BDD Saturday, September 20, 2008
Sources close to regime said that SPDC Science and Technology Minister U Thaung reportedly instructed IT department officials to create the data bank of Burmese citizens' email addresses worldwide. This is not a new instruction but he had in 2006. U Thaung was very interested in getting Burmese political activists’ email addresses since he became a minister of S&T.
政体の近くの源はビルマcitizens'のデータ・バンクを作成するようにSPDCの科学技術がU Thaungを伝えられるところによれば指示したそれに部門の役人世話すると言った; 世界的の電子メールアドレス。 これは新しい指示ではないが、彼は2006年に持っていた。 U Thaungはビルマの政治運動家の電子メールアドレスを得ることに非常に興味があった彼が科学技術の大臣になったので。
Burmese military officers who graduated in computer science from Moscow Institute of Electronic Technology were assigned in Cyber city which in near Mandalay to get more information from websites.
電子技術のモスクワの協会からのコンピュータ・サイエンスで卒業したビルマの軍当局者はCyber都市で近いマンダレイにウェブサイトからより多くの情報を入れるために割り当てられた。
That wasn't clear recent DDoS attack against Irrawaddy and DVB websites were from his ministry or other foreign based hackers. But insider said U Thaung’s pet projects has already developed the softwares that could hack the Burmese citizens’ email addresses to attack the different people and political activists to create more confusion within own citizens.
それはIrrawaddyに対してDDoSの明確ではない最近の攻撃ではなかったし、DVBのウェブサイトは彼の大臣か他の外国の基づいたハッカーからあった。 しかし部内者はU Thaungが持論既に異なった人々を攻撃するためにビルマの市民の電子メールアドレスを切り刻むことができ、より多くの混乱をの内の作成する政治運動家が市民を所有するソフトウェアを開発してしまったことを言った。
Sources said that others should not under estimate the senior general Than Shwe’s psychological warfare tactics, he could use his tactics to create more confusion and get more upper hand for SPDC.
源は他が見積もりの下で年長大将のThanShwe心理戦争べきではないと言った-作戦、彼はより多くの混乱を作成し、SPDCのためのもっと優勢であるのに彼の作戦を使用できる。
Now regime has extended new political battle through cyber warfare against the independent media from urban warfare against Buddhist monks, NLD, 88 generation groups and rest of the citizens, and other rural suppression against the ethnics.
今度は政体は市民の僧侶に対して市街戦からの独立メディアに対してcyber戦いによって新しい政治戦いを、NLD、88の世代別グループおよび残り、およびethnicsに対して他の田園抑制拡張してしまった。
Main Target for this time is private citizens’ emails to use as a tool to attack the political activists and others. Nobody knows regime would target Western security agencies and government websites.
この時間の主要なターゲットは政治運動家および他を攻撃するのに用具として使用するべき一般市民の電子メールである。 政体が西部の警備機関および政府のウェブサイトを目標とすることをだれも知らない。
Sunday, September 21, 2008
SPDC’s new target: Burmese citizens’ emails,SPDCの新しいターゲット: ビルマの市民の電子メール
During the crisis, Japan has feels like an island of calm
By Martin Fackler
Sunday, September 21, 2008
TOKYO: Wall Street may be suffering the worst financial storm since the Great Depression, but Japan has felt like an island of Zen-like calm.
The world's second-largest economy after the United States has often seemed to be marching to its own drummer, sometimes to disastrous effect. But rarely has the disconnect been as stark as during the current crisis.
While European and American financial titans have teetered and collapsed, giant Japanese banking groups have stood relatively unscathed. The growing global credit crisis, which threatens companies and consumers elsewhere, has yet to appear here, where the problem for years has been that the nation's banks have too much cash, not too little.
And while the U.S. Federal Reserve seems to be shoring up the entire American financial sector, the last time the Japanese central bank intervened in markets, it did so in dollars instead of yen - to help international markets.
Indeed, television news gives the current upheaval, known here as "Lehman Shock," less coverage than more domestic issues like a tropical storm and a scandal over tainted rice. Even in the race for prime minister, the financial crisis has emerged as just one of a dozen issues, and usually not the top one.
Japan has been affected by the global economic downturn, with its economy contracting in the second quarter from the previous quarter. And its stock market gyrated and declined this week. But in an era dominated by globalization, where seemingly unrelated events can affect the lives of people half a world away, Tokyo has so far floated above the anguish gripping New York and London.
"The financial crisis looks like fire on a distant shore," said Atsushi Nakajima, chief economist at the research arm of Mizuho Financial Group. "Japan has remained very calm and peaceful."
