion operational. Thailand would help as a neighbouring country. However, the negotiation should be held to solve the problem because some ethnic group members migrated to live in Thailand,” Abhisit said, according to a report in a Thai government website.
The Thai PM also added that he has not yet been informed that the Thai Foreign Minister agreed to hold talks with the ethnic group, which does not see eye to eye, with the junta’s constitution.
“At the moment, the Burmese junta has worked mainly with the UN rather than with the ASEAN,” he said.
He said the Thai government supported efforts by the Burmese government regarding national reconciliation and the restoration of democracy in the country.
In addition, he added the position of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations was clear. It wanted to see all parties take part in Burmese general elections in the coming year.
However, numerous voices from among the international community have expressed doubts whether the 2010 election will allow fair participation by all parties.
Abhisit’s comment came after Thailand’s Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya said, during his visit to Burma that he was asked by the military junta to meet representatives of ethnic rebels and to persuade the KNU to join the junta’s road map to democracy.
Kasit made his introductory two-day visit to Burma on Sunday and Monday, discussing bilateral issues and laying the groundwork for an official visit by Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva.
The Karen Nation Union and the Shan State Army, which rejected the junta-backed seven-step road map to democracy, are two major armed factions continuing to wage war against the regime.
On Tuesday David Takapaw, Vice-President of the KNU, reacted saying that they will not yield to any form of pressure to partake in the 2010 general election unless Burma’s generals implement changes in their roadmap.
However, Takapaw said the KNU is ready to hold talks with the Burmese regime if it is aimed at addressing the ongoing conflict in Burma.
Burma key to war on drugs
http://www.bangkokpost.com/opinion/opinion/13930/burma-key-to-war-on-drugs
Published: 25/03/2009 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: NewsPrime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva is to kick off a new campaign against illegal drugs next week. And there is good reason for the new impetus on the "war on drugs".
In announcing the new campaign, Mr Abhisit cited frightening new evidence that the rate of addiction is rising once again. His figures appear to confirm the general feeling throughout the country that neither drug suppression nor treatment have been adequate. The government must lead the fresh campaign against illicit drugs while keeping in mind that the public will not accept either legal abuses or official violence of the past.
The serious drug problem in today's world has several faces. One of the most important is that the drugs which debase and imperil the country come almost exclusively from outside. Thailand of the past was a drug producer, home to traffickers selling out their country and exporting their illegal products. Today, the country imports virtually all illegal drugs. Chiefly, they come from Burma, where the government appears to do little against one of the world's richest and most prolific trafficking rings. So-called recreational drugs also come from South America and Europe, frequently carried through neighbouring countries along the way.
Mr Abhisit has promised to increase border security as part of the six-month anti-drug programme he will kick off on April 1. Of all the ways to fight drug trafficking, this may be the most difficult and prone to failure. The long and difficult Burmese and Lao borders in particular are virtually impossible to seal. Smugglers detect an effort to guard one portion of border and move to another.
The premier and his anti-drug security forces of the military and police should put more emphasis on gaining information about the drug gangs. Last week, a joint US-Thai operation dealt a significant blow to the narcotics trade when agents arrested some top traffickers and hit them where it really hurts - in their pocketbooks.
Authorities seized more than 117 million baht in cash and goods. The three arrested men, former associates of the late heroin warlord Khun Sa, admitted to having sold 750kg of heroin and methamphetamines in the past year.
The arrested men pinpointed a large drugs laboratory. Close to the Thai border of Tak province, it is reportedly owned by the United Wa State Army, Southeast Asia's biggest and most influential drug cartel. The UWSA thrives in what seems to be the absence of any action against the group by the generals in Burma.
The public backs increased government action against drugs. Weekly surveys by Abac Poll show that drugs have been the top overall concern of viewers of the premier's weekly talk on TV. Mr Abhisit was correct to equate drugs with terrorism and international crime as the chief threats to the country. The prime minister correctly ordered that the war on drugs must adhere to civil and human rights.
Two additional steps are vital to defeat the drug traffickers. The first is to make good on Mr Abhisit's pledge to redirect some anti-drug resources to help addicts and victims. It is as necessary to reduce the demand for drugs as the supply. But the key to reducing supply rests with the military dictators of Burma. Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya was in Burma and agreed to talk about the Burmese concern over the Karen resistance, but without gaining any concessions from the junta on the UWSA. So long as Burma allows drug trafficking to flourish, Thailand and other neighbours will remain at a disadvantage.
NDF welcomes mediator role by Thailand to end conflict in Burma
http://www.asiantri bune.com/ oldsite/show_ news.php? id=3089
Asian Tribune - Date : 2003-03-16
The Central executive Committee of the National Democratic Front (NDF) has expressed warm welcome to the Prime Minister of Thailand and his government for the offer to participate in the process of seeking a peaceful solution to the longstanding conflict in Burma as a good neighboring gesture.
