News & Articles on Burma-Friday, 07 October, 2011-UZL

News & Articles on Burma

Friday, 07 October, 2011
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Myanmar's careful reformist: Thein Sein
Burma rebuffs China
US keen to improve ties with Burma
Burma VP to talk dam fiasco with China
Myitsone Dam: a new catalyst for reform in Burma?
New Burmese Govt 'Reformist and Open-minded': US
Kachin Women’s Group Issues Report Detailing Human Rights Violations
No Progress in Talks Between NMSP, Mon Govt
Thai PM Yingluck strengthens ties with Burma to renew border trade
Detecting a Thaw in Myanmar, U.S. Aims to Encourage Change
China paper defends Myanmar investment
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ALJAZEERA
Myanmar's careful reformist: Thein Sein
Reform and submission to the people's will has Myanmar sprung up for hope, yet hardliners and China complicate matters.
William Lloyd George Last Modified: 07 Oct 2011 10:15

It was only a matter of time before Myanmar's generals realised the best way out of an embarrassingly underdeveloped nation and western sanctions, was best done through 'reforms'. Spearheaded by several seemingly 'reformist' general-cum-politicians, with the backing of 'moderate' intellectuals and businessmen, Myanmar has witnessed changes, radical only to a nation considered six months ago to be one of the worst dictatorships in the world.

Following a string of small reforms, it was last week when the most striking took place. For the first time in most the population's memory, Myanmar's President, Thein Sein, said he would give in to the desire of the people. That desire, was to prevent the completion of the Myitsone Dam, saving the mighty Irrawaddy river and surrounding areas from catastrophe. Over ten thousand people supposedly would have been displaced by the construction, and an area the size of Singapore flooded

No one is quite sure why Thein Sein made this surprising decision, or who was really behind it. Most puzzling was whether the decision was sanctioned by previous hardline generals, or not. In the weeks leading up to his announcement, the campaign to “save the Irrawaddy” had grown unprecedented and, unrestricted momentum. Artists, academics, politicians and others from all corners of society, joined forces to raise awareness and pressure the government. The issue generated public debate, which had not been seen in Myanmar for decades, if ever.

As the movement grew at an alarming rate - one, which was not talking about democracy, but the environment - the cancellation gave Thein Sein the opportunity to increase much needed support domestically, and fend off hardliners in parliament looking for excuses to undermine him. It has also given him the chance to gain support internationally, which will in turn help him domestically.

And so far Thein Sein's efforts are working. The US has already said they believe “winds of change are blowing through Burma”. Nations from across the globe have shown support for the recent changes and said they would engage further if progress continues. Japan has already restarted all aid it previously put on hold, and Yangon national airport has seen a flurry of Japanese engineers coming to inspect 'potential projects'. A variety of businessmen, academics and opportunists will no doubt be checking flights to Yangon, eager to jump on board with 'cautious optimism'.

The real test, though, will come next month when ministers across South East Asia make a judgement over whether Myanmar should hold the 2014 ASEAN chairmanship. An obvious incentive for the recent reform drive; chairmanship would bring legitimacy to the up till now notorious regime who engineered the apparent power shift to the civilian government, and, no doubt, a complete lifting of sanctions, allowing western companies to openly do business with the regime's cronies.

It is widely believed that last years 'elections' were a show to bring in a more civilian looking government namely the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), and many hardliners still hope to keep the status quo and their positions of power. However, as reformists such as Thein Sein gain more domestic support, we could be seeing the beginning stages of a political transition. But so far, much is left to be done.

Despite the USDP recently offering peace talks with ethnic armies, the state military is now engaged in fighting on all its borders. Some have been fighting for over sixty years - the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), have been fighting the longest civil war in the world - others have only just resumed fighting. Having enjoyed a ceasefire since 1994, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), based on the Sino-Burma border have been blasted with mortars over the last two months, with countless civilians caught in the middle of the conflict.

Tensions began to brew when the Kachin rejected the regime's 'Border Guard Proposal', which was a nice way of Nay Pyi Daw saying, “lay down your weapons and join the Myanmar Union Army”. The answer was 'no', and remains 'no'. The same goes for the Shan State Army-North who continue to also face bombardment and heavy offensives on a daily basis. If the USDP, and those behind it are serious about reform, one would expect fighting to cease, and dialogue to commence immediately.

Even the biggest sceptics, though, cannot deny there has been some changes. It is clear that more power than was previously expected has been placed in the hands of Thein Sein, and others who battle to rule Parliament. Diplomats, businessmen and even Suu Kyi, who recently met Thein Sein have cautiously hinted that there is some sincerity in Thein Sein's desire to improve the country. Yet, one would be foolish to think he is completely in control, and while he may be sincere, there are many behind, and around him, eager to keep the status quo.

Despite these hardline anti-reformists, the last three years has seen a flurry of soldiers, businessmen and others join the ranks of 'the moderates'. Networks have been formed between completely different groups, who, before, would never have discussed anything of a political, economical or social nature. Military officials for the first time were talking to former political prisoners about how to improve the country. A discourse unseen before, has been shared between these actors, who want to see Myanmar pulled out from the pit it has fallen into. This movement towards change, has undoubtedly had some input into Thein Sein's decision to halt the dam, and all the positive developments we have seen up till now. Putting too much emphasis, though, on their input, would be downplaying the intelligence and wickedness of a regime historically so skilful in manipulating the international community.