Part of the reason is that Japan has already suffered its agonizing crisis. The 1980s bubble economy collapsed in the 1990s because banks were burdened with real estate-related bad loans, not unlike those that Washington is preparing to take over from banks.
In Japan, it took a "lost decade" to work through those debts. The Japanese became very cautious after the bitter experience of the cleanup, and one result is that they seem to have largely avoided the risky subprime loans that set off the U.S. financial crisis.
According to the International Monetary Fund, subprime-related losses at Japanese financial companies have totaled just $8 billion, out of global subprime-related losses that some say could total $1 trillion.
"Japan learned its lesson in the 1990s," said Akio Makabe, an economics professor at Shinshu University. "It was wise when Wall Street was foolish."
Of course, Wall Street's pains have been felt here. The stock market fell last week in volatile trading, with the benchmark Nikkei 225 index sliding 2.4 percent - largely the result of heavy sales by foreign investors. There are also bigger fears that slowdowns in the United States and China will end up hammering Japan's export-driven manufacturing sector.
There have also been small but telltale signs of rising risk aversion in credit markets. Japanese banks raised short-term interbank lending rates to foreign banks to 0.7 percent, from 0.5 percent, though they still use the lower rate among themselves. That contrasts with New York, where a benchmark interbank lending rate has tripled in recent days to about 3 percent.
Still, its relative detachment makes Japan an oddity in a world where globalization has seemed inevitable. Countries in Europe have also tried to find ways to be part of the global economy while staying apart from it, but to no avail. Other nations, like China, have bet their future on becoming enmeshed in it.
Japan's aloofness has its downside. For example, with its healthy banking system and abundance of capital, Japan would seem in an ideal position to help bail out the shell-shocked global economy, stepping in for the weakened United States and Europe.
Instead, Tokyo has kept a low profile throughout the crisis, other than joining a multinational effort by central banks to pump dollars into the global economy to keep it moving.
When asked during a debate of prime minister candidates Friday whether Japan could assert more leadership during the crisis, the leading candidate, former Foreign Minister Taro Aso, said he was "proud that Japan was not involved in that money game," referring to U.S. mortgage debt.
Economists and bankers say Japan is able to keep itself apart for a very simple reason: it has enough cash to finance its own needs.
The country has a $14 trillion pile of household savings, the product of decades of trade surpluses and frugal lifestyles. This has allowed Japan to finance its immense $8.1 trillion fiscal deficit and still have enough money left over to be the world's largest creditor nation for the last 17 years.
Last year, the country's net overseas assets - the sum of all Japanese investments abroad, minus what foreigners hold in Japan - reached a record ¥250 trillion, or $2.4 trillion.
That means that Japan's domestic economy has been largely insulated from global credit market turmoil because it does not borrow from those markets. At the same time, with so much money flowing out - usually into safer investments like U.S. Treasury bonds - stability in the United States clearly matters.
Still, Japan's corporate coffers are filled with cash from the nation's long economic recovery in the 2000s after the stagnant 1990s.
"Japan is clearly in a different place" from the rest of the world, said John Richards, head of Asia research at the Royal Bank of Scotland. "It doesn't need money."
This blessing has also been a curse to investors, economists say. Japan's wealth shields it from pressures to meet global standards of economic growth or corporate profitability. This is what allowed the nation to accept near zero growth rates in the 1990s and what allows the survival of Japanese corporate practices like valuing employees and clients over shareholders.
Asian Countries Ban Chinese Milk Products
By Peter Bachmann, on Sunday, 21 September 2008
Published in : The News, News September 2008
Several Asian countries, including Japan, Singapore and Malaysia, have banned Chinese dairy products after baby formula and fluid milk was found to be contaminated with melamine, a toxic chemical added to artificially increase the protein level.
Japan, Singapore, Malaysia, Burma, Bangladesh as well as Hong Kong have banned Chinese dairy products, Asian media reports. Several food producers in Asia have also withdrawn products made with Chinese powder or fluid milk.
In the meantime, the Chinese government has asked its provinces to set up 24-hour hotlines to assist people that may have consumed melamine-contaminated milk from the three main dairy producers, Yili, Mengniu and Bright Dairy. Doctors are being told to provide free medical checks for babies that suffer kidney problems.
The European Union said no Chinese milk products have officially entered EU countries, but is warning that illegally distributed dairy products from China should not be consumed. The U.S. Food and Drug Administration issued a warning not to buy dairy products from China over the Internet, and has started an information campaign in cities with a large Chinese population.
