News & Articles on Burma-Monday, 18 April, 2011

News & Articles on Burma
Monday, 18 April, 2011
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Striking the right note on Burma
Can Burma create a genuine clean government?
Burma seeking to be the chairman of Asean in 2014
Will Thailand Send 140,000 Refugees Back to Burma?
Private schools on pilot run in Myanmar to formally open in June
EU suspends visa ban on Burmese FM
US appoints special envoy to Myanmar
Burma's Human Rights in 2010
Burma doesn’t deserve ASEAN Chair




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Striking the right note on Burma
Published: April 17 2011 18:50 | Last updated: April 17 2011 18:50

The generals who have run Burma since 1962 are said to be nervous about becoming too dependent on Beijing. Chinese companies are involved in some 20 energy projects including the construction of a 500-mile pipeline to pump oil and gas to landlocked Yunnan province. In border towns and cities such as Mandalay, Chinese money and influence are everywhere. For years, both the US and the European Union – which have imposed varying degrees of sanctions – have been losing sway over Rangoon.

It is still too early for the west to relax sanctions. That would look too much like a response to sham elections held last November. The poll nominally established a civilian parliament and a series of regional parliaments. But most of those returned in the heavily manipulated poll were close to the long-dominant junta. One quarter of seats were reserved for the military. The party of Aung San Suu Kyi, who won the 1991 Nobel peace prize, did not even run.

EDITOR’S CHOICE
EU relaxes curbs on Burmese ministers - Apr-12Burmese junta wary of China’s embrace - Apr-06In depth: Burma - Nov-08Parliament takes control in Burma - Mar-30Burma official opposition tries to straddle divide - Mar-30Suu Kyi warned over sanctions support - Feb-14Yet there is a case for eventually re-examining the west’s sanctions policy. To put it bluntly, these have not worked. If anything, isolating the country has played into the generals’ hands. Their grip on power, superficially at least, seems stronger than ever. Thanks to business dealings with China, India and Thailand, they are economically more secure. Ms Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy, now banned, has re-examined the sanctions issue, although its conclusion was that these were not hurting ordinary Burmese. Yet even the NLD, some of whose members secretly worry the sanctions policy may have driven them into a political cul-de-sac, has given some ground. Ms Suu Kyi, for example, is more relaxed about tourists visiting Burma so long as they avoid state-run tours.

Last week, the EU lifted travel and financial restrictions on four Burmese ministers and 18 vice-ministers who had minimal links to the military. The change was in line with efforts by the US to engage more. The Obama administration is seeking Senate approval to appoint a special US envoy. Contemplating more dialogue is not the same as lifting sanctions. Flawed as these may have been, the west should not think about relaxing them until the generals give some ground – for example, by releasing some of the more than 2,200 political prisoners. The changes announced by the EU strike a balance between opening a dialogue and keeping the generals isolated. They probably strike the right note.

Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2011. You may share using our article tools. Please don't cut articles from FT.com and redistribute by email or post to the web.
http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/dc7305b6-6917-11e0-9040-00144feab49a.html?ftcamp=rss#axzz1JrqDOQ77
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Can Burma create a genuine clean government?
Mon, 2011-04-18 01:02 — editor
ArticleBy - Zin Linn
April 17th is the New Year day in Burma or Myanmar. After four-day water-splashing festival – April 13 to 16 – here come to mark the traditional New Year on April 17, which is Burmese New Year day as always in line with the Burmese calendar.

At this moment, with a New Year spirit, Burmese people are waiting for a bright era earnestly how their new government will transform the country as well as its subjects. Burma’s new President Thein Sein made use of his inaugural address last month to illustrate his government’s reform agenda, promising ‘to open doors’ and ‘catch up’ with the outside world. So, people look forward to have the benefit of the fruits of economic development under President Thein Sein’s government.

During the days of State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) regime, the International Labor Organization (ILO) called on the military regime to get rid of the practice of forced labor in Burma, which has taken root for several years. However, the regime has no political will to prevent the use of forced labor. The setback is still at large and Thein Sein has the responsibility to end it.

Expressing the internal affairs policy line up, Thein Sein pledged to get better socio-economic conditions for the people, industrialize the economy, combat corruption, reinforce the law-courts and improve public health, education and media policy. However, without eliminating forced labor, it will be impossible for the government to establish economic developments in this poverty stricken country.

