News & Articles on Burma-Thursday, 21 April, 2011

News & Articles on Burma
Thursday, 21 April, 2011
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The Time Is Right to Appoint a U.S. Envoy to Burma
Canada eyes dialogue with new govt
US Pushes Asean to Reject Burma
Troops Alerted for Unrest: Leaked Documents
Family fears ex-army captain torture
Burma shuns Dhaka migrant conference
Suu Kyi Must Return to Her Strength
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Suzanne DiMaggio
Vice President of Global Policy Programs, the Asia Society
The Time Is Right to Appoint a U.S. Envoy to Burma

President Barack Obama recently nominated Derek Mitchell as the first U.S. Special Representative and Policy Coordinator for Burma. The appointment of an envoy to Burma, which was called for in U.S. legislation passed three years ago, is a positive step forward in the U.S.'s evolving policy of engagement toward Burma.

Mr. Mitchell is a smart choice for this new position. He currently is the principal deputy assistant secretary of defense for Asian affairs and previously was a foreign policy advisor to the Obama campaign, so he knows his way around the administration. He also knows Burma and the dynamics of the region well. The latter is especially important as it is clear that in order to improve conditions in Burma, the United States must find ways to a better coordinate its policies with other Asian countries. The post still needs to be confirmed by the U.S. Senate, but it is expected to pass without opposition.

The timing of Mr. Mitchell's appointment is a clear signal to Burmese leaders that the United States is serious about stepping up engagement. It comes on the heels of the official dissolution of Burma's ruling military junta into a quasi-civilian government. Although top military figures continue to hold on to leadership positions following the deeply flawed elections of November 2010 -- the recent swearing in of retired general Thein Sein as Burma's new president proves that -- it remains unclear to what extent new actors participating in the country's first parliament in over two decades and state legislatures will have room to maneuver.

At this moment of potential change, every effort should be made to ramp up dialogue with all facets of Burmese society and press for desperately needed reforms. Now with an envoy fully dedicated to Burma, the United States will be able to facilitate expanded engagement with a wide range of groups inside the country, including senior government officials, politicians and civil servants in the new ministries, opposition leaders, ethnic groups, as well as representatives from the private sector and nongovernmental organizations. Through expanded outreach, the U.S. should pursue measures designed to assist the process of developing more democratic institutions, both inside and outside government, and to encourage government capacity building.

Engaging Burma's neighbors will also be a key part of the job, especially in light of growing concerns related to Burma's reported nuclear ambitions and its troubling relationship with North Korea, greater instability along the Burmese borders as a result of military efforts to rein in insurgent groups, the continuing export of disease and refugees, and the trafficking of drugs and contraband across its porous borders.

Given that an international consensus has yet to emerge regarding approaches to Burma, the new envoy should focus on engaging China and India -- Burma's key military backers and trading partners -- as well as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to encourage reforms. Indonesia and other ASEAN countries, which once refused to criticize the internal affairs of its members, have developed both politically and economically to the point that they may have the will to press for change in Burma, a fellow ASEAN member. In particular, the envoy should focus on those ASEAN members that can bring the rest of the group along.

Another important part of the job will be to ensure that U.S. sanctions against Burma are better targeted toward corrupt political actors and their cronies, and not ordinary Burmese citizens. Related to this, the new envoy should lead an assessment of U.S. sanctions policy that takes into consideration the views of ASEAN, the E.U. and other key external and internal players.

At the same time, the envoy should continue to develop means of reaching the Burmese population directly through assistance programs. In the past few years, U.S. humanitarian assistance to Burma has expanded rapidly in response to dire humanitarian needs -- particularly in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis in 2008. Supporting the growth of civil society and community development as well as small holder farmers and small- to medium-sized businesses should be a priority.

To be sure, the changes in Burma so far have been more rhetorical than substantive. It may be years before the real significance of the developments underway becomes apparent. With an envoy in place, the US will be able to act quickly and flexibly to both opportunities and obstacles and take a lead in pushing the new government to move in a positive direction. As a reinforcing step, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon should follow Mr. Obama's lead and name a full time U.N. envoy to Burma. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/suzanne-dimaggio/the-time-is-right-to-appo_b_851537.html
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Canada eyes dialogue with new govt
By AFP
Published: 21 April 2011

Governor General David Johnston [r] sits alongside Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper (Reuters)

Canada’s governor general on Wednesday accepted the credentials of Burma’s first ambassador to be posted to Ottawa in years, saying Canada looked forward to talks with him on human rights.