CHILD SOLDIERS IN BURMA, ビルマの子供の兵士
(photo: AP / David Longstreath)
http://irrawaddy.burmabloggers.net/?p=695
Sep,21,2008
Child soldiers and the China factor
子供の兵士および中国は考慮する
By Jo Becker
UNITED NATIONS, New York:
国際連合、ニューヨーク:
Myint Win was 11 years old when he was first recruited into Burma’s national army. He was picked up by soldiers while selling vegetables at a railway station and sent to a military training camp. He weighed only 70 pounds, or about 32 kilograms, and said that the guns were so heavy he could hardly lift them.
MyintWinは彼がビルマの国民の軍隊に最初に募集された11歳だった。 彼は兵士によって駅の野菜を販売している間取られ、軍事訓練のキャンプに差し向けられた。 彼は70ポンド、か約32キログラムだけ重量を量り、銃があった従って重い彼がほとんどそれらを持ち上げることができないと言った。
He was able to escape, but was recruited a second time at the age of 14. This time he tried to negotiate. “I’ll give you money,” he said to the lance corporal. The recruiter replied, “I don’t want your money.” Myin Win said, “I’ll call my mother and she can vouch for me.” The soldier told him, “I don’t want to see your mother or father and I don’t want money. I want you to join the army.”
彼は脱出して、しかし二回目14歳で募集できた。 今回彼は交渉することを試みた。 「私はお金を与える」、彼は陸士長に言った。 リクルーターは答えた、「私はほしいと思わないあなたのお金が」。 Myinの勝利は言った、「私は私の母を電話し、彼女は私のために保証してもいい」。 兵士は彼に言った、「私はあなたの母か父および私はお金がほしいと思わないことを見たいと思わない。 私は軍隊に加わってほしい。
Myin Win was sent to training again and, while still only 14, deployed into ethnic minority areas where he was ordered to burn down houses and capture civilians. “We were ordered that if we see anyone, including women and children, then we must approach and catch them and take them to our officers for interrogation,” he said. “If they try to run, shoot them.”
MyinWinは再度訓練に送られ、彼が家を燃やし、一般市民を捕獲するように命令された少数民族区域に、がまだ14だけ、配置された。 「女性を含んでだれでも、および子供、見れば私達近づかなければなり、それらをつかまえ、質問のための私達の役人に連れて行くために」、彼が言った私達は発注された。 「彼らが走ることを試みたらそれらを撃ちなさい。
Burma’s military regime may have the largest number of child soldiers in the world. Thousands of children serve in Burma’s national army, swept up in massive recruitment drives to offset high rates of desertion and a lack of willing volunteers. The United Nations Secretary General has identified the regime as one of the world’s worst perpetrators of child recruitment, citing it in six separate reports to the UN Security Council since 2002.
ビルマの軍の政体に世界の子供の兵士の最大数があるかもしれない。 たくさんの子供は脱走の高い比率を相殺するために大きい募集ドライブで掃除されるビルマの国民の軍隊で役立ち、決定の欠乏は自ら申し出る。 国際連合の事務総長は2002年以来の国連安全保障理事会に6つの別々のレポートのそれを引用している世界で子供の募集の最も悪い犯罪人の1人として政体を識別した。
Two years ago, the Security Council created a special working group specifically to address abuses against children in armed conflict. The group is empowered to recommend arms embargoes and other targeted sanctions against violators, like Burma, that repeatedly recruit and use child soldiers.
2年前に、安全保障理事会は武力紛争の子供に対して乱用に演説するために特別なワークグループをとりわけ作成した。 グループは繰り返し子供の兵士を募集し、使用する妨害者に対して武器禁輸および他の目標とされた認可を、ビルマのような推薦するために権限を与えられる。
But in Burma’s case, the Security Council has shamefully squandered its responsibility. After a formal review of Burma’s violations, the working group’s recent report fails even to acknowledge that Burma’s army recruits children. Far from considering well-justified sanctions, the working group repeatedly welcomed the regime’s “cooperation” with the UN.
しかしビルマの場合で、安全保障理事会は恥じて責任を浪費した。 ビルマの違反の形式的な検討の後で、ワークグループの最近のレポートは認めないビルマの軍隊が子供を募集すること。 よ正当化された認可の考慮どころか、ワークグループは繰り返し国連との政体の「協同」を歓迎した。
The approach to Burma is in stark contrast to the Security Council working group’s tough - and effective - approach to other perpetrators like Sri Lanka’s Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. Last year the Security Council threatened sanctions against the Tamil Tigers for the group’s use of child soldiers during Sri Lanka’s two-decade-long civil war, and gave a six-month deadline for action. It worked. Reports of child recruitment by the Tamil Tigers dropped from 1,090 in 2004 to 26 in the first six months of this year.