Despite the warranted scepticism by many, the latest PR campaign to become a 'real' government in the eyes of the world, and the movement for change from inside, has brought some positive developments. Aung San Suu Kyi, the long time democracy activist, who has spent the last thirteen out of nineteen years under house arrest in her crumbling mansion, was released following last years elections. Since her release she has faced little harassment, rallied, given speeches and even travelled outside the capital. Last week was the third time she met with government liaison minister, Aung Kyi, since her release and left the meeting noting that there was opportunities for change, but did not go on to say change was afoot.

On international Democracy Day, without announcement, the government lifted bans on several media outlets, and other sites such as 'youtube'. Some of these, were exiled news agencies, which had fed news into the country for decades, trying to counter state media propaganda or heavily censored journals. For their 'evilness', a spot was kept in the daily state mouth piece, the new light of Myanmar, alerting the public of their intent to destroy the prosperous nation. This, too, has been taken away.

Despite these small, yet important reforms, the recent reforms have stopped short of giving any legal or official guarantees that things will not just regress later, like has happened many times before. It is expected that in the coming weeks, batches of political prisoners will be released. The release of over 2,000 prisoners of conscience has long been a demand of the international community, and continues to be a set benchmark for the rulers to prove real progress is taking place.

With some of the most radical and respected political activists behind bars, it can't be expected that all will be released over night, fearing they will once again rouse the masses. However, without any timetable, or releases, the hardline activists are right to continue blasting the regime for lack of progress. As should ASEAN and the rest of the international community.

The day after UN Human Rights Envoy Tomas Quintana visited Myanmar, former military officer Nay Myo Zin, was sentenced to 10 years in prison for allegedly sending a political document on how to achieve democracy, out of the country. He worked as a volunteer for a blood donor group closely related to Suu Kyi's party NLD. Then just two weeks ago, a Yangon court added an extra ten years onto the sentence of Sithu Zeya a 21-year video journalist, for his alleged connections with exiled TV station the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB). Both cases, show that the government is not completely dedicated to its reforms directed towards press freedom and democracy, and shows, perhaps, the hardliners are still very much pulling strings behind the scenes.

Despite the possibility that some of these reforms are not being conducted on a moral basis, or a duty felt by the rulers to finally work for their country, they have to be treated as positive steps. The reformists need to be supported. If the reports are right, and they are battling the hardliners, they will need all the help they can get. Both through private confidential channels, such as one-on-one diplomatic meetings, and other incentives to continue risking their livelihoods to push through much needed reform. The dangers are great, if the reformists don’t get the support they need and deserve, progress could once again be stalled, and even worse, a military coup or cancellation of upcoming 2015 elections. Like has happened many times before, when engagement fails, the hardliners are more than happy to get blood back on their hands, and guard their vested interests.

The halting of the dam is undeniably a big step, and the complications it has caused with China may allow some space for 'western nations' to improve their lost relationship with Nay Pyi Daw. China has previously exploited the isolation sanctions had created, but with a growing understanding between the reformists in Nay Pyi Daw and Washington this could soon be a thing of the past. Despite there being over six dams in the making - something highlighted by environmental groups, plus no legal assurance of the dam's cancellation - Beijing has voiced unprecedented outrage over the cancellation, its biggest single project in Myanmar, and it appears Beijing was not consulted before the decision went public.

Showing a willingness to go against China, could be one of Thein Sein's biggest achievements. If Myanmar proves to be moving away from being Beijing's pawn, the west may jump at the opportunity to stop sanctions. Something many in the country, including several generals are hoping for is an end to China's neo-colonization of Burma. Over the last two decades, China has bought up much of city centres, fuelling anti-Chinese sentiment across the nation.

Despite the potential 'breakthrough' and hope of Myanmar separating itself from China, now is not the time for the international community to go all out rewarding the USDP for its tiny steps of progress. Only when solid guarantees through timelines and laws are made, political prisoners released with no risk of more later being arrested, and more economic reforms made, should the international community even contemplate treating the USDP like the country's government.

If the regime-government is able to escape from all its sins, and avoid the much demanded and, deserved international crime court, reforms need to be made quickly and efficiently. This time they should not be given the space, or more importantly neglect to once again fool around, with the lives of their nation, and the hopes of the international community. Few Burmese are expecting much from the USDP, and it is about time, they proved their people wrong and worked to improve the country, the hardline Generals have for too long destroyed. If the reformists can continue to gain support domestically and internationally, we could witness a real political transition that benefits the Burmese people. Those who do show themselves to be reformists must be treated with caution, but supported accordingly.

William Lloyd George is a freelance journalist based in Mae Sot, on the Thai-Myanmar border, for the last four years. He has reported extensively from inside Myanmar and on the many conflicts along its borders. He is currently working on a book about Myanmar with American photojournalist KC Ortiz.