The appointment of U Kyaw Tin, a career diplomat once previously posted to Ottawa, is the first since Burma’s military regime disbanded.

His accreditation “will provide us with more opportunities to communicate our key interests and concerns,” Governor General David Johnston said in a speech.

“Canada looks forward to engaging with you on important issues of human rights, democratic development, and the rule of law during your tenure as ambassador,” he said. “These issues are of fundamental importance to Canada, both at home and abroad.”

Burma has not had representation in Canada since its last ambassador was recalled in 2004. Canadian diplomats operated from high commissions in Malaysia and Bangladesh and more recently from an embassy in Thailand, when dealing with Burma.

Burma’s ruling junta officially disbanded this month, giving the country a nominally civilian government for the first time in nearly a century. But many analysts dismissed the move as top junta figures remain firmly in leadership positions, albeit without their uniforms.
http://www.dvb.no/news/canada-eyes-dialogue-with-new-govt/15344
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US Pushes Asean to Reject Burma
By LALIT K JHA Wednesday, April 20, 2011

WASHINGTON—The Obama administration has said it is unwilling to work with the Association of South East Asian Nations (Asean) with Burma as its chair, given its poor track record on human rights and democracy.

The US government's views in this regard are being conveyed to Asean members at a time when Burma has intensified its bid to take on the chairmanship of the regional bloc in 2014.

“I mean, obviously, we would have concerns about Burma in any kind of leadership role because of their poor human rights record and domestically, I don’t have any more comment beyond that,” the State Department spokesman, Mark Toner, told reporters at his daily news conference.

Toner was responding to reports that the new civilian government in Burma has submitted a letter to the Asean Secretariat stating its readiness to take up the group's chair in 2014. At the 11th summit meeting in Vientiane in November 2004, under pressure from colleagues and the international community, Burma missed the chance to take the chair.

Burma wants Asean leaders to make a decision at the upcoming Jakarta summit on May 7-8, so it will have sufficient time to prepare for the year-long chair in three years time.

However, US officials said the Obama administration's position is clear—that unless Burma improves on its human rights records and addresses the issue of real democracy in the country, it will be tough for the international community to work with Asean if Burma plays a leadership role.

The State Department said it hoped that the nomination of a new special US representative to Burma by the US president last week would give fresh impetus to its policy on Burma.

“Hopefully, it will add new impetus to our outreach to Burma. But also, again, this is an individual who can also underscore our deep, deep concerns about the authoritative rule there,” Toner said when asked about the special US representative to Burma.

Meeting the long pending demand of his lawmakers, Obama, last week nominated diplomat Derek Mitchell as his special US representative on Burma. A well-known South East Asia hand, Mitchell will hold an ambassadorial rank in this capacity.

Currently the principal deputy assistant secretary of defense for Asian and Pacific security affairs at the Department of Defense, Mitchell still has to undergo the rigorous confirmation process of the US senate before he can take on the new position.

“Whenever you name a senior official like this to do something, to lead our efforts in Burma, it elevates the initiative,” Toner said. “But we remain committed to our two-track approach to Burma and the engagement door does remain open.”

Meanwhile Surin Pitsuwan, the Asean secretary-general, told Japanese newspaper Asahi Shimbun on Monday that US approval may hold the key to the bloc's decision on Burma's chairmanship.

He said the leaders of other Asean members will decide the matter, adding that the opinions of East Asia summit members will likely be respected.

Japan, China, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand and India are among the 16 members of the East Asia Summit alongside the 10 Asean member states.
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=21138
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Troops Alerted for Unrest: Leaked Documents
By WAI MOE Wednesday, April 20, 2011

The office of the Commander in Chief (Army)—also known as the Ka Ka Kyi—alerted security forces to guard against potential unrest in the wake of African and Middle Eastern pro-democracy demonstrations.

Military documents leaked to The Irrawaddy also reveal that the regime believes the main opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party was attempting to influence its troops.

The Ka Ka Kyi sent three separate orders to military commands across the country on April 5 which referred to top level Tatmadaw (armed forces) meetings in Naypyidaw on March 21, 28 and April 1.