Actually, forced labor is a burden on the general population, pulling farmers away from attending to their farm works and children from school. It falls most heavily on landless laborers and the poorer strata of the population, which rely on labor hire for survival. The impossibility of making a living because of the forced labor is a frequent reason for fleeing the country.

So, if Thein Sein truly pledged to get better socio-economic conditions for the people, he should go along with the ILO’s plan and he also must listen to the complaints of the citizens who are still under the forced labor bondage.

Thein Sein also promised to put emphasis on, including amendments to existing laws that are against the constitution, occasionally increasing salaries and pensions, reviewing existing agriculture and employment laws and promulgating and amending laws on environmental protection.

His words are silky enough to pour into one’s ears. But, here comes a question about the Myitsone dam in Kachin state. Irrawaddy Myitsone dam is being constructed by the state-owned China Power Investment Corporation (CPI) jointly with Burma’s Asia World Company and the junta’s No.1 Ministry of Electric Power. The project was set in motion on 21 December 2009, despite heated protests by the Kachin people and environmentalists who fear severe ecological damage.

The Myitsone dam is one of seven dams on the headwaters of the Irrawaddy River in Kachin State. It will produce 6,000 MW of electricity. Most of the electricity produced by the dam projects will be sold to China. The Kachin people repeatedly appealed to the Burmese military leader, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, to stop the Myitsone dam project. But their request was ignored.

Now, this issue is in the hands of Thein Sein and the Kachin people have to watch his response on this dam issue carefully.

In the most important part of Thein Sein’s speech he said he would like to get along with various political parties, especially with politicians who have different outlooks and views.

He said, “I promise that our government will cooperate with the political parties in the parliaments, good-hearted political forces outside the parliaments and all social organizations. I would like to advise the political parties to work together … although they may have different outlooks and views”.

He also added, “I urge the parliament representatives of various political parties to follow the wishes of the majority and respect the wishes of the minority in accordance with democratic practices.”

On the contrary, he himself as prime minister of the previous junta aggressively banned the basic rights of citizen including freedom of speech, freedom of press and freedom of association.

People hope him of making a true clean government as he mentioned in his speeches. To be a clean government, he must enforce judiciary system first together with freedom of expression plus free press. Without freedom of expression and free press, the president cannot hear the voice of the grassroots or workers and farmers who are the majority of the nation.

According to an investigative report last month by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), there are at least 2,073 political prisoners in Burma’s prisons, reflecting the systematic denial of fundamental freedoms of expression, opinion and association. Burma has sentenced severe prison terms to thousands of political activists, monks, student leaders and journalists for their alleged involvement in politics.

To prove his words – cooperate with the political parties with different outlooks and views – Thein Sein has to think about releasing over two thousands political prisoners first of all in this New Year. Unless he releases political prisoners, people will not accept as true his entire speech.

Additionally, Aung San Suu Kyi has constantly called for a national reconciliation and publicly announced her will to cooperate with the military regime on improving the situation in Burma. She has repeatedly called for the release of all political prisoners as a sign of understanding.

According to political analysts, putting thousands of political prisoners in jail, Thein Sein’s imagination of ‘clean government’ plan will go nowhere. A ‘clean government’ has to allow fundamental human rights guaranteeing proper judiciary system.

- Asian Tribune - http://www.asiantribune.com/news/2011/04/17/can-burma-create-genuine-clean-government
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Burma seeking to be the chairman of Asean in 2014
Kavi Chongkittavorn
The Nation (Thailand)
Publication Date : 18-04-2011

Can Burma have its cake and eat it too? The answer rests with Asean. Right after the new civilian government was installed at the end of March in Naypyidaw, one of the first important tasks President Thein Sein did was to submit a letter to the Asean Secretariat stating Burma's readiness to take up the grouping's chair in 2014.

At the 11th summit meeting in Vientiane in November 2004, under pressure from colleagues and the international community, Burma skipped a chance to take the chair, citing domestic conditions, especially the absence of national reconciliation and dialogue with all stakeholders. What Burma did not know at the time was resumption of the chairmanship was not automatic!