ビルマへのアプローチは安全保障理事会と全く対照的にある堅いワークグループ-有効-スリランカのLTTEのような他の犯罪人に近づけば。 グループのスリランカの2十年長い内戦の間の子供の兵士の使用のためのタミル人のトラに対する去年安全保障理事会の脅された認可は、行為のための6ヵ月の締切を与え。 それは働いた。 タミル人のトラによる子供の募集のレポートは2004年から今年の最初の6か月の26に1,090から落ちた。
In other cases, the Security Council has also obtained results. In Ivory Coast, it pushed government and rebel forces to adopt action plans to end child recruitment; the practice has now been abandoned in that country. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, it referred information on violations to sanctions committees and urged the arrest and prosecution of commanders responsible for child recruitment. Although some child recruitment continues in the country, an estimated 30,000 child soldiers have been released or demobilized since 2003.
それ以外の場合、安全保障理事会はまた結果を得た。 象牙海岸では、それは政府および子供の募集を終えるために活動計画を採用するように反乱軍を押した; 練習はその国で今断念されてしまった。 民主党のコンゴ共和国では、それは認可委員会に違反の情報を関係し、子供の募集に責任がある司令官の阻止そして実行をせき立てた。 子供の募集が国で続くが、推定30,000人の子供の兵士は2003年以来解放されるか、または復員していた。
So why is the Security Council giving Burma a free pass? In a word, China. A stalwart ally of Burma’s military regime, China tried to prevent the Security Council from discussing Burma’s record of violations against children. According to diplomats, China’s representatives (often backed by Russia and Indonesia) have consistently rejected all efforts to pressure Burma to address its use of child soldiers - including proposals for a more detailed action plan on the issue from Burma’s government, access by UN personnel to Burma’s territory to verify Burma’s claims that it has no child soldiers, or even a follow-up report on progress.
従ってビルマを与えているフリーパスである安全保障理事会はなぜか。 単語では、中国。 ビルマの軍の政体の頑丈な同盟国、中国は試みた子供に対して安全保障理事会がビルマの違反の記録を論議することを防ぐことを。 外交官に従って、中国の代表は(頻繁にロシアおよびインドネシア著支持される) -ビルマの政府からの問題のより詳しい活動計画、ビルマの領域へのアクセス演説するためにビルマに圧力をかけるためのすべての努力を、また更に進歩の追跡調査報告のための提案を含む…一貫して子供の兵士がないこと国連人員によって子供の兵士の使用にビルマの要求を確認する拒絶した。
Despite all eyes being on China during the recent Olympic Games, this obstructionist behavior provides another sad illustration of China’s failure to uphold basic human rights standards, including protections for some of the world’s most vulnerable children.
最近のオリンピック大会の間に中国であるすべての目にもかかわらずこの議事進行妨害者の行動は世界の最も傷つきやすい子供の何人かのための保護を含む基本的な人権の標準を、支える中国の失敗の別の悲しい実例を提供する。
One diplomat said, “China’s position was that we must build a relationship of trust with Burma, and to do that, we must accept whatever they say.” Including, apparently, the fiction that Burma has no child soldiers.
Without credible pressure from the Security Council, UN officials in Burma - already doing little to engage the military regime on its use of child soldiers - are unlikely to demand concrete action. And unfortunately for Myin Win and thousands like him, the regime has even less incentive to end the routine recruitment of children into its military ranks.
言われた1人の外交官は「中国位置私達がビルマとの信頼の関係を造らなければならないそれをするために、私達は」。の言うものは何でも受け入れなければならないことであり を含んでビルマに子供の兵士がないこと、外見上、フィクション。安全保障理事会からの確実な圧力なしで、ビルマの国連役人は-既に子供の兵士の使用の軍の政体を従事させるために少しする-具体的な行動を要求してまずない。 そして不運にもMyinWinおよびたくさんのために彼を、政体持っている軍の階級に子供の定期的な募集を終えるより少ない刺激を好みなさい。
This entry was posted on Sunday, September 21st, 2008 at 2:26 am and is filed under News.You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. Both comments and pings are currently closed.
Food for None: Milk Powder and Rice Scandals
http://skybe4.spaces.live.com/blog/cns!35F7AC2D08A736AB!575.entry
September 21
"I hate them, I hate them," said Qu Chunli. "They're killing our children."
Her baby was fed Sanlu brand milk powder for the last eight months. In the hospital, he was diagnosed to have stones in his urinary tract, much to the family's outrage (NPR).
The Chinese are angry.
September 21
"I hate them, I hate them," said Qu Chunli. "They're killing our children."