In a statement has clearly stated its position on the offer of the Prime Minister of Thailand to play a mediator role between the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) and the armed ethnic groups for the national reconciliation of Burma.
The statement further announced: “The NDF, which is a political alliance and was formed by armed-resistance ethnic groups in 1976, has attempted several times with great efforts in order to solve the problems by political means, but without success. Therefore, the NDF would like to request and encourage to the Prime Minister of Thailand to play mediation and state its willingness to cooperate in such a peaceful process as necessary.”
The full text of the NDF is given below:
(1) It is learned through the Thai newspapers and news agencies after having visited Burma that Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra offered to play mediator between the State Peace and Development Council ( SPDC ) and the armed ethnic groups of Burma.
(2) The NDF warmly welcomes the Prime Minister of Thailand and his government for the offer to participate in the process of seeking a peaceful solution to the longstanding conflict in Burma as a good neighboring gesture.
(3) The NDF, which is a political alliance and was formed by armed-resistance ethnic groups in 1976, has attempted several times with great efforts in order to solve the problems by political means, but without success. Therefore, the NDF would like to request and encourage to the Prime Minister of Thailand to play mediation and state its willingness to cooperate in such a peaceful process as necessary.
(4) However, the NDF believes it is necessary to study and discuss the basic guidelines that the Thai government will employ in these diplomatic negotiations. We also believe that the NDF should be allowed to meet and discuss with the body that will lead negotiations.
(5) Owing to the fate of every ethnic group in Burma depends on achieving real peace and democracy, the NDF welcomes political dialogue leading to the cessation of war and violence in Burma. As the dialogues have been one of the main political objectives of the NDF, this position statement is released in order to work out in accordance with the NDF policy.
http://www.asiantri bune.com/ oldsite/show_ news.php? id=3089
Monday, March 30, 2009
A victim who escaped sexual abuse says Burmese migrant women should not work as domestic workers in Thailand
http://www.ghre.org/en/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=193:a-victim-who-escaped-sexual-abuse-says-burmese-migrant-women-should-not-work-as-domestic-workers-in-thailand&catid=1:latest-news&Itemid=70
Monday, 23 March 2009 10:06
A Burmese domestic worker who ran away from sexual abuse by her employer said Burmese Migrant Women should not work as domestic workers in Thailand.
The girl, who is 20 years old and from the Pago Division of Burma, was working as a domestic worker in Thailand when she finally escaped from her employers who had been making many sexual advances towards her. She arrived at the Burmese Association in Thailand yesterday.
“I had been about 3 months in Bangkok. My employer’s wife is bisexual and she showed me sex movies all the time. When I took a bath she touched my body and sometimes they had sex in front of me. That made me really embarrassed and I was ashamed. They asked me to make another wife of him. I wanted to make money from my work, I did not want to be someone else’s wife” said the girl.
The employer is over 60 years old and his wife is about 30 years old. The girl had to stay in the same room as them so she was not safe. She was waiting to find the right opportunity to run away from the house. Now she and another Burmese maid have managed to run away from the house.
“I heard that he has since called the broker who sent me to Bangkok and asked him to send me back to him again. The two brokers who are Karen women are looking for me everywhere in Bangkok. I’m so sad that Burmese brokers are making profit from Burmese workers. Especially as I was not even happy for one day at that house. I had to work day and night, the food was not good and we did not have enough to eat” said the girl.
Daw Thet Thet Oo who is an organizer and women’s program coordinator said “We have come across many cases like this. However we try to help them in any way we can, even though we are also migrant workers. They can live and eat with us together. Our organization has no money to help the workers. For their health needs we have had to ask other organizations. We explained to the workers that what we have is knowledge. In Bangkok we need effective organization to help migrant workers. This is a very large area and many of the factory and house owners do not even allow the workers to go outside. I would like to urge the women not to work as domestic workers as it gives them no security, they could endanger their lives.
If victims of exploitation have no work permit or legal status in Thailand they are still held in detention or “safe houses” to be deported back to Burma, even if those migrant workers have been abused by their employer. Moreover, during the court case the female victims must stay at the government-run women’s shelter for about a year without any income. It also takes a long time for even NGOs and other labor agencies to help get justice for the victim.
House Of Peace
Summer Camps
Cyclone Nargis Report
InSIGHT Out!
