News & Articles on Burma-Saturday 2 July, 2011

News & Articles on Burma
Saturday 2 July, 2011
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Rudd meets Burma pro-democracy leader Suu Kyi
Australian FM urges greater reform in Burma
Suu Kyi dismisses junta's request to halt activities
Intelligent Dialogue Partners or Useful Idiots?
Living the dream
Global Protests Against Burmese Military Actions At Dams
A look at Thailand's general election
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ABC News: 02, July 2011, Saturday
Rudd meets Burma pro-democracy leader Suu Kyi

Foreign Minister Kevin Rudd has held talks with the Burmese pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi in Rangoon.

A spokeswoman from Kevin Rudd's office confirmed the meeting, which was held during Mr Rudd's visit to Burma.

The talks come just days after Burma's military leaders warned Ms Suu Kyi not to engage in political activity.

Mr Rudd is the latest high-ranking foreign diplomat to visit the Nobel laureate since her release from house arrest in November 2010 and elections that month which brought a nominally civilian government to power.

Prior to the meeting, Mr Rudd said he was aware of the government warning Ms Suu Kyi not to engage in political activities.

"Both Aung San Suu Kyi and other democratic forces in this country should be given greater freedom of operation," he said.

"Furthermore, when it comes to the future of this country as a whole, it's important that we see greater dialogue between all political forces and all political parties in order to put this country on a safe path."

A spokesman for Ms Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy says Mr Rudd discussed Australia's close relationship to Burma during the talks.

"[They] discussed Australia's continued assistance to Myanmar (Burma) as its second largest donor," he said.

"He gave [Australia's] views on Myanmar regarding human rights and democracy, and how they are trying to help us."

On Thursday the Burmese government warned Ms Suu Kyi and her party to halt all political activities.

The home affairs ministry wrote to Ms Suu Kyi saying her party was breaking the law by maintaining party offices, holding meetings and issuing statements, the New Light of Myanmar newspaper reported.

- ABC/AFP http://www.abc.net.au/news/stories/2011/07/02/3259506.htm?section=justin
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Australian FM urges greater reform in Burma

Aung San Suu Kyi was released from house arrest late last year, but more than 2,000 political prisoners remain in detention in Burma. [Reuters]


Australia's foreign minister says he's told the government of Burma the release of more than 2,000 political prisoners would be an important step towards democracy in the nation.

Kevin Rudd has met with Burma's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi at the Australian embassy in Rangoon, a day after he held talks with Burma's President and senior government officials in the administrative capital Naypyidaw.

Speaking to Radio Australia from Rangoon, Mr Rudd says he's told the government in Burma to make progress on human rights.

"What I have said in direct conversation with them is the international community waits for the government in Myanmar to take a further step in relation to democracy and that further step needs to be the release of these 2,000 political prisoners," Mr Rudd said.

Days before Mr Rudd's arrival in Burma, the Burmese government warned Aung San Suu Kyi not to engage in political activities.

Mr Rudd says he was aware of the government warnings.

"Both Aung San Suu Kyi and other democratic forces in this country should be given greater freedom of operation and furthermore, when it comes to the future of this country as a whole, it's important that we see greater dialogue between all political forces and all political parties in order to put this country on a safe path," he said.

Mr Rudd says he notes the small changes in the nature of the civilian government in Burma, as well as the release of Aung San Suu Kyi immediately after last November's elections.

But, he says, "there is much much more to be done when it comes to human rights, democracy and of course economic development" in Burma.

Mr Rudd says Australia is one of Burma's largest direct development assistance partners, and development issues such as boosting school attendance, were covered during his discussions with government representatives.

He says $AUD50 million is expected to be invested in Burma over the coming year in humanitarian and development assistance.
http://www.radioaustralianews.net.au/stories/201107/3259485.htm?desktop
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Suu Kyi dismisses junta's request to halt activities

BY AI MATSUMURA STAFF WRITER
2011/07/02

Aung San Suu Kyi blasted the junta in Myanmar (Burma) for a decree calling on the democracy movement leader to refrain from political activities, according to Japanese Foreign Ministry officials.

The officials quoted Suu Kyi as telling Makiko Kikuta, a parliamentary vice minister for foreign affairs, in Myanmar on June 29 that her view was different from that of the government, and that the decree was released one-sidedly without the government consulting her.

Kikuta was in Myanmar on June 27-29, during which she met with senior government officials, including the foreign minister, and Suu Kyi.

After Suu Kyi was detained in May 2003, Tokyo put on hold all economic cooperation with Myanmar except for humanitarian programs.