During the March 21 meeting, the Chief of Staff (Army, Navy, Air Force) said that broadcasts of the “political unrest in Africa and the Middle East”—including TV stations and internet social media such as Facebook—as well as “powerful countries” were involved in forcing military intervention there.

Therefore the armed forces must be aware of the situation and ready to respond immediately with military action if something similar was to occur in Burma, he added.

According to the leaked documents, the Chief of Staff also said that security forces must deter the NLD and other opposition groups from contacting and organizing military personnel.

He also warned to prevent officials and other ranking soldiers from attempting to supplement their military salaries by contacting exiled persons and groups for additional benefits.

During the meeting at the Ka Ka Kyi on March 28, the Chief of Staff (Army, Navy, Air Force) also warned that “the activities of some political parties and the disbanded NLD have been increased,” and so troops must seek out information in advance and be ready for a crackdown if something happens.

The Ka Ka Kyi orders included a warning against officers and other ranks from going out at night, saying that soldiers were getting into accidents and even dying while outside their bases after hours.

The military documents did not mention the names of the Commander in Chief of Armed Forces and the Chief of Staff (Army, Navy, Air Force) but just their titles. But Min Aung Hlaing was publicly confirmed as the Commander in Chief—promoted from Chief of Staff— on March 30 during the cabinet swearing ceremony at the Parliament along with his deputy Lt-Gen Soe Win.

Despite remaining the most powerful man in Burma, Snr-Gen Than Shwe’s precise role is kept secret in Naypyidaw. But military sources confirm that Than Shwe remains the principle decision maker on key military and government issues, and that general staff officers such as Maj-Gen Nay Win, Brig-Gen Soe Shine and Col Myint Kyi still assist his command.

For the first time since the new regime led by President Thein Sein was sworn in on March 30, Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye—No.2 top ranking official of the military junta—represented the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), at Thingyan festival in Mandalay.

Although Maung Aye’s appearance at the opening ceremony of the Mandalay mayor’s water pandal on April 13 was not reported in the state run newspapers, he attended the event as a VIP.

Witnesses in Mandalay said that all present military officers—including Mandalay Chief Minister ex-Lt-Gen Ye Myint and Mayor Phone Zaw Han—treated him like a current official even though his position of deputy Commander in Chief of Armed Forces was transferred to Lt-Gen Soe Win on March 30.

“He seemed to still have power because all the generals and ministers treated him with great respect,” said an editor with a local journal who spoke on condition of anonymity. Witnesses also said current officials were kept waiting until Maung Aye arrived for the opening ceremony.

While the Burmese state media reported on Thingyan festival generally, it highlighted events in Kyaukse—Than Shwe’s home town within Mandalay Division. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=21142
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Family fears ex-army captain torture
By AYE NAI
Published: 21 April 2011

A former army captain turned charity worker who was arrested earlier this month by Burmese intelligence may have been tortured during interrogation, his family has told DVB.

The location of Nay Myo Zin and the reasons for his arrest on 2 April have been kept hidden from family members, who recently sent a letter of complaint to Burmese President Thein Sein.

Nine days after his arrest, police blocked an attempted visit by his parents and brother to the Aungthabyay interrogation centre in Rangoon where he was rumoured to have been taken. Little information about him has since surfaced.

“The police supervisor, U Shwe Linn, said my son was mentally weak, although he has a big body,” said Nay Myo Zin’s mother, Khin Thi. “I can’t imagine how badly they are torturing him.”

The 36-year-old had been volunteering at a Rangoon blood donation group started in 2009 by Nyi Nyi, a member of the National League for Democracy.

Groups such as these that operate outside state-run initiatives are often viewed with suspicion by the government, which has been known in the past to jail civilian relief and charity workers.

The family say they are suffering under the strain of his detention. Nay Myo Zin’s wife was undergoing “mental” difficulties, his brother, Khin Maung Htwe, said.

“Their child has also suffered a lot. As a young child, the family have had to sooteh him a lot. Now I’m taking responsibility for two families as my brother is in this situation.”

Arrested three days after Burma’s new president was sworn in, Nay Myo Zin becomes the first so-called ‘political’ detainee of Burma’s nominally civilian government.

Nay Myo Zin resigned from his army post in 2005 and has since been an active charity worker and relief worker. Khin Maung Htwe said his arrest was unlawful and called on the government to release him.

His mother earlier told DVB that he had left the army on his own volition because “he didn’t enjoy it there… He is a morally strong kid who is very devoted to charity work but [has] no involvement in politics”.