Last week, when the newly appointed foreign minister Wunna Maung Lwin briefed the Asean foreign minister in Bangkok on the latest political situation inside his country, he also asked for the grouping's support to allow Burma to take the role of chairman. Burma wants Asean leaders to make a decision at the upcoming summit on May 7-8 in Jakarta so it will have sufficient time to prepare for the year-long chair in three years. However, several Asean countries still have reservations. Before Asean makes any decision on this matter, they have asked Naypyidaw to allow a delegate from Asean to visit the country to assess the latest situation and its readiness to take up the chair. Lwin could not decide and said he would take the matter back to the capital.

Since its admission in 1997, Burma has resisted repeated calls from Asean for national reconciliation, political reforms as well as hordes of other issues. As part of a family, Asean has quietly swallowed its pride and lived with its bruised reputation to render support for the brutal regime in Naypyidaw. At this juncture, Asean still holds the last bargaining chip, albeit very small, to salvage international standing of the group. At the Bangkok meeting, Singapore and Malaysia made it clear they wanted a credible Burma to chair Asean.

The new civilian government must show gratitude in concrete ways that the Asean support over all these years has been worth it. Furthermore, it must prove that it can initiate policy decisions independently from the strongman, General Than Shwe, through its new political process. A quick positive response to the grouping's overture for a fact-finding mission should be forthcoming after the traditional New Year festival. Otherwise, it would bode further ill feeling with Asean as well as weaken the grouping's call to end sanctions against Burma. Eventually, whatever decision the grouping takes will directly impact on a series of high-profile meetings and projects Asean has with its dialogue partners.

Obviously, given the current situation, nobody with the right mind would expect leaders from the US, the EU, Canada, Australia and New Zealand to go to Burma for a series of meetings - unless there were substantive changes in

people's livelihoods and overall reforms, especially those related to democracy and human rights. As such, Burma has a small window with a limited timeframe to showcase its new government - that its parliament is neither subservient to the military's machinations nor a sham.

Equally important, Naypyidaw needs to engage with the newly appointed US envoy on Burma, Derek Mitchell, who still awaits approval from the US Senate. Talks would serve as a barometer of Washington's renewed engagement on Burma. With Mitchell, issues related to nuclear proliferation - and Burma's with China and North Korea - would also be priorities. For the time being, it has to contend with the latest EU decision to renew sanctions for another year with an easing of travel and financial transactions for key Burmese civilian ministers. The EU, which is still divided over sanction issues, is willing to engage in further dialogue.

Essentially, the West is giving a trial run to Than Shwe's "end game" if the new government plays it well. After all, Thein Sein has the right mix - perceived as the least corrupt leader with some administrative experience. His inaugural speech was well received with elements of reform and calls for good governance. However, with a pacemaker and advanced age, whatever he chooses will have a bearing on his country and his legacy.

A timely response to overtures from Asean and the West would greatly boost the civilian government's credentials. If Thein Sein can seize the opportunity and deliver on key concerns such as the release of a large group of political prisoners - estimated at 2,100 - and come clean on nuclear proliferation, normalisation with the West and increased humanitarian assistance for health and education could come very fast this time. Both sides can no longer afford to misread each other's intentions and enthusiasm.

Of late, within the Asean inner circle, serious discussions continue unabated as to the grouping's future direction after the high-profile Indonesian chair this year. Will the US president come to the region for the East Asia Summit and the Asean-US leaders' Meeting in the future, not to mention other summits? Even Indonesia, as the world's third largest democracy and a proud chair, has difficulties with the White House negotiating the upcoming EAS summit timetables. The host wants it at the end of October, the White House has so far insisted on early November after the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation meeting in Honolulu. Just imagine what the US

attitude would be if other Asean countries took up the chair.

Cambodia and Brunei would come in as future Asean chairs in 2012 and 2013 respectively. Let's be realistic - nobody expects Obama to go to Phnom Penh next year or for that matter, if he is re-elected, to Brunei. Should Asean give the green-light to Burma's chair in 2014, the answer regarding the US is rather obvious. Furthermore, Laos has to acquiesce to Burma's request because it anticipates holding the seat in the same year following alphabetical rotation. Given past experience and growing confidence of this land-locked nation, Laos may not be in the mood to delay taking up the top post.