During her latest visit, however, Kikuta said that Tokyo planned to resume economic cooperation, with an emphasis on irrigation and other items of basic human needs that directly benefit the poor.
http://www.asahi.com/english/TKY201107010264.html
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CONTRIBUTOR
Intelligent Dialogue Partners or Useful Idiots?
By SUZANNE ROTT Friday, July 1, 2011

Germany’s federal commissioner for human rights policy, Markus Loening, recently visited Burma and published an article in The Financial Times in which he called upon European Union member states to enter into an “intelligent dialogue with all groups in Burmese society.� This sounds reasonable enough, as long as this call is not what we have seen behind closed diplomatic doors in internal EU member states' consultations about right policies toward Burma. Calls for dialogue with “all groups in Burmese society� have unfortunately too often taken the form of an effort to undermine the role of Aung San Suu Kyi as the genuine leader of the Burmese democratic movement and as a legitimate representative of many of the aspirations of the vast majority in Burmese society.

That is exactly what the generals in power want to achieve—to marginalize and delegitimize Suu Kyi and her party, the National league for Democracy (NLD). From the generals' side, it is a logical and “intelligent� aspiration. They rightly see Suu Kyi and the NLD, as well as the ethnic parties that have been banned or were discouraged from taking part in last year's elections, as the real sociopolitical force that can challenge their grip on power. But EU diplomats should under no pretext assist the generals in achieving their goal of sidelining opposition forces.
Dialogue should not lure them into the trap of becoming useful idiots with good intentions who only end up serving the core interests of Burma's military strategists.

To know what the call for dialogue “with all groups in Burmese society� looks like in practice, one need only consider the fact that the European Heads of Missions in Myanmar meeting on March 14, which brought European ambassadors together to discuss their positions regarding the EU sanctions review, the German participant argued against mentioning Suu Kyi by name in official EU communications.

German Ambassador Julius Georg Luy and other German diplomats are among those who for months have been trying to put Suu Kyi at the same level as representatives of the small democratic parties that were allowed by the military regime to enter Parliament to give legitimacy to the results of the sham elections held last November. When EU ambassadors were planning to have a joint meeting and lunch with Suu Kyi, German diplomats argued that they should not meet the NLD leader separately, but only together with representatives of other opposition parties. The German ambassador, together with his Belgian and Spanish colleagues, argued that other democrats and ethnic forces might be offended if it became public that Suu Kyi was being afforded special treatment. It was the UK ambassador who rightly pushed for a separate meeting with Suu Kyi, because she is still the undisputed leader of the democratic opposition—a fact that EU member states should not deny. But Germany still argued that the goal of such a meeting should be to seek a wide range of views from several interlocutors, without favoring anyone in particular.

By calling for “intelligent dialogue� with all groups in Burma, German diplomats are in reality helping the generals undermine Suu Kyi's legitimacy as the opposition leader. That is very different from what German Chancellor Angela Merkel did when she singled out Suu Kyi and talked with her by phone.

If Germany wants to be right in its intention to talk with “all groups,� then they should be a bit more cautious in defining who “all� is. With their experiences with the Stasi in East Germany, they should know that representation in authoritarian and totalitarian societies is a tricky issue. Germans and Europeans should not let the Burmese military define with whom they should talk and with whom they are not allowed to talk. The ruling party and the opposition parties in the “legal fold,� and the civil society players, both local and international, that have been allowed to operate in the country, simply do not represent the full spectrum of political views in Burma.

If German diplomats want to enter into an intelligent dialogue with all groups in Burmese society, then they should talk, for example, with the families of Min Ko Naing, Nilar Thein, U Gambira and other political prisoners. Such talks could have taken place at the German Embassy in Rangoon during the visit by the federal commissioner for human rights policy. In addition, German diplomats should talk with Kachin, Karen, Shan and other ethnic representatives—not just those who have been allowed into Parliament, but also those who have been barred from even competing. That would constitute a real “dialogue with all groups.� After meeting with them, Loening would probably have been a bit less hopeful but a bit better prepared to lead an intelligent dialogue with the Burmese government.

Let me conclude that I agree with Loening that sanctions should not be a self-serving instrument, but that they need to be “tuned.� If the Burmese government is serious about the advertised change and really wants sanctions to be lifted so that a flow of investment can begin to reduce poverty, then it has all the tools it needs to achieve this goal. All it needs to do is release political prisoners and take the first steps toward a genuine national dialogue that includes the ethnic and political opposition groups. By doing so, the Burmese government can achieve its goal of lifting sanctions within less than six months.