Under Burmese law, the family of a detained person has the right to know their whereabouts after 24 hours, although this is often ignored.
http://www.dvb.no/news/family-fears-ex-army-captain-torture/15351
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Burma shuns Dhaka migrant conference
By JOSEPH ALLCHIN
Published: 21 April 2011

A migrant labourer from Burma works on a piece of furniture at a shop in the Thai border town of Mae Sot (Reuters)

Burmese government officials remained absent this week from a major regional conference for migrant-sending nations in Dhaka, despite an estimated 10 percent of Burma’s population travelling abroad to work.

The conference, named “Migration with Dignity” and part of the Colombo Process, is an attempt by 11 migrant-sending countries such as Bangladesh, Thailand, Nepal, India and Cambodia to improve coordination and protection of migrant workers.

This year focused on domestic workers, “one of the most vulnerable categories of migrant workers who work in isolation and are not covered by domestic law”, according to Dr Chowdury Abrar, professor of international relations at Dhaka University.

Burma sends millions of workers to both Thailand and Malaysia, which as major receiver nation attended in an observer capacity, as did the United Arab Emirates.

Also included in this year’s meeting, the first in five years, were a number of civil society representatives, primarily from the Migrant Forum in Asia, a network of NGOs represented by Abrar.

“We are exalting our own governments to get their acts together” Abrar told DVB, because, he believes, sender governments are often afraid to bring up rights issues with receiver nations over fears about bargaining from a “perceived weak position”.

The lack of formal arrangements with Burmese labour was seen as one reason why Burma was absent. But “at the end of the day you are talking about protecting the rights of migrants with a state that does not protect or honour and provide minimum protection or rights to its own citizens”, Abrar said.

Burma’s new constitution does have a provision for the right of association. Its implementation however is not considered a realistic possibility for the millions of Burmese who migrate for work, says Phil Robertson from Human Rights Watch. He notes that whenever Burmese migrant workers are asked if they sought help from their embassy, they laughed. Roberston instead describes the regime as “predatory”.

Jackie Pollock of the Thailand-based Migrant Assistance Program (MAP) said that “it has been deliberate policy [from the Burmese government] because they haven’t acknowledged the vast majority who left the country. As far as the Burmese are concerned, they didn’t exist”.

She said the government was afraid “because if they really start talking to migrants and providing services then they have to talk about people’s rights and protecting them, and if they do that overseas then they have to do that at home”.

Abrar sees “a definite need for collaboration and to harmonise policies, and to be more rights-oriented and not just see their migrants as economic agents”.

Pollock notes however that co-ordination in migrant rights is important for the future of Burma as roughly 10 percent of the country travel abroad for work. These people receive little additional skills and return home “exhausted”, and thus unable to help in the development of the nation.

There are thought to be several million migrants in Thailand alone, with working conditions routinely exposed as being almost prison-like. Tight restrictions are often placed on the movement and political association of migrant workers.
http://www.dvb.no/news/burma-shuns-dhaka-migrant-conference/15355
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EDITORIAL
Suu Kyi Must Return to Her Strength
Wednesday, April 20, 2011

When Aung San Suu Kyi emerged from her home last week to greet well-wishers during Burma's New Year water festival, revelers chanted “Happy New Year Aunty Suu� and “Long live Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.� Hundreds stopped their cars and got out to shake her hand.

Despite all the attention and accolades she receives from international heavyweights, and the undeniable importance of garnering worldwide support for her cause, it is the people of Burma that form Suu Kyi's base.

Her primary strength lies not in the people she must cater to for international pressure on Snr-Gen Than Shwe (who despite having officially “retired� continues to pull the strings of the new government) and the rest of the junta leaders, but rather in the people she represents and whose hopes and aspirations she inspires.

Suu Kyi's top priority right now should be to reunite and reinvigorate the disparate groups that make up Burma's opposition movement and inspire the country's oppressed masses to once again actively participate in the cause of freedom and democracy.

The reason for this is simple: If Burma's pro-democracy and human rights movement continues to splinter and bicker, and if the people become further disillusioned with the lack of tangible progress, then all the international support in the world will be without meaning.

We all must recognize that the task she faces is daunting and probably the most difficult challenge she has faced yet—which speaks volumes given her years under house arrest and two decades battling the regime.