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy. http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/opinion/2011/10/2011105154431129473.html
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Khaleej Times Online > OPINION
Burma rebuffs China
Bertil Lintner

7 October 2011
At a time when Asian countries are increasingly worried about China’s growing assertiveness, Burma’s rejection of a huge Chinese hydroelectric dam project has raised new questions: Is this a rare victory for civil society in a repressive country? Or does it indicate an internal dispute over the country’s dependence on China? Regardless, the public difference over a close ally’s project marks a new stage in the Burma-China relationship.

On September 30, Burma’s new president, Thein Sein, sent a statement to the country’s parliament announcing that a joint venture with China to build a mega-dam in the far north of the country had been suspended because “it was contrary to the will of the people.” The $3.6 billion Myitsone Dam would have been world’s 15th tallest and submerged 766 square kilometers of forestland.

It’s unclear if Chinese counterparts were consulted before the decision was made public. Burma has depended on its powerful northern neighbour for trade, political support and arms deliveries since the West shunned the Burmese regime following massacres of pro-democracy demonstrators in 1988.

Public opinion may have played its part. Under the 2006 deal, 90 per cent of power generated from Myitsone would have gone to China. Anger over environmental destruction galvanised people against the regime in a way that the country had not seen for years. The dam was a dagger in the heart of the Kachins, the predominant ethnic minority in the area. Pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi threw her support behind the anti-dam movement. Many made their voices heard over Facebook – a new tool for anti-regime activists.

People inside Burma can’t protest openly, but “Save the Irrawaddy” meetings have been held in Rangoon. Burmese exiles have staged anti-Chinese demonstrations outside Burmese and Chinese embassies abroad. Anti-Chinese sentiment is growing in Burma, especially in the north where Chinese influence is the strongest. But public opinion has never been a strong factor when it comes to influencing the Burmese regime. The regime doesn’t want to risk another outbreak of anti-government protests similar to the 2007 monks’ movement and invite international condemnation with more US and EU sanctions.

Dissatisfaction within the armed forces over China’s growing influence in Burma is a more likely reason for the move to suspend the dam project. Burma has historically had a strained relationship with its northern neighbour. From the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949 until 1962, Beijing maintained a cordial relationship with the non-aligned democratic government of Prime Minister U Nu.

Burma was the first country outside the communist bloc to recognise the new regime in Beijing. After General Ne Win staged a coup d’etat in 1962, the Chinese, long wary of the ambitious, sometimes unpredictable general, prepared for all-out support for the insurgent Communist Party of Burma (CPB). Anti-Chinese riots in Rangoon in 1967 – orchestrated by military authorities to deflect public anger over a deteriorating economy – provided an excuse for Chinese to intervene. On New Year’s Day 1968, armed CPB units entered northeastern Burma from China’s Yunnan Province. Over the next decade, China poured more aid into the CPB effort than any other communist movement outside of Indochina.

Mao’s death in 1976, and the subsequent return to power of pragmatist Deng Xiaoping changed things. Supporting revolutionary movements in the region was no longer in Beijing’s interest. Still, China coveted Burma’s forests, rich deposits of minerals and natural gas, and hydroelectric power potential. Ending Chinese support to the CPB ushered in a more cordial era in Sino-Burmese relations, the relations growing by leaps and bound after the 1988 bloody suppression of pro-democracy movement in Burma. Apart from supplying Burma with vast quantities of military hardware, by 1991, Chinese experts assisted in a series of infrastructure projects. Chinese military advisers soon arrived, the first foreign military personnel stationed in Burma since the 1950s. Cross-border trade between China and Burma boomed.

More recently, China has provided Burma with low-interest loans, and Chinese investment in the sanctions-hit economy is substantial, particularly true of the energy sector.

China still has contracts to build six other mega-dams on the Irrawaddy and source rivers. That Thein Sein dared to make his public statement reveals a wrinkle in Sino-Burmese relations – and how Burma may try to balance foreign relations, perhaps returning to its former policy of strict neutrality and non-alignment.

Some academic observers assert that Beijing’s influence over the Burmese government is exaggerated. Although China provided Burma with up to US$1.6 billion worth of military hardware since 1989, the regime has recently turned to Russia, the Ukraine and North Korea to diversify its arms-procurement program.

Instead of democratising the country, Burma’s new government seems to have chosen to play “the China card,” an attempt to win support of the West. An unsigned opinion piece in The Bangkok Post, written by a Burmese government official, lays out its position: “We do not want our country to become a satellite state of the Chinese government.” From the regime’s point of view, improved relations with the West could be accomplished simply by playing up the Chinese threat, with the hope of diminishing Western criticism of the regime.

But the regime has time and again stressed that how the country is governed is an internal matter. The West must decide if it will play along.

Bertil Lintner is a Swedish journalist based 
in Thailand and the author of several works on Asia.
© 2011 Yale Center for the Study of 
Globalisation http://www.khaleejtimes.com/displayarticle.asp?xfile=data/opinion/2011/October/opinion_October34.xml§ion=opinion&col=
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US keen to improve ties with Burma
Steven Lee Myers, Thomas Fuller
October 8, 2011

WASHINGTON: The United States is considering a significant shift in its long-strained relationship with the autocratic government of Burma, including relaxing restrictions on financial assistance and taking other steps to encourage what senior US officials describe as startling political changes in the country.

The thawing, while in its early stages, follows a political transition in Burma after deeply flawed elections last year that nonetheless appears to have raised the possibility that the new government will ease its restrictions on basic freedoms and co-operate with the repressed opposition movement led by the Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.