If Asean wants to stay relevant and sustain its centrality in the overall scheme of the region and beyond, it has to convince Burma, after failing to do so repeatedly, that the well-being of the Asean community very much rests in the hands of Burmese leaders, including shadow junta leaders. Again, in case there is still doubt in the minds of Asean leaders in the next few weeks, then it would be better off to defer the chair further until the next round in 2021. That would be a historic moment - 24 years of waiting before holding a summit!
http://www.asianewsnet.net/home/news.php?id=18486&sec=3
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Will Thailand Send 140,000 Refugees Back to Burma?
ROBERT HORN / BANGKOK Robert Horn / Bangkok –
Sun Apr 17, 12:00 pm ET

More than 140,000 refugees will be forced back to war-torn Burma unless Thailand's Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva shows a rare bit of backbone in dealing with his country's increasingly powerful security forces. Last week, the nation's head of security announced its intention to close nine refugee camps along the Thai-Burma border after elections were held in Burma last fall. The announcement drew sharp criticism from human rights groups and representatives of Burma's ethnic minorities who said the refugees would face persecution, torture, rape and worse if sent back to Burma under current conditions. "Burma is still a dangerous place - too dangerous for the refugees to return," says Sunai Phasuk of Human Rights Watch

Thailand has served as a safe haven for refugees from neighboring countries for four decades, sheltering hundreds of thousands over the years, from Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam and, most recently, Burma. Ethnic Karen, Shan, Mon and others have been spilling into Thailand since the 1980s when Burma's military regime began launching a brutal series of armed campaigns to bring ethnic regions fighting for autonomy under its control. The Burmese military has a documented record of burning villages, torture, rape, summary executions, forcing villagers to serve as porters for soldiers and to work in other forms of slave labor. (Read more about Burma's minorities.)

Echoing security leaders, Thai Government Spokesman Panitan Watanayagorn said recent elections in Burma "shows that things are beginning to improve." But with leading opposition figures such as Aung San Suu Kyi barred from running, and many ethnic groups disenfranchised by the military, Western governments and human rights groups have labeled the elections a sham.

Furthermore, fighting has intensified in recent months as Burma's army attempts to crush ethnic militias who have refused to lay down their arms. "There is fighting in Shan State and Chin State, not just in Karen State. It is very unstable and people are still fleeing," says Naw Zipporah Sein of the Karen National Union. Ethnic Karen make up the majority of the refugees who face returning. "Even when there is no battle going on, villagers are still rounded up for forced labor, raped, tortured, killed and have their property stolen by the Burmese army. They are still using villagers as human mine sweepers."

Government spokesman Panitan said Prime Minister Abhisit instructed security officials to prepare an evaluation of the situation before he would decide whether or not to shutter the camps. He says that there is no timetable for sending the refugees back to Burma, and for that to happen, two conditions must be met - "that the situation for them is safe, and that Burma will accept them." (See pictures of the refugees living in cities around the world.)

Sending the some 140,000 Burmese refugees back to Burma against their will will not do Thailand's humanitarian image any favors. Thailand's record of compassion has already been marred by actions that can only be described as heartless: in 1988 students who fled the slaughter of democracy protesters by Burma's military government were handed over to the junta by Thailand's then Defense Minister Gen. Chavalit Yongchaiyudh. In 1997, then Prime Minister Chavalit had Karen refugees, including women and children, pushed back into the path of a Burmese Army offensive.

In late 2009, despite international protests, Abhisit repatriated over 4,000 ethnic Hmong to Laos, where the ethnic minority's persecution has been well documented. Earlier that same year, the Thai military was accused of pushing Rohingya boat people who had fled from Burma back out to sea. Abhisit ordered the practice stopped, but allegations again surfaced recently that such incidents have continued.

Many expected that Abhisit, who is Oxford educated and has a more international outlook than his predecessors, would place humanitarian principles first in matters relating to refugees when he became prime minister in late 2008. Instead, his record of callousness rivals Chavalit's. "Abhisit's record on refugees has been a catalogue of violations of international refugee law," says Benjamin Zawacki of Amnesty International. Though Thailand has not signed the UN treaty that obliges its domestic laws to comply with the principle of non-refoulement, or not forcibly returning refugees back to harm's way in their home country, it is unusual for nations in good international standing to do so. "As a matter of customary international law, Thailand cannot forcibly return refugees to countries where they will face persecution. Abhisit's government has done that time and time again."