Suzanne Rott is a Burma observer based in Thailand.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org http://www.irrawaddy.org/opinion_story.php?art_id=21611
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Living the dream
A non-profit school helps Burmese migrant workers improve their local job prospects

Published: 2/07/2011 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: Business

Clad in a black-and-white school uniform, Khine Mi Mi Thein, 22, listens attentively to her Thai teacher in class.

Classes at the DEAR Burma School (top left) offer language and skills training, which has helped participants such as garment seller Hla Min Aung (left) improve their prospects in Bangkok.

The computer science graduate from the University of Computer Studies in Mawlamyine, Burma is among more than 600 students attending Sunday classes for Burmese migrant workers in Bangkok. They study the Thai and English languages and computing skills in hopes of a better future here.

Founded in early 2003, the DEAR Burma School is run by the non-profit Thai Allied Committee with Desegregated Burma Foundation (TACDB).

With more than 700 students each year, the school offers 17 classes for English language, 15 for Thai and five for computers. Students pay only 350 baht a course.

"I hope my life will get better after learning new skills and knowledge from this school," said Khine Mi Mi, her eyes radiant with hope.

Coming to Thailand to pursue her dream of a better job, she works as a manual labourer in a Samut Sakhon car equipment production factory.

Working from 8 am to 8 pm, she earns only 315 baht a day, although that is five times more than she could earn as a skilled worker in Burma.

The bus trip to the school in central Bangkok's Ratchathewi district takes her two or three hours.

School director U Myint Wai said the school provides migrant workers not only better skills, but also knowledge about their rights and Thai labour regulations.

"As many Burmese migrant workers do not speak or read Thai, they don't know local laws, regulations or traditional culture, so problems often occur between Thai authorities and migrant workers. We want to solve this problem by providing them with training," said U Myint, who is also the deputy director of the TACDB.

He said supplementary courses include environmental awareness, labour and human rights, and legal aid.

Domestic helper Ma Moe Moe, 42, has dreamed of learning Thai since first arriving in this country. Her dream became reality when she first signed on with the school five years ago.

"I've been working hard to please my employers, as I don't want them to stop me from studying," she said.

"I learn a lot here. Apart from language skills, I've studied workers' rights. For example, I know that Thai regulations guarantee workers a minimum wage."

The school is also a venue for meeting up with friends. Burmese food and products are sold on campus, and the sound of students chatting in Burmese and other ethnic languages from her country make her feel at home.

"We exchange both good and bad news among ourselves," said Ma Moe. "My mind has really opened up."

Hla Min Aung, who has also studied at the school for five years, is one example of a success story.

He now sells garments in Soi Nana. Using his English- and Thai-language skills, he usually earns about 400 baht a day working from 5 pm to midnight.

As well, he does some freelance interpreting for Burmese tourists in Bangkok and occasionally acts as a middleman for Burmese companies, buying local products and shipping them back to his home country.

"The school's education has been very helpful. My life has improved. Without these languages skills, I could not do the job I'm doing now," said Hla Min.

Amnesty International (AI) says more than a million Burmese migrant workers are employed in various Thai sectors including fisheries, manufacturing, domestic work, construction, hotels, restaurants and agriculture.

Thai Labour Ministry figures show 149,990 Burmese migrants are registered.

In 2005, AI reported Burmese migrant workers in Thailand faced pay that was well below the minimum wage, unsafe and unclean working and living conditions, vulnerability to harassment, arrest and deportation at the hands of the local police and a lack of access to the levels of education and medical care that were available to Thai workers.

U Myint said the school cannot solve all these problems, but it is a first step.

The DEAR Burma School is looking to expand to other locations, but this can only happen with the cooperation of donors and the Thai Labour and Education ministries, he said.

U Myint said the school is negotiating with both ministries to be recognised as a vocational training institute. http://www.bangkokpost.com/business/economics/245030/living-the-dream
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Global Protests Against Burmese Military Actions At Dams
Fri, 07/01/2011 - 11:02am
By: Katy Yan and Grace Mang

Last Friday, hundreds of people in the US, Denmark, United Kingdom, Malaysia, and elsewhere gathered to protest the recent deadly clashes between Burmese authorities and ethnic militias in Burma's northern Kachin State. Standing before Burmese and Chinese embassies, Kachins held up signs calling for an end to the violence and a halt to dam building by Chinese companies in Kachin State.

Fighting broke out in early June between the Burma Army and the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) at the Dapein No. 1 and 2 dams, which are being constructed by China's state-owned Datang Company, breaking a 17-year ceasefire. Scores of people have died and as many as 13,000 refugees have fled their homes, with many crossing into China. As of last Wednesday, about 18 women have been reported gang-raped by Burma Army soldiers in Kachin State, according to the Kachin Women's Association Thailand.