Her baby was fed Sanlu brand milk powder for the last eight months. In the hospital, he was diagnosed to have stones in his urinary tract, much to the family's outrage (NPR).
The Chinese are angry.
And understandably so, 22 diary producers (Sanlu Group, Mengniu, Yili and Yashili etc) had cut low-protein milk powder with Melamine - a chemical used in plastics - to boost its perceived protein value. Ingested Melamine causes kidney stones and leads to kidney failure (USNews FAQ).
So far 18 people have been arrested, one city mayor sacked, diary products were recalled, investigators dispatched (Washington Post), and inspection exemptions granted to food producers were revoked (Xinhua Net).
Laudable but too late.
6,200 babies have kidney problems, 1,300 warded, 4 died (PressTV, Tehran), and hospitals are visited by hordes of overwrought families whose babies - precious because each family can only have one - are checked, scanned, prodded, probed and tested for kidney stones and Melamine poisoning. Also, consumers have lost confidence in Chinese food products. Starbucks pulled all milk products from their menu (Yahoo News), Singapore, Malaysia, Burma, Hong Kong and Japan banned imports of Chinese milk products (Voice of America) and foreign milk producers seize the opportunity to carve up and corner the Chinese milk powder market (Reuters).
As the Chinese grapple with the health and economic fallout from the milk powder scandal, Japan has its own food scandal. This time - yes, it's not the first time - a rice scandal.
Three small companies (Mikasa Foods, Ohta Industry and Asai Ltd) had cheaply bought pesticides- and mould-tainted rice from the government before selling them at higher prices to other food producers. The rice was used to feed patients and converted into rice wine (Flex News). The companies have apologised and Mikasa's president committed suicide (Flex News) - noble but pointless.
As much as the press, victims and "socially-conscious" folk rant and rave over these scandals, it will happen again. And again. And again.
Guess why.
Greed.
Need I say more?
Chinese Communist Party Card a License to Steal ,中国共産党カード盗む免許証
A baby who drank tainted milk powder receives an ultrasonic examination in a hospital on September 17 in Wuhan of Hubei Province, China. (China photos/Getty Images)
感染した粉乳を飲んだ赤ん坊は湖北省、中国のウーハンの9月17日に病院の超音波検査を受け取る。 (中国の写真かGettyのイメージ)
http://en.epochtimes.com/n2/opinion/ccp-melamine-corruption-4503.html
By D.J. McGuire
Sep 20, 2008 Share: Facebook Digg del.icio.us StumbleUpon
Related articles: Opinion > Thinking About China
The melamine dairy scandal is now an international crisis. The chemical that has now made over 6,000 babies ill on the mainland may have tainted milk in Taiwan , as well as Bangladesh, Yemen, Gabon, Burundi and Burma . Meanwhile, the cadres are admitting that more than one in five domestic milk producers have poisoned milk, including some given the Communist seal of approval after the last milk scandal in 2004.
今ではメラミン酪農場のスキャンダルは国際的な危機である。 本土で6,000人の赤ん坊に今病気に作ってしまった化学薬品はバングラデシュ、イエメン、ガボン、ブルンディおよびビルマと同様、台湾のミルクを、感染するかもしれない。 その間、幹部は2004年に最後のミルクのスキャンダルの後で共産主義の認可の印があるいくつかを含んで5人の国内ミルク生産業者に付き1人以上ミルクの毒したことを、是認している。
How could this happen? Well, one of the prime culprits (Sanlu) was run by Tian Wenhua. Wenhua had another job, too: "secretary of the corporation committee of the Communist Party."
これがいかに起こることができるか。 それで、主な被告人(Sanlu)の1つはTian Wenhuaによって動かされた。 Wenhuaに別の仕事が、余りにあった: " 共産主義Party."の株式会社委員会の秘書;
Can you say, "corruption?"
堕落言うことができるか。
One need not be a reader of this space to know that graft is endemic and widespread in the Chinese Communist regime. It is so bad that the Chinese Mafia (known as triads) and the Chinese Communist Party are becoming indistinguishable in many areas. What is not so well-known is why this has happened.
1つは接木が中国共産党員の政体で風土性そして広まっていることを知るこのスペースの読者である必要はない。 中国のマフィア(トライアドとして)ことは知られているとても悪いおよび中国共産党は多くの地域で識別不可能になっている。 従ってない何がこれがなぜが起こったかある有名。
A totalitarian regime like the Chinese Communist Party is difficult to maintain in a nation of over 1.3 billion people. Not even a determined and bloodthirsty group in Beijing can do it all by themselves. They need local enablers and enforcers in all of the regions and provinces. Moreover, they need something to keep said enablers and enforcers on their side.