But it's the Thai military - not the prime minister - that appears to be calling the shots in the nation's security matters these days. Military leaders allegedly pressured members of parliament to elect Abhisit prime minister in December 2008, and he relied on the military to suppress street protests by opposition Red Shirts in 2009 and 2010. The military vetoed a Ministry of Foreign Affairs decision to allow international observers along the Thai-Cambodian border, where fighting erupted earlier this year. It has been accused of using cluster bombs that have been outlawed by international law, and has said it opposes signing the 2008 Convention on Cluster Munitions banning their use. More than 100 countries have signed the Convention. Thailand has yet to sign. (See pictures of the 2010 Red Shirt protests.)

Should he send the refugees back, Abhisit would be satisfying no one but the military; there has been no public outcry in Thailand demanding refugees be returned to Burma. Should he overrule the military, he may "find himself pitted against the same security forces he has previously been unable or unwilling to bring in line,'' Amnesty's Zawacki says. Unless Abhisit can prevail over the hardliners, his government will suffer another black eye it doesn't need. But those who will suffer most will be the refugees from Burma.
http://news.yahoo.com/s/time/20110417/wl_time/08599206539700
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Private schools on pilot run in Myanmar to formally open in June
April 18, 2011

Some private schools in Myanmar's Yangon, which were on pilot run for the academic year 2010-11, will formally open in June this year for the forthcoming 2011-12 academic year along with state-run schools, local media reported Monday.

The curriculum to be taught in these private schools was set to be the same as that prescribed for the state schools and the costume for students are fixed uniformly also as that of state schools, said the Weekly Eleven News.

According to the education circle, some private schools also provide teaching of English, English grammar and computer subjects during the summer holidays in addition to the regular syllabus.

Private schools are allowed to open for high school classes from 5th standard to 9th standard in Myanmar.

Myanmar's Ministry of Education last year granted 10 private- run high schools to run for the last academic year 2010-11.

The 10 pilot-run private high schools in Yangon region were listed as Maha Myagyuntha, Zinyaw, EC Education Center, Educational Palace, Success, N-3, Maths-Than Sein, Thein Naing ( Academic), Arr Mann, Shwe Pin Shwe Thi.

Myanmar has been implementing a 30-year national education promotion plan since 2001-02 academic year, guaranteeing that every school-age child can receive good access to education and every citizen complete basic education under a plan being implemented with the cooperation of regional authorities, social organizations and parents of the students.

Official statistics show that the number of basic education schools in the country has increased to 40,679 where a total number of over 8 million students are pursuing their education under the guidance of over 266,000 teachers.

Source: Xinhua http://english.people.com.cn/90001/90782/7353519.html
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EU suspends visa ban on Burmese FM

EU ministers also voted to suspend asset freeze on a number of cabinet ministers (Reuters)By AHUNT PHONE MYAT
Published: 18 April 2011
The European Union has said it will suspend for one year a freeze on assets and travel restrictions for high-ranking Burmese government ministers, including foreign minister Wunna Maung Lwin.

The announcement forms part of a review of EU policy to crisis-torn states, including Middle Eastern and African nations now caught in the midst of popular uprisings.

Its decision to relax tight restrictions on four ministers and 18 vice-ministers is, according to a statement released by the Council of the European Union, a sign that the EU is willing “to encourage and respond to improvements in governance and progress, in the hope that a greater civilian character of the Government will help in developing much needed new policies”.

The statement refers to elections in November last year that supposedly ushered in a new era of civilian rule in Burma, although critics have been quick to point out that the new government is overwhelmingly dominated by former junta officials.

It also said that the decision to lift a one-year suspension of the visa ban on Wunna Maung Lwin stemmed from his role “as an essential interlocutor”, perhaps signifying the EU’s aim for greater engagement with the new government. EU ambassador to Burma, David Lipman, told the BBC last week that the EU “recognised that there have been changes in the government”.

Prior to his appointment as the new foreign minister, Wunna Maung Lwin had been Burma’s ambassador to the European Commission. He left his post in the Burmese military a decade ago.

Khin Maung Swe, leader of the opposition National Democratic Force (NDF) party, said that the shift in policy might be tied to perceptions within the EU that blanket sanctions on Burma are not effective.