The apparent shift offers the United States the chance to improve ties with a resource-rich south-east Asian country. Last week the new Burmese leadership unexpectedly halted work on a $3.6 billion dam project strongly backed by China, its main ally, prompting criticism from the Chinese government.

The new President, U Thein Sein, a former general who was part of the military junta that ruled the country for two decades, has signalled a sharp break from the centralised, erratic policies of the past. He is rewriting laws on taxes and property ownership and loosening restrictions on the media.

For the first time, the government has discussed with Aung San Suu Kyi and US officials the possibility of releasing hundreds of political prisoners, after years of denying there were any at all.

The Obama administration, although sceptical, has responded to this openness with a series of small diplomatic steps, hoping that a democratic transition could bring stability and economic opportunities at a time of increasing US competition with China over influence in Asia.

''They are moving into a more pluralistic form of government. I wouldn't call it totally democratic. But things are changing very rapidly,'' said Priscilla Clapp, the chief of mission at the US embassy in Burma from 1999 to 2002.

Read more: http://www.theage.com.au/world/us-keen-to-improve-ties-with-burma-20111007-1ldl4.html#ixzz1ZqunOz5T
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Burma VP to talk dam fiasco with China
By FRANCIS WADE
Published: 7 October 2011

Burma’s hawkish vice president will travel to Beijing before the end of the month to discuss Naypyidaw’s shock cancellation of a major dam project in northern Burma financed by China.

The suspension of the Myitsone dam has angered China, which appears not to have been consulted over the decision. Around 90 percent of the power would have gone to China, which provided the vast majority of the $US3.6 billion price tag on the project.

Now Tin Aung Myint Oo is being forced to explain the decision to officials in Beijing, and will travel to China shortly after President Thein Sein returns from a visit to India on 15 October, Reuters quoted a government official as saying. The official reason for the vice president’s trip is to attend the opening of a China-Asean Exposition.

The People’s Daily, the official newspaper of China’s ruling Communist Party, today carried an article responding to protestations against its energy projects in Burma.

“Looking at public opinion in Myanmar [Burma], as some non-government organisations do not trust the government and have been influenced by foreign media, very few present positive information regarding Chinese investors…”

It continued that assessments had been carried out prior to starting on the Myitsone dam, with experts finding the impact would be “rather small”. Environmental groups however point to the estimated 20,000 people likely to be displaced by the dam, as well as long-term damage to the ecosystem of the IrrawaddyRiver, to counter these claims.

Following the announcement a week ago that the dam would not go ahead, Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Hong Lei told Burma that it must “guarantee the lawful and legitimate rights and interests of Chinese companies”.

It marks a rare fissure in relations between the two countries: Burma relies on Beijing for political support and the billions of dollars in investment it pours into the country each year, while China sees its neighbour as a veritable goldmine of easily-exploitable natural resources.

Writing in the Jakarta Globe, journalist Bertil Lintner said that the decision may have been triggered by a disagreement within the upper echelons of Burma’s government over the extent to which China’s energy need were dictating the priorities of Naypyidaw.

This theory suggests that growing public disquiet over the dam was less a factor, despite Thein Sein’s reference to “respecting the will of the public” as the cause of the decision.

Although the strong relationship has major benefits for both countries, Burma’s rulers remain intensely nationalistic and wary of an over-dependence on the regional superpower. Recent shifts in the political landscape in Burma also suggest the government is attempting to curry favour with critical western countries.

“From the Burmese regime’s point of view, improved relations with the West could be accomplished simply by playing up the Chinese threat, with the hope of diminishing Western criticism of the regime,” Lintner wrote.

In an interview with the New York Times yesterday, US envoy to Burma Derek Mitchell appeared to suggest that Washington was rethinking its punitive measures on Burma in light of recent changes, of which the Myitsone cancellation is being hailed as the most positive. http://www.dvb.no/news/burma-vp-to-talk-dam-fiasco-with-china/18020
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Myitsone Dam: a new catalyst for reform in Burma?
Editorial Desk
The Nation (Thailand)
Publication Date : 07-10-2011

It must have taken a good deal of courage for Burmese President Thein Sein to come out recently and stop the construction of the Chinese-funded Myitsone Dam in Kachin State. Like it or not, the decision was timely and hit all the right nerves for both Burma sceptics and supporters of the regime. Certainly it has raised the ire of the Chinese. If there has been anything at all positive in the past three months since the buzz began about "reform" in the pariah state, this is it. It is the most immediate and concrete sign of the Burmese government listening to any opinion other than its own.

This move will certainly win Thein Sein lots of support from local and international observers of Burma - something which he badly needs in order to fight against the hardliners within his own cabinet. Indeed, that might be what the Naypyidaw government wants people to think. Somehow, it might also want to see reform-minded lawmakers win the day.

But the international community has to remain cautious, even after this latest development. There have been many times in the past when the Burmese regime has cheated and betrayed its own people. To suggest that Burma has changed because of sudden political reforms and a new political system would be hard to believe, even for the most optimistic of observers. More action needs to be forthcoming, especially regarding the release of political prisoners, over 2,000 of whom still remain in custody.