Save The Migrants
Migrant News
[ANM/MMN Open Letter] THAILAND: CALL FOR AN OPEN INDEPENDENT INQUIRY INTO ALLEGATIONS OF ABUSE AND KILLING OF ROHINGYA BY THAI AUTHORITIES
January 20, 2009
Locked Outside The System
January 11, 2009
Road Safety Project
December 18, 2008
Link to the pictures the kids took
September 08, 2008
(from MAP Foundation)
DOE opens for national verification of migrant workers from Lao PDR and Myanmar from 1 September 2008 – 28 February 2009
Grassroots HREDC
P.O Box 13, Takuapa Office, Takuapa, Phang Nga 82110, Tel (076) 420-351
Thursday, March 26, 2009
Myanmar asks Thai help with ethnic rebels
http://news.asiaone.com/News/Latest%2BNews/Asia/Story/A1Story20090323-130551.html
Mon, Mar 23, 2009
AFP
BANGKOK (AFP) - Myanmar's military government has asked Thailand to help negotiate with ethnic minority groups still battling junta rule ahead of elections promised for next year, a Thai minister said Monday.
Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya, who has been visiting Myanmar since Sunday, said that his counterpart Nyan Win and Myanmar Prime Minister Thein Sein asked for Thai assistance.
"Myanmar has confirmed that the election will be held next year and Myanmar has asked Thailand to help talk with minority groups to join in the reconciliation process," Kasit told reporters by telephone from Myanmar.
"Thailand is willing to help," he said.
Myanmar has been ruled by the military since 1962 and ignored the results of the last election in 1990, instead keeping the victorious opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest for most of the last two decades.
The generals have promised multi-party elections in 2010, but democracy activists say the polls are simply a ruse to entrench military rule because Aung San Suu Kyi is barred from participating.
Kasit said that Myanmar government officials told him "they are listening for Aung San Suu Kyi's position", but gave no further details.
Myanmar's junta partly justifies its firm grip on power by claiming the need to fend off ethnic rebellions which have plagued remote border areas for decades.
The impoverished nation formerly known as Burma is home to at least 135 different ethnic groups, but over the years most rebel groups fighting central rule have reached ceasefire agreements with the junta.
Kasit singled out the Karen National Union for possible talks, a group which has been fighting for independence since 1949.
Tens of thousands of Karen civilians have fled fighting in the past two decades and crossed the border to refugee camps in Thailand.
"If Thailand helps talking with minority groups, maybe the problems on the border will be resolved too," said Kasit, who returns to Thailand later Monday.
Friday, March 20, 2009
The Ambassador of Japan from Bangkok opened the mobile Burmese Migrant Learning Center
http://democracyforburma.wordpress.com/2009/03/18/the-ambassador-of-japan-from-bangkok-opened-the-mobile-burmese-migrant-learning-center/
On March 16th His Excellency Kyoji Komachi, Ambassador of Japan to the Kingdom of Thailand attended the opening ceremony of Burmese Migrant mobile Learning Center which he officially opened that afternoon by cutting the ribbon.
This learning center, located in Tit Tit rubber plantation of Takua Hton District of Phang Nga Province in Southern Thailand, was established by Grassroots-HRE and has been financially supported by the Embassy of Japan in Bangkok, Thailand. The Ambassador of Japan said during a speech made at the ceremony that “I’m very proud to have the opportunity to attend the opening ceremony of this learning center as the Ambassador of Japan. Unfortunately, many children living in these communities are not receiving even a basic education and health service. I’m very glad to support the Learning Centers for the children’s education in this remote region.”
Mr. Kraisak Choonhavan, Chairman of Grassroots-HRE said during his speech speech that “In Thailand, the only Burmese director of a legally recognized Thai foundation is Htoo Chit and he is working together with Thai, Burmese, Mon, Rakaing, Karen, Tavoy, Karenni and many other foreign staff in order to help the Burmese Migrant community. I thank the Japanese Embassy so much for the financial support of our Learning Centers and also I thank the Thai Land owner for giving us the land on which to build the Learning Center”.
Phi Chindaphon, the Thai Land owner, said “I’m very happy to see the learning center for Burmese Children on my land. I’m ready to donate more of my land if necessary to build another”.
Furthermore, Director Mr. Htoo Chit said “Education is very important for our Burmese people. The important thing is that we can open the learning centers with the help of Thai people. We can’t survive without the help of Thais. That’s why I would like to request to the parents to be with disciplined and respect Thai Law”.
This Learning Center opening ceremony was attended by The Ambassador of Japan to the Kingdom of Thailand, Mr. Kraisak, Chairman of GHRE, Mrs. Charida Tajalang Sak, a board member of GHRE, The Local governor of Takua Hton district and other local authorities.
The opening ceremony represented the opening ceremony for 4 learning centers, all located in remote areas, which are supported by the Japanese Embassy under the mobile education program. Before getting the support from the Japanese Embassy for these 4 Learning centers, the so called mobile education program was run by GHRE staff and teachers who went to teach the children in those remote areas every weekend. Often, teaching was done under the shade of a tree.
Up till now GHRE has built 4 learning centers in these remote areas with 150 students attending there in regularly.
Grassroots http://www.ghre.org/en/
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