“We learnt immediately after the ending [a party discussion with EU officials] that they will reconsider some, if not all, of the issues they mentioned [regarding sanctions]. I believe this decision came from the idea that partial cooperation [with the government] is necessary for Burma.”

Since the government was sworn in last month with former prime minister Thein Sein as Burma’s new president, state media has regularly carried commentary and speeches from top officials asserting the transition to civilian governance.

Nyan Win, spokesperson for the disbanded National League for Democracy (NLD), said however that there has been little sign of tangible change on the ground.

“The government should carry out, and not just talk about, procedures to show they are really looking to change. If they do so, the EU may decide to ease more restrictions and if they don’t, then there will be consequences.”

The EU statement said its decision came after holding discussions with “a broad range of stakeholders, including civil society, opposition groups, ASEAN members and regional and international partners”.
http://www.dvb.no/news/eu-suspends-visa-ban-on-burmese-fm/15301
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Saturday, April 16, 2011
US appoints special envoy to Myanmar

President Barack Obama has appointed Derek Mitchell as a special envoy to Burma.

Currently at the Department of Defense, Mitchell is said by Washington media to be due to reinvigorate US policy on Burma's military-backed government.

He is expected to be the country's main interlocutor with Burma's rulers.

Earlier this week, the European Union relaxed some sanctions against members of Burma's government, signalling a more flexible approach by the West.

Mitchell has held several posts in the defence and state departments and at think tanks pertaining to South East Asia.

If the appointment is confirmed by the Senate, his formal title will be Special Representative and Policy Coordinator for Burma, with the rank of Ambassador, Department of State.
http://www.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=181807
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04-15-2011
Burma's Human Rights in 2010

Burma, a country of some 56 million people, is ruled by a highly authoritarian military regime that tolerates no opposition.

Aung San Suu Kyi was released from house arrest and has thus far remained free, although the government continues to deny her democratic opposition party, the National League for Democracy, legal status.

"Societies flourish when they address human rights problems instead of suppressing them," said Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in her introduction to the 2010 Human Rights Report. "We hope that this report will give comfort to the activists, will shine a spotlight on the abuses, and convince those in government that there are other and better ways."

This year marks the 35th year of the Human Rights Report, which is mandated by the U.S. Congress. As in past years, the 2010 report raises grave concerns about human rights abuses in Burma.

Burma, a country of some 56 million people, is ruled by a highly authoritarian military regime that tolerates no opposition.

According to the 2010 report, the regime continued to curtail the right of citizens to change their government. The regime detained civic activists indefinitely and without charges, harassed and curtailed their activities, and imprisoned political activists on trumped-up criminal charges.

While in government custody, prisoners were held under life-threatening conditions, were held incommunicado, and denied sufficient medical care.

Government security forces were responsible for extrajudicial killings, custodial deaths, disappearances, rape, and torture. The army continued its attacks on ethnic minorities, causing deaths, forced relocation, and other serious abuses. The government routinely infringed on citizens' privacy and restricted freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, religion, and movement.

The government of Burma did not allow domestic human rights nongovernmental organizations to function independently, and imposed grave restrictions on international NGOs.

Violence and societal discrimination against women and ethnic minorities continued, as did recruitment of child soldiers and trafficking in persons. Workers' rights remained restricted; forced labor persisted. The government took no significant actions to prosecute or punish officials responsible for human rights abuses.

Yet 2010 saw some positive movement in Burma. Aung San Suu Kyi was released from house arrest and has thus far remained free, although the government continues to deny her democratic opposition party, the National League for Democracy, legal status.

It remains to be seen whether the appointed nominally "civilian" government, will ease its iron grip on Burma’s government and civil society. Ultimately the international community will judge Burma's government not on what it claims to call itself, but on what actions it takes to address core human rights concerns.

"Where human rights matter, children grow up with the precious belief that they matter, too; that they should be able to live in dignity and shape their own destinies," said Secretary Clinton. "People everywhere deserve no less."
http://www.voanews.com/policy/editorials/Burmas-Human-Rights-in-2010-119945064.html
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Without respecting ASEAN Charter, Burma doesn’t deserve ASEAN Chair
By Zin Linn Apr 19, 2011 12:04AM UTC

The Burma question seems unresolved within the short-term as Asian leaders have no compassion towards the people of Burma who have been suffering hellish plights underneath an atrocious military dictatorship. Currently, they are collaborating with Thein Sein’s sham civilian government so as to exploit the resource rich country.