Although nobody knows the exact number of political prisoners and how many "classifications" there are, it is clear that their freedom is another prerequisite before Burma can gain international support. Ongoing dialogue with the opposition leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, must continue and expand. At the moment, attempts are being made to undertake further ceasefire talks with the various armed minority groups in the border regions. There is an urgent need to bring these rebel groups to the negotiating table, but to do so, the Naypyidaw government must do more to appease these groups.

In this connection, Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa has already said he will visit Burma this month, but the date has not yet been set. He has said such things before, but he still has not visited Burma as the chair of Asean. It is thus imperative that he go there as soon as possible. But for him to go, he wants to see more positive signs from the regime beyond the current "road map". Otherwise, there is a possibility he will pass on this decision and let the incoming chair, Cambodia, carry the process forward if possible.

There is a high level of unease among the Indonesian leaders about Burma's overall attitude. Previous attempts, two years ago, between Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Burmese strongman, General Than Shwe, to communicate directly, did not work out as planned.

Obviously, at the moment, Burma needs Asean more than ever before. For the first time - after more than 14 years of membership in the regional grouping - it has shown willingness to work with Asean and the international community to improve Burma's image and promote reforms.

President Thein Sein realises now that there is a small window for him to assert himself locally and internationally. So, he must not miss the chance. If he succeeds, he will be the one who gets due recognition, as he is scheduled to meet all the leaders from Asean, the US, Russia, China, India, Australia, Japan and South Korea at the upcoming Bali summit. So, the stakes are very high for him as well as for Burma. http://www.asianewsnet.net/home/news.php?id=22538&sec=3
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New Burmese Govt 'Reformist and Open-minded': US
By LALIT K JHA Friday, October 7, 2011

WASHINGTON — The Obama administration on Thursday showered praise on Burma's new government, calling it reformist and open-minded, even as it conceded that it still had a long way to go.

“We are gratified that we have a more reformist, more open-minded government in Burma that we can work with. If that were the situation in Syria, then we would be in a different place,” the US State Department spokesperson, Victoria Nuland, told reporters at her daily news conference.

“The number one thing that has changed in Burma is we have a new set of leaders who are more willing to work cooperatively with the opposition,” Nuland said in response to a question.

However, she said, the recent signs of reform in Burma are just a start. “We don't disagree that there is a huge amount of work to be done in Burma,” she said.

“My point was simply that we have a new government in Burma that seems to be making more efforts than its predecessor in terms of engaging Aung San Suu Kyi and engaging civil society, in terms of thinking twice about things like the dam in the north that have been so controversial among the Burmese population. And we want to encourage that trend. And we are trying to do so,” she said.

Asked if Burma has been a topic of discussion with India and China, Nuland said that Secretary of State Hillary Clinton had spoken about the country with the Chinese and Indian ambassadors during bilateral talks on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly meeting in New York last month.

Meanwhile, prominent American senator John McCain commended the decision of the Burmese government to suspend the Myitsone dam project in northern Burma's Kachin State last week.

“I commend President Thein Sein and other government leaders in Naypyidaw for their bold and responsible decision to suspend construction of the Myitsone dam project, which has been estimated to do irreparable harm to the Irrawaddy River,” he said.

“More than any issue in recent memory, this project and its reportedly disastrous environmental impact have united the Burmese people in overwhelming public opposition,” the senator said.

McCain said it was to the credit of Thein Sein and his allies in government that, in the face of considerable internal and external pressure, they listened to the voice of the people and made a dramatic change in government policy for the sake of the public interest.

“This was a democratic act, and I hope the government in Naypyidaw will continue to respond to the peaceful will of the people to make additional positive changes in other areas,” McCain said.

In an interview with The New York Times, Derek Mitchell, the new US special envoy to Burma, also acknowledged recent evidence of reforms in the country.

“We’re going to meet their action with action. If they take steps, we will take steps to demonstrate that we are supportive of the path to reform,” said Mitchell, who spent five days in Burma last month and attended two meetings in New York and Washington last week between senior State Department officials and Burmese Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=22214
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Kachin Women’s Group Issues Report Detailing Human Rights Violations
By KO HTWE Friday, October 7, 2011

A Kachin human rights group has accused Burma’s regime of displacing over 25,000 villagers and deliberately targeting civilians in killings, torture and sexual violence during the past four months of fighting with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in Kachin State and northern Shan State.

“Burma’s Covered Up War: Atrocities Against the Kachin People,” a 20-page report issued by the Kachin Women’s Association of Thailand (KWAT) on Friday, claimed that displaced villagers sheltered in makeshift camps along the Burma-China border are facing severe shortages of food and medicine because the regime has blocked agencies working officially inside Burma from assisting them.

“Thousands of villagers from Kutkai who have been displaced in recent weeks, but denied refuge in China and are unable to access camps in KIA-controlled areas of Kachin State, have dispersed to towns, other villages and jungle hiding sites,” KWAT said in a press release on Friday.

“It is a long-term political problem. China has many interests in Burma so they are reluctant to accept refugees,” said Shirley Seng, a spokesperson for KWAT, at the organization’s press conference on Friday.

KWAT alleged that government troops have raped 37 women and girls between the ages of nine and 50 during the conflict, 13 of whom were killed.