中国共産党のような全体主義の政体は1.3十億人上のの国家で維持しにくい。 北京の断固としたな、流血のグループはそれをすべて独自ですることができる。 それらは地域および地域すべてでローカルenablersおよび執行者を必要とする。 さらに、それらは側面の言われたenablersそして執行者を保つことを何かを必要とする。
A start is making sure no public office can come without Communist Party membership; the regime has stuck to that for nearly sixty years. The real trick, however, came after Mao died, when Deng Xiaoping and his minions came up with the perfect alternative to socialism—corporatism.
開始は官公署が共産党会員なしに来ることができないことを確かめている; 政体はほぼ60年間それに付いた。 しかし秘訣は毛の後にとう小平および彼の子分が社会主義協調組合主義に完全な代わりとかなったときに、死んだ来た。
Most economists and politicians ignore corporatism as a model, but for the CCP, it was a godsend. The notion of "private" corporations and the state basically working cooperatively as one unit was the perfect beginning for what the cadres really wanted: the benefits of a private sector without losing government control. The cadres switched gears economically, shifting from labor-oriented mandates to business oriented mandates. In effect, the CCP itself became a super-corporation, with only Party members (or their children, other relatives, spouses, or mistresses) allowed to "own" businesses (those that refused to do the Party's bidding would suddenly find their "private" firms seized, while they themselves were jailed).
CCPのためのモデルが、それ天の恵みだったがのでほとんどの経済学者および政治家は協調組合主義を無視する。 "の概念; private" 1単位が完全な始めだったので株式会社および協力的に働く州基本的に幹部は実際にほしいと思ったものがのための: 負けた公共的支配のない民間部門の利点。 幹部のスイッチギヤ経済的に、労働方向づけられた命令から業務用の命令に移る。 事実上、CCP自体は"に許可されて党員が極度株式会社に、(か彼らの子供、他の親類、配偶者、または主婦だけ)なった; own" ビジネス(Party'をすることを断ったそれら; sの値をつけることは突然"を見つける; private" 彼らは自身拘留されたが)握られる会社。
Corporatism was prominent in much of the 19th century, but largely collapsed when it became clear that a corporate-controlled regime had trouble regulating the practices of the puppeteers. For the CCP, however, no such concerns are necessary. In fact, the more corrupt the "private" firms are, the more dependent they are upon the CCP to survive. Thus, corruption is no longer an effect of the Communist regime; it has become an instrument of the Communist regime.
協調組合主義は団体管理された政体に悩みが人形遺いの練習を調整することをあったことは明確になったときに19世紀の多くで顕著、主として倒れられてだったが。 しかしCCPのためにそのような心配は必要ではない。 実際は、多くは"を買収する; private" 会社はある、より依存している存続するCCPに。 従って、堕落はもはや共産主義の政体の効果ではない; それは共産主義の政体の器械になった。
That instrument is hardly limited to bad corporate actors. Local cadres have been using the Party card for decades to acquire ill-gotten gains at the expense of their own people, all the while proclaiming loyalty to the Beijing crew. In response, Beijing has no choice but to back their local malefactors, so long as the problem isn't so widespread as to risk a revolt —as the milk scandal is now.
その器械は悪い団体俳優にほとんど限られない。 ローカル幹部は長年に渡って自身の人々を犠牲にして不正利得を得るのに北京のずっと乗組員に忠誠を宣言する党カードをその間ずっと使用している。 それに答えて、北京に選択がローカル犯罪人を支持するために、限り問題isn'ない; 危険に関して広まったtそう反乱-ミルクのスキャンダルとして…今ある。
Perhaps if the democratic world has a better understanding of its own economic history, it would be able to spot the signs of corrupt corporatism, and steer clear of the Pollyanaish nonsense that surrounds the "engagement" viewpoint. With any luck, the reality of the regime's depravity and deceitfulness would open people's eyes about the cadres' Korean colony, their overall foreign policy, and the Long Arm of Lawlessness. There would, at last, be the universal realization that the antics of the Chinese Communist Party are not the exceptions to the rules, but the rules themselves (for what it's worth, the message does seem to be clear among the Chinese people themselves).