China may be more horrible than the ASEAN in protecting the rogue junta of Burma by using its veto in the UN Security Council. If China together with ASEAN countries were high-minded and unbiased nations, the question of Burma could simply be sorted out.

Particularly, the ASEAN doesn’t follow its well-founded principles and gives shelter only to the dictators in place of the oppressed people. It is the time for ASEAN to amend its manners and prove compassion on the people of Burma.

Kavi Chongkittavorn gives update of Burma and ASEAN in today ‘The Nation (Thailand)’. He said, “Last week, when the newly appointed foreign minister of Burma Wunna Maung Lwin briefed the Asean foreign minister in Bangkok on the latest political situation inside his country, he also asked for the grouping’s support to allow Burma to take the role of chairman.”

Khun Kavi says in his article, “Since its admission in 1997, Burma has resisted repeated calls from Asean for national reconciliation, political reforms as well as hordes of other issues. As part of a family, Asean has quietly swallowed its pride and lived with its bruised reputation to render support for the brutal regime in Naypyidaw. At this juncture, Asean still holds the last bargaining chip, albeit very small, to salvage international standing of the group. At the Bangkok meeting, Singapore and Malaysia made it clear they wanted a credible Burma to chair Asean.”

He also pointed out in his ‘Regional Perspective’ commentary - Burma seeking to be the chairman of Asean in 2014 – that Burma desires ASEAN leaders to come to a decision at the approaching summit on May 7-8 in Jakarta so as to have enough time organizing the year-long chair in three years. However, several ASEAN countries still have doubts. Before ASEAN makes any decision on this matter, they have asked Burmese Government to allow a delegate from ASEAN to visit the country to assess the latest situation and its readiness to take up the chair. Foreign Minister of Burma could not decide and said he would take the matter back to the head of state.

Khun Kavi’s comment exactly resembles the concern of Burmese people. The new Thein Sein led namesake civilian government may not possess independent decision-making power which is still in the hand of Senior General Than Shwe. The new Burmese civilian government ought to prove that it has complete self-sufficiency exclusive of military dictatorship.

But, as the Burmese FM Maung Lwin look as if a puppet, he cannot make a positive response to accept a delegate from Asean to visit the country to evaluate the latest situation and its readiness to take up the chair. Maung Lwin’s stance clearly illustrates the true picture of up-to-the-minute the military dominated country. ASEAN must be very careful to allow Burma as its chair in near future. If ASEAN has watchful eyes, it can easily see that as soon as the new civilian government was installed at the end of March in Burmese new capital, one of the first significant tasks President Thein Sein did was to propose a letter to the Asean Secretariat stating Burma’s willingness to adopt the grouping’s chair in 2014.

Here also, I do agree with Kavi Chongkittavorn’s recommendation that an immediate positive response to the grouping’s offer for a fact-finding mission should be useful after the traditional New Year festival. Without counting the facts on the ground, ASEAN should not support Burma’s propositions including the lifting of sanctions. Otherwise, it would deteriorate the grouping’s image due to irrational decision. Finally, what decision the grouping makes will directly impact on Asean since it has a series of prestigious meetings and projects with its dialogue partners.

On the other hand, the EU has softened down its stance with sanctions recently to show its willingness to fit into place in further exchange of ideas. The ASEAN should notice EU’s new move to disclose the important of dialogue. At the same time, ASEAN has to take note of the US’s new drive to engage Burma by assigning US envoy on Burma, Derek Mitchell, who still waits for backing from the US Senate.

Taking examples of the EU and the US, ASEAN itself should encourage its member Burma to prepare a national reconciliation talk among the Burma’s stake-holders. At this juncture, the most important thing ASEAN has to do is driving the new Thein Sein government to release all political prisoners as a sign of goodwill message not only to its own people but also to the International Community.

In brief, while dealing with Burma issue, ASEAN must stand for the ASEAN Charter that specifies the fidelity “to the principles of democracy, the rule of law and good governance, respect for and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms”.
http://asiancorrespondent.com/52696/without-respecting-asean-charter-burma-doesn%E2%80%99t-deserve-asean-chair/

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