「変化なければ次も不参加」＝総選挙、条件で柔軟姿勢も―スー・チーさん電話会見
時事通信 12月3日(金)14時7分配信
【バンコク時事】先月13日に自宅軟禁を解除され、7年半ぶりに自由の身となったミャンマーの民主化運動指導者アウン・サン・スー・チーさん（65）が3日までに、時事通信の電話インタビューにヤンゴンの自宅で応じた。スー・チーさんは総選挙について、状況が現在と変わらなければ、今後も参加は難しいとの意向を明らかにした。
先月7日に行われた総選挙は、スー・チーさん率いる最大野党国民民主連盟（NLD）がボイコットし、民主化勢力は惨敗した。スー・チーさんは、今後参加するには状況の改善が必要と指摘。一方で、「厳しい条件を付けてきたわけではない。交渉の中で話し合っていけばいい」と柔軟な姿勢も示した。
Saturday, December 4, 2010
変化なければ次も不参加」＝総選挙、条件で柔軟姿勢も―スー・チーさん電話会見
News & Articles on Burma-Friday, 03 December, 2010
News & Articles on Burma
Friday, 03 December, 2010
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Washington's Burma policy isolates ... Washington
Shan party considers pushing human resources bill
USDP turns eyes to Shan state
Regime Reinforces Troops, Weapons in Kachin State
Captured Karen troops ‘executed’
Myanmar change to include non-participants in polls: UN
Nambiar asks for wider representation in Myanmar
UN Faces Hurdles As It Seeks Mediator’s Role in Burma
Burma: Elections