多分民主的な世界に自身の経済史のよりよい理解があれば、それは不正な協調組合主義の印に斑点を付けられた"を囲むPollyanaishのナンセンスを避ける; engagement" 視点。 運を使って、regime'の現実; 悪変およびdeceitfulnessはpeople'を開ける; cadres'についての目; 無法の韓国のコロニー、全面的な外交政策および長い腕。 中国共産党のおどけが規則へ例外ではない、しかし規則自身があること、最後で、普遍的な認識(どんなit'のために; 価値は、メッセージ中国人自身間で明確ようである)。
There have simply been too many stories of graft, theft, land seizures, and other perfidy to just assume it all away as a series of isolated incidents. In fact, far from being able to fight corruption, the Chinese Communist Party is now dependent upon corruption, and cannot survive without it. From local cadres to Beijing leaders, from "private" thieves to their public-office-holding patrons, the Chinese Communist Party lives off its members' infinite and unchallenged license to steal (without getting caught).
接木、盗難、土地の握りおよびちょうど一連の隔離された事件としてそれをすべて仮定する他の背信の余りにも多くの物語が単にずっとある。 実際は、ずっと堕落を戦えるから中国共産党は堕落に今依存して、それなしで存続できない。 ローカル幹部から"からの北京のリーダーへの、; private" 彼らの公衆オフィス保有物のパトロンへの盗人はmembers'を離れて、中国共産党住んでいる; 盗む無限および問題にされていない免許証(捕まることなしで)。
It was once said that the Roman Empire survived as long as it did by offering the people "bread and circuses." The Communists are stealing the bread, so they have only "circuses." That is what fuels the radical nationalism and the demand for overseas appeasement and silence. In time, that will also fail, and the Chinese people will rise up and take their country back.
人々の"の提供によってした限りローマ帝国が存続したことが一度言われた; パンおよびcircuses." 共産主義者はパンを盗んでいる、従って"だけ有する; circuses." それは海外緩和および沈黙のための過激な国粋主義そして要求に燃料を供給するものがである。 時間では、それはまた失敗し、中国人は立上がり、彼らの国を取り戻す。
The only question is this: how many millions of dollars and people will be lost before then?
唯一の質問はこれである: 何何百万のドルおよび人々がそれ以前に失われるか。
D.J. McGuire is cofounder of the China e-Lobby and the author of Dragon in the Dark: How and Why Communist China Helps Our Enemies in the War on Terror.
D.J. McGuireは中国のeロビーの共同出資者および暗闇のドラゴンの著者である: いかに、そして共産主義の中国が対テロ戦争の私達の敵をなぜ助けるか。
Myanmar to destroy Chinese baby formula
YANGON: Myanmar will seize and destroy imported Chinese baby formula to safeguard against poisoning by the toxic chemical melamine, a senior health ministry official told AFP Saturday.
The health ministry said tracking down baby formula imported from neighbouring China was a priority and authorities have told child medical specialists to be alert for symptoms of poisoning.
“We are now planning to destroy imported baby milk formula from China. We are also recalling products in the markets,” said deputy director general Kyaw Nyunt Sein.
He said authorities were also working to seize baby formula smuggled from China, and planned to issue a warning about affected brands.
Chinese products are widely used in military-ruled Myanmar, which is under trade embargoes from numerous Western countries demanding democratic reform.
China said this week that milk powder contaminated with melamine, which is used in plastics, had made at least 6,200 babies ill nationwide and killed four over a period of many months.
Stores in mainland China and Hong Kong this week pulled hundreds of products from their shelves as the full extent of the contamination began to emerge, and Singapore and Malaysia suspended imports of Chinese milk and milk products.
Yili, Mengniu and Guangming - big brands consumed and trusted by hundreds of millions of Chinese - were affected by the recall after authorities checked their products and found traces of melamine.
Melamine added to milk and other food products gives the appearance of higher protein levels. afp
Burma brave
September 21, 2008
Burma brave
Under the Dragon celebrates the 'gentle generosity' of the natives of this brutally repressed South Asia nation
By AL PARKER, SUN MEDIA
UNDER THE DRAGON
By Rory Maclean
Palgrave/Tauris
Rory Maclean's Under the Dragon is the finest book you will ever read about Burma -- that tragically abused and heartbreakingly beautiful southeast Asian country.
Don't make the mistake of calling it Myanmar, the name imposed by the corrupt and brutal military tyrants who have terrorized and despoiled their own land and people since 1962.
As Canadian Maclean says in an opening note: "Because the Burmese people, who have scant say in the conduct of their lives, were not consulted about (the) alternation, I have retained the original name..."
Only four month ago, when cyclone Nargis ravaged Burma, killing 130,000 and displacing 2.4 million more, the world spotlight shone on that benighted land.
But the military regime pushed the light away, the world acquiesed and darkness again enveloped Burma.
Read Under the Dragon and you will curse that darkness. And you will curse anyone who could help the starving, enslaved Burmese people and doesn't.