“Our documentation team was deeply shocked at the details of these crimes. Some women were gang-raped in front of their families. In one case, soldiers slaughtered a woman’s grandchild in front of her before raping and killing her also,” said Seng.

“We cannot show who the victims are because we cannot guarantee their safety if we do, but we have evidence,” said Seng in response to a reporter’s question.

In addition, the KWAT report provided details regarding the number and location of other human rights violations committed by Burmese troops, including: torture and ill treatment; forced labor and portering; forced relocation; land mine injuries; and disappearance of local residents.

However, The Irrawaddy cannot independently verify any of these cases, and the Burmese government has not yet responded to the allegations.

The researchers who collected the data were trained by KWAT in human rights principles and standards for documentation and reporting, according to the KWAT report.

According to Hkawng Seng Pan, who also spoke at the KWAT press conference, the Burmese army has deployed nearly 13 battalions among the Kachin population of nearly 2 million.

Women's rights groups have long accused Burmese government soldiers of using systematic rape against ethnic women as a weapon and strategy to terrorize the ethnic population.

In 1994, the Kachin Independence Organization, the KIA’s political wing, signed a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese junta. However, tension between government troops and the KIA increased following the KIA’s refusal to join the government’s Border Guard Force.

In June 2011, clashes between the KIA and government troops broke out and fighting has continued since that time, with local residents often caught up in the conflict.

KWAT has urged the international community to abandon its “wait and see” policy with respect to Burma, bring increased pressure on the regime to end its military offensives and atrocities and provide urgently needed humanitarian assistance to the displaced Kachin.

“’Wait and see’ is a death sentence for us,” said Shirley Seng.

Since 1997, the Burmese regime has destroyed more than 3,000 villages and displaced over half-a-million civilians in eastern Burma, according to the Thailand Burma Border Consortium, an umbrella organization responsible for the distribution of aid at the Thai-Burmese border. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=22218
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No Progress in Talks Between NMSP, Mon Govt
By LAWI WENG Friday, October 7, 2011

Delegations representing the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and the Mon State government met in Ye Township on Thursday, but failed to make any progress in efforts to avert a return to hostilities, according to NMSP sources.

Nai Hong Sar Pon Khaing, a spokesperson for the NMSP, told The Irrawaddy on Friday that three leaders from the group—Nai Tala Nyi, Nai Baya Lai and Lt-Col Nai Hong Sar of the NMSP's armed wing, the Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA)—met a delegation led by Col Htay Myint Aung, the Mon State minister for security and border affairs, at a military base in Ye.

The spokesperson said that he could not provide any further details, but Nai Shwe Thein, an executive committee member of the NMSP, said the meeting was held in accordance with the group's policy of insisting that any formal talks must include other members of the United Nationalities Federation Council (UNFC), an umbrella group of ethnic militias, and must be held directly with Naypyidaw.

“Our delegation called for a nationwide ceasefire and political talks with the UNFC. Their delegation said it would will convey this message to Naypyidaw,” said NMSP Secretary Nai Hang Thar, adding that the meeting did not focus on his party.

Last month, Ohn Myint, the chief minister of Mon State, proposed to Naypyidaw to form a peace mission consisting of members of his cabinet, but the idea was rejected because the delegation was to be led by the Mon State minister of electric power and industry, Nai Lawi Oung, who is also a former NMSP central committee member.

“We heard that Naypyidaw turned down the Mon State government's peace mission proposal,” said Nai Kao Rot, a former deputy army chief who currently serves as a military adviser to the MNLA.

NMSP party leaders said that they would continue to support the UNFC's calls for inclusive talks directly with Naypyidaw, which wants one-on-one talks mediated by state governments.

This week's meeting was the first between the NMSP, which reached a ceasefire agreement with Burma's then military junta in 1995, and a government delegation since a new quasi-civilian administration assumed power in Naypyidaw in March.

The Burmese government has recently reached an agreement with two other ceasefire groups, the United Wa State Army and its ally, the National Democratic Alliance Army, in Shan State, aimed at avoiding the breakdown of a two-decade-old ceasefire agreement.
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=22219
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Thai PM Yingluck strengthens ties with Burma to renew border trade
By Zin Linn Oct 07, 2011 3:10PM UTC

At the invitation of Burma’s President Thein Sein, a delegation led by Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Thailand Ms. Yingluck Shinawatra arrived in Nay Pyi Taw on a goodwill visit to Burma (Myanmar) on October 5, the New Light of Myanmar highlighted in its editorial today. The president of Burma held a meeting with visiting Thai Prime Minister Ms. Yingluck Shinawatra and party at President’s Office in Nay Pyi Taw.

According to the government-owned New Light of Myanmar newspaper, Thai PM Ms. Yingluck discussed cooperation matters between the two countries, border affairs, border trade and future tasks for Burmese migrant workers in Thailand. The construction of the Thingannyinaung to Kawkareik road was also discussed.

President Thein Sein discussed cooperation between the two countries in the smooth implementation of Irrawaddy-Chao Phraya-Mekong Economic Cooperation Strategy (ACMECS) among Burma (Myanmar), Thailand, Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam, and promotion of trade and investment between the two countries.