In 1988, when she first stood at the base of Shwedagon Pagoda and spoke to the people of Burma, she was throwing inspirational gasoline on an already raging bonfire of anger and protest. People believed and had hope that things could change. They were ready and willing to rise up, and she provided leadership and moral guidance.

Today, however, the situation is much different. Suu Kyi must bring together the branches of an opposition movement that have been broken and scattered by the political storms, and reignite the fading embers of passion in her core supporters who have become cynical about the possibility of real change in the foreseeable future.

In order to do so, there are several initial steps she can take inside Burma.

First, she must continue her calls for reconciliation at every level and do everything in her power to work towards that goal. She has already taken the bold move—in the face of heavy criticism—of meeting opposition and ethnic leaders who were once NLD party members and/or supporters but decided to defect to contest in the 2010 election.

We think this is a step in the right direction, because she is the one person who has the clout to deflect the inevitable pot shots that will be thrown from both sides at anyone who works towards unity in the opposition movement.
In addition, Suu Kyi must heed the critics who warn that “the enemy is within� her own camp, not only with the junta. The NLD is no longer the same party that faced down the military in 1988 and won the election in 1990 by a landslide. It has become an aging and sluggish organization that many observers feel is out of touch with its younger generation of supporters.

In short, while respecting the contribution and experience of the NLD's top hierarchy, Suu Kyi must take the lead in reforming her own party. Until this happens, the party will not legitimately be able to help reform the country.

To make progress in this direction, Suu Kyi must surround herself with a mostly new team of good, wise and dedicated advisors. She must inject new blood into her own party—bringing into the fold and promoting to prominence those who can advise her on issues such as foreign relations, health, education, ethnic conflicts, human rights, trade and investment and military affairs.

Only then will she be able to form a new opposition strategy that reflects the current political, economic and social environment in a way that inspires her supporters to become active in the cause.

In addition, Suu Kyi must delegate responsibility to the new members of her team in order to develop the next generation of opposition leaders that are capable of doing political battle with the generals.

Much has been said of her unwillingness to ask the aging NLD leaders to step aside, which in large part stems from Burmese culture rather than lack of will. But for these same cultural reasons, the NLD elders must themselves recognize that the party and the opposition movement need them to put personal feelings aside, move into an advisory role and let a new generation of leaders emerge from their shadow.

In addition, Suu Kyi and her team must increase their efforts to reconcile with approachable members of the newly installed military-dominated government. While it may not be possible to change the hardened hearts and narrow minds of the top generals, there are government servants and military personnel who admire her and listen to her voice for change.

If Suu Kyi can convince those inside the new government that have some power but lie outside the upper echelon that they have much to gain in a free and democratic Burma and much to lose if the country continues on its oppressive road to ruin, then she will have taken maybe the most important step towards true national reconciliation and real change—for the first time there will be people both inside and outside government pulling on the same oar.

Last but definitely not least, despite the security concerns it is perhaps time for Suu Kyi to begin to test the waters of her supposed “freedom.�

Upon her release, Suu Kyi said she wanted to listen to the people. She has done so—meeting with many of her supporters, young pro-democracy leaders, politicians, local NGO representatives and members of civil society groups—but most of these discussions have been behind closed doors and all have been in Rangoon.

With the new government having just been sworn in and the regime wanting to maintain the facade of increased respectability it has developed with some in the international community, Suu Kyi might now be able to spend more time on the streets with her supporters and venture outside the former capital to campaign for reconciliation.

Becoming more visible inside Burma, as opposed to in the international media, could actually do more than anything to bolster Suu Kyi's international standing.

Many of the diplomats and others in the world community whom she has met since her release don’t really know Suu Kyi and Burma. They weren't around in the late 1980s when she rallied the masses at the Shwedagon Pagoda, in the early 1990s when she gave weekend speeches at the gate of her lakeside home that drew thousands of people, or later when she risked her life in places like Depayin to meet supporters throughout the country.

As a result, the opinions of Suu Kyi voiced by the myriad international visitors she has received have been mixed—she and the senior NLD are well aware that some of the behind-the-scenes comments by diplomats who spoke and posed for pictures with her have been lukewarm.

But to truly understand and appreciate both Suu Kyi and those she represents, these new international friends, as well as the skeptics, need to see her out there playing to her strength—the people of Burma.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org
http://www.irrawaddy.org/opinion_story.php?art_id=21139

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