Chinese power companies and contractors are building a series of dams in northern Burma to supply electricity to China. The biggest and most controversial of these dams is the Myitsone Dam, a massive 3,600MW hydropower plant being built by China Power Investment and situated in an area of great cultural and ecological significance. The environmental impact assessment on this first dam on the Irrawaddy also expressed grave concerns.

In March, the KIO sent an open letter to the Chinese government calling for a halt to the project. It warned that, given the forced displacement, lack of transparency, and unequal distribution of benefits, this and other dam projects in Burma were likely to foster popular resentment, creating a risky situation for Chinese companies so close to its borders.

According to the Burma Rivers Network, the current conflict is "closely related to the dams. The government has sent in troops because it wants to gain control of a region that hosts major Chinese investments in hydropower." Kachin State has till now been largely controlled by Kachin forces.

Strong local resistance has also occurred in northern Shan State in an area where Burma, the Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand, and a number of Chinese companies (China's Sinohydro, China Three Gorges Group Corporation, and China Southern Power Grid) are planning a series of dams for the Salween River.

China now finds itself caught in the middle due to its desire for secure energy supplies from Burma and its fear of escalating conflict around its hydropower projects so close to its borders. http://www.internationalrivers.org/en/blog/katy-yan/2011-7-1/international-protests-against-burmese-military-actions-chinese-dams
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A look at Thailand's general election
By The Associated Press
Published: Saturday, July 2, 2011 at 3:30 a.m.
Last Modified: Saturday, July 2, 2011 at 2:16 a.m.

On Sunday, July 3, Thailand will hold a general election, its second since a 2006 military coup unseated the elected government of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Thailand is a constitutional monarchy with a population of about 66 million, but its democracy has been plagued by corruption and repeated interference by the military.

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WHAT'S AT STAKE: Located at a strategic crossroads in Asia filled with repressive neighbors like Myanmar and Communist Laos, Thailand has seen its reputation as a beacon of stability suffer badly over more than five years of political strife set in motion by Thaksin's ouster.

After more than a year ruled by a military-backed interim government, a December 2007 election returned a pro-Thaksin party to power. But fresh protests, court rulings and parliamentary maneuvering forced Thaksin's allies out in December 2008 and installed the rival Democrat Party of current Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva. Thaksin's supporters then took to the streets, and their two months of anti-government protests last year degenerated into violence, leaving 91 people dead and about 1,800 injured.

The polarization between Thaksin's supporters and opponents remains the defining issue in Thai politics, with policies taking a back seat. Both the Democrats and their main opponents, the pro-Thaksin Pheu Thai Party, tout a populist agenda.

Whatever the results of the election, few believe it will quietly accepted by the losers.

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THE CONTESTANTS: Some 42 political parties are fielding 3,832 candidates for the 500-seat lower house of parliament. In a two-tier system of voting, 375 legislators will be elected by constituency by some 47 million eligible voters, while 125 "party-list" candidates will be chosen according to the proportion of votes each party receives nationwide on a separate ballot.

Only two parties have realistic expectations of capturing a large share of seats: the Democrats and the Pheu Thai Party. If neither captures an outright majority - as seems likely - then smaller established parties will hold the balance of power, and bargain hard for significant Cabinet posts.

The Democrat Party is the country's oldest, but has not placed first in an election since 1992. Its traditional strongholds are the south, from which many of its leaders hail, and Bangkok, though the capital's voters can be fickle. The party once took pride as a liberal opponent of military rule in decades gone by, but in recent times has stressed its royalist roots and found itself in alliance with the army.

Pheu Thai represents the third iteration of Thaksin's Thai Rak Thai Party after electoral law violations saw its two predecessors disbanded by the courts. With Thaksin convicted of graft, in self-imposed exile and banned from politics, its de facto candidate for the prime minister job is Yingluck Shinawatra, Thaksin's youngest sister. The party trades mostly on its identification with Thaksin, who remains hugely popular in the rural north and northeast and among many of Bangkok's working class for populist polices including subsidized housing and nearly free health care. Pro-Thaksin parties have won handily in all four elections they contested.

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POTENTIAL PROBLEMS: The state Election Commission, generally perceived as leaning against Thaksin, has broad powers to invalidate election results and disqualify candidates.

With the strong possibility that no party will win an absolute majority, smaller parties with reputations for seeking profit from public office can bargain for Cabinet seats, perpetuating the plague of money politics.
A Pheu Thai party victory bringing Thaksin's loyalists to power could prompt the army to stage another coup, especially if the new government moves to grant Thaksin amnesty to pave the way for his return. If the Democrats prevail, aggressive protests by Thaksin's supporters causing unrest could equally serve as an excuse for military intervention.

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