Thailand has for decades served as a shelter for Burmese opposition activists fleeing political, ethnic and religious persecution. Border camps in Thailand hold an estimated 150,000 Burmese, thousands of them are unregistered. Another two to three million Burmese have slipped into Thailand proper to escape a shattered economy at home, providing low-cost labour for Thai businesses.

Thailand is so far Burma’s top foreign investor and depends on Burma for 20 percent of its electricity consumption, whilst importing a range of commodities from the military-run country.

A dispute between the two governments emerged in July 2010 after Burmese authorities closed their area of the Myawaddy passage, objecting to Thailand’s construction of a self-protective wall to prevent erosion on its side of the river.

The border trade and transport at the Mae Sot-Myawaddy border has been stopped since Burmese officials shut the border at the Thai-Burma Friendship Bridge across the Moei River and at over 20 cross-border trading ports since July 12, 2010.

During talks with Burma’s President, Ms. Yingluck urged mutual support to reopen the border checkpoint at Tak’s Mae Sot-Myawaddy as a way to improve trade and further economic cooperation. Ms. Yingluck also expressed Thailand’s policy of not letting any armed grouping to use its territory to launch any offensive against the Burmese government.

While Western countries have endorsed economic sanctions on Burma due to its deplorable human rights record, Asian countries like China, India and Thailand have established formal relationships and close economic ties. http://asiancorrespondent.com/66697/thai-pm-yingluck-strengthens-ties-with-burma-to-renew-border-trade/
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Detecting a Thaw in Myanmar, U.S. Aims to Encourage Change
By STEVEN LEE MYERS and THOMAS FULLER
Published: October 6, 2011

WASHINGTON — The United States is considering a significant shift in its long-strained relationship with the autocratic government of Myanmar, including relaxing restrictions on financial assistance and taking other steps to encourage what senior American officials describe as startling political changes in the country.

The American special envoy to Myanmar, Derek Mitchell, met with government and opposition leaders in Yangon last month.
The thawing, while in its early stages, follows a political transition in Myanmar after deeply flawed elections last year that nonetheless appears to have raised the possibility that the new government will ease its restrictions on basic freedoms and cooperate with the repressed opposition movement led by the Nobel laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

The new president, U Thein Sein, a former general who was part of the military junta that ruled the country for two decades, has in six months in office signaled a sharp break from the highly centralized and erratic policies of the past. Mr. Thein Sein’s government is now rewriting laws on taxes and property ownership, loosening restrictions on the media and even discussing the release of political prisoners.

The apparent shift offers the United States the chance to improve ties with a resource-rich Southeast Asian nation that after many years of semi-isolation counts neighboring China as its main ally. Last week, Myanmar’s new leadership unexpectedly halted work on a $3.6 billion dam strongly backed by China, prompting angry criticism from the Chinese government and the state-owned Chinese company that was building it.

The Obama administration, though skeptical, has responded to this new openness with a series of small diplomatic steps of its own, hoping that a democratic transition in Myanmar could bring stability and greater economic opportunities to the region at a time of increasing American competition with China over influence in Asia.

“We’re going to meet their action with action,” the administration’s newly appointed special envoy to Myanmar, Derek Mitchell, said in an interview. “If they take steps, we will take steps to demonstrate that we are supportive of the path to reform.” Mr. Mitchell spent five days last month in Myanmar, meeting with senior leaders in the government and opposition. That visit was followed by two meetings in New York and Washington last week between senior State Department officials and Myanmar’s new foreign minister, U Wunna Maung Lwin.

Mr. Wunna Maung Lwin, whose travel in the United States is normally sharply restricted, was the first foreign minister from Myanmar invited to the State Department since the military junta took power.

The motivation for the changes has baffled American officials and others, but Myanmar appears eager to end its diplomatic isolation and rebuild a dysfunctional economy that has trapped the country’s population of 55 million people in poverty, which the government acknowledged for the first time in Mr. Thein Sein’s inaugural address in March.

Members of Mr. Thein Sein’s government have since met several times with Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi, who was released from years of house arrest last November and whose name was so demonized by the previous junta that it was typically whispered in public. She, too, has expressed cautious support for what appears to be a political opening.

The government has also for the first time discussed with her and American officials the possibility of releasing hundreds of political prisoners, after years of denying there were any at all. The government has even assembled a list of those it is considering releasing. About 600 people are on it, though opposition leaders and diplomats say that there are nearly 2,000 political prisoners listed in a database compiled by an organization in Thailand. “We told the government we cannot accept their list,” said U Win Tin, a founding member of the National League for Democracy, Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi’s party. “We gave that message to the government, but we don’t know yet whether they will change their list.”

Even so, the senior administration official said that the mere acknowledgment that Myanmar held political prisoners reflected a significant shift in the new government’s attitude. Signals like that, even if tentative, have begun to win over skeptics who have seen false dawns before in Myanmar.

“It’s very exciting,” said Priscilla A. Clapp, who was the chief of mission at the United States Embassy in Myanmar from 1999 to 2002. “They are moving into a more pluralistic form of government. I wouldn’t call it totally democratic. But things are changing very rapidly.”

Ms. Clapp and others warned that the changes, which are exceeding expectations inside Myanmar and abroad, remained a work in progress. “Any transition this dramatic is a recipe for instability,” she said. “Anything can happen. There could be a coup, a counterrevolution.”