Maclean's book, republished in a new trade paperback this month, originally appeared in 1998. A decade later, it is still the freshest, most relevant, insightful and painfully revealing book you will find on the Burmese tragedy.
Ostensibly searching for the origins of a century-old basket, Maclean and his wife Katrin tracked across Burma on foot, jeep, bus and train, eschewing tourist comforts and privileges to live among the people of Burma.
Maclean tells their collective story by weaving together individual lives like the strands of a basket-- from Ni Ni, the poor girl with sensitive hands who survived the serfdom of forced labour and brothels, to the state censor who became a free-speech activist, from Kalashnikov-toting teenagers in mountain militias to "the Lady" -- Aung San Suu Kyi -- the Nobel Prize-winning heroine who is the hope and heart of her people and who has, as a result, spent most of the past two decades under house arrest, harassed and vilified by the military junta.
And that's what Maclean calls "the central dichotomy of Burma: that the gentle generosity of the people -- the constant offers to share food, to give us presents and pay our bus fare -- was at odds with the grasping brutality of authority."
It's a dichotomy that has not been reconciled to this day, but one that is overcome by the words Maclean sees on the T-shirt of one of the Lady's supporters as the author talks to her: "Fear is a habit; I am not afraid."
Maclean is the right person to tell Burma's story. He's a staggeringly wonderful writer and also one of the bravest men I know, truly brave because he sees the mortal threats before him, fears them, and still moves forward.
Like Burma's finest, he will not let fear be a habit. Buy Under the Dragon and you can help kick the habit.
---
Also republished this month is Maclean's Next Exit Magic Kingdom: Florida Accidentally. Its dark humour and wry eccentricity stands in sharp contrast to the melancholy sonata of Under the Dragon, but Next Exit is just as deftly written and richly detailed as Maclean's Burma masterpiece.
One year after Myanmar protests, Suu Kyi faces junta alone
BANGKOK (AFP) — One year after Myanmar's brutal crackdown on protests led by Buddhist monks, the world remains divided on how to handle the regime, leaving democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi alone against the generals.
With the United Nations powerless to extract reforms from the military regime, the 63-year-old Nobel Peace Prize winner has used sometimes desperate measures to make her own silent protests heard.
Aung San Suu Kyi, confined to house arrest for most of the last 19 years, refused to meet UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari last month and began turning away her daily food deliveries until her thin body was so weakened that her doctor had to place her on a drip.
Just one year ago on September 22, Aung San Suu Kyi stepped out of her house, tearfully greeting Buddhist monks protesting against the military, which has ruled this poor nation since 1962.
In the days that followed, more than 100,000 people took to the streets until security forces launched a crackdown on September 26. The UN estimates 31 people were killed, 74 were missing, and thousands arrested.
Under global pressure, particularly from neighbouring China, the regime made a few concessions, notably appointing a liaison officer in October to coordinate contacts with Aung San Suu Kyi.
Just one month later, she made known her desire for higher-level talks, which never materialised.
UN efforts to launch a dialogue with her National League for Democracy (NLD) as well as ethnic leaders are now at a stalemate, while Myanmar currently holds more political prisoners -- over 2,000, according to Amnesty International -- than it did before the "Saffron Revolution."
"I don't think the military is prepared to work with Aung San Suu Kyi -- they see her as a threat, so they'd rather not cooperate with her," said Myanmar analyst Aung Naing Oo, an exile living in Thailand.
The international community remains divided on Myanmar, with Western nations tightening sanctions and issuing statements to express their outrage.
But China, Russia, India and other Asian countries refuse to confront the regime, in the name of "non-interference."
"You have to wonder if the events in Tibet didn't force China to reconsider," one Western diplomat said, noting that Beijing is "much less inclined to exert pressure today on Myanmar."
India has taken a "pragmatic" approach, the diplomat said, since it has "everything to gain from good cooperation" -- not just access to Myanmar's increasingly important natural gas fields, but also help in combating insurgents on their common border.
And Russia's return to the global stage has allowed it to make clear that regarding Myanmar, "it's no longer the West that makes the law."
In May, junta leader Than Shwe, 75, didn't hesitate to push through a new constitution favorable to the military -- even as the nation was reeling from a cyclone that left more than 138,000 dead or missing and 2.4 million in need of aid.
Two long weeks passed before the junta agreed to a minimal level of cooperation with the UN and other aid agencies. Gambari's efforts to extend this humanitarian cooperation into the political arena have yielded no tangible results.
One year after the protests, the anger felt by much of the population has been replaced by resignation.
"The military is firmly in charge (and) the NLD doesn't have many cards to play," said John Virgoe, of the International Crisis Group.
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