Senior Gen. Than Shwe, who led the junta for nearly two decades and stepped down in March, remains an uncertain factor in the tumultuous transition. It was under General Than Shwe’s leadership that the government carried out a deadly crackdown on protests led by Buddhist monks in 2007 and restricted foreign aid in the aftermath of a cyclone that killed more than 100,000 people.

The reasons that General Than Shwe ceded power to the current government have not been fully explained beyond the notion that he was ready for retirement. In leading the drive for reforms, Mr. Thein Sein appears to be siding with a younger generation of military officers who believe that maintaining the junta’s oppressive policies and hermetic attitudes toward the outside world would be a dead-end path for the country.

The decision by Mr. Thein Sein last week to suspend work on the giant hydroelectric dam on the Irrawaddy River was interpreted by many as a sign that the president was moving out from under the shadow of General Than Shwe.

Obama administration officials are now debating additional steps to support the nascent changes and encourage more, including the creation of a truly democratic political system and an end to violence against Myanmar’s ethnic minorities. The outreach is being closely coordinated with Congress, with other countries, including members of the European Union, and with Myanmar’s opposition.

“We’re not looking to move I think any faster than anyone else here,” Mr. Mitchell said. “I think we’re all looking to move step by step. We are going to test. There is no single point where we are absolutely certain that reform is going to be sustained and irreversible.”

Myanmar faces American sanctions first imposed in 1997 and expanded as recently as 2008. One hundred senior officials or businesses remain on the Department of the Treasury’s list banning any commercial trade. Lifting those sanctions would require new legislation in Congress. That is unlikely to happen unless Myanmar convinces its critics that its transformation is fundamental.

In the meantime, though, the administration is considering waiving some restrictions on trade and financial assistance and lifting prohibitions on assistance by global financial institutions, like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. An I.M.F. team is scheduled to visit this month for consultations on modernizing the country’s exchange rate system and lifting restrictions on international transactions.

Assistance like that is needed to overhaul what for years was a Soviet-style planned economy, where the military ran factories producing soap and bicycles. Ancient-looking cars still ride on potholed roads, and some buildings look as if their last coat of paint was applied during the days when Myanmar was a British colony, known as Burma.

Many in Myanmar remain unconvinced that genuine democracy has arrived.

“All these Western countries are hearing about some changes and they are very happy and keen,” said Mr. Win Tin of the opposition party. “I think that’s wrong. They should listen very carefully and wait to see whether what this government calls change is real and genuine.”

Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton echoed that caution. She recently noted what she called “welcome gestures” but raised a series of issues. “We have serious questions and concerns across a wide range of issues — from Burma’s treatment of ethnic minorities and more than 2,000 prisoners to its relations with North Korea,” she said, using Myanmar’s colonial name, which is official American policy.

She added that the day before she spoke, a 21-year-old journalist was sentenced to 10 years in prison in Myanmar.

Steven Lee Myers reported from Washington, and Thomas Fuller from Bangkok. http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/07/world/asia/united-states-aims-to-encourage-change-in-myanmar.html?_r=1&pagewanted=all
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China paper defends Myanmar investment
Fri Oct 7, 2011 12:04pm IST

BEIJING (Reuters) - Chinese projects in Myanmar spur economic growth and guarantee environmental protection, Chinese state media said on Friday, defending infrastructure investment there from public opinion it said had been hijacked by foreign press.

Beijing has pressed for an "appropriate solution" after Myanmar shelved plans for the $3.6 billion Chinese-backed Myitsone dam, slammed by opponents for forced relocation of residents and environmental damage.

"In recent years, Chinese companies have been active in building Myanmar's economy and have provided large amounts of advanced technology and equipment," the ruling Communist Party's official newspaper, the People's Daily, said.

The paper said a network of hydroelectric dams relieved power shortages and that bridges built across the Irrawaddy River would improve transportation and promote development.

"Looking at public opinion in Myanmar, as some non-government organisations do not trust the government and have been influenced by foreign media, very few present positive information regarding Chinese investors..." it said.

Experts from the two countries, the article said, had found the environmental impact to be "rather small".

China Power Investment Corp, which had been building the Myitsone dam project, met the demands of Myanmar's government and used World Bank and Asian Development Bank environmental impact assessment standards, the report said.

It had spent more than $25 million resettling people on the upper reaches of the Irrawaddy, creating a model for local village construction, the paper said.

"The people of Myanmar have clearly not received full and accurate information ... especially in regard to Chinese investors' fulfillment of social obligations and contributions to local society," it said.

Economic relations between China and Myanmar -- formerly known as Burma -- are booming, with trade rising by more than half last year to $4.4 billion. China's investment in Myanmar reached $12.3 billion, according to Chinese data.

Myanmar, under comprehensive sanctions by Western countries for human rights issues, also sees Beijing as an important diplomatic ally. The People's Daily report lashed out at the United States and Europe for those sanctions.

"Because of U.S. and European sanctions, Myanmar has received the least international development aid among so-called most impoverished nations," it said.

(Reporting by Michael Martina; Editing by Ron Popeski) http://in.reuters.com/article/2011/10/07/idINIndia-59760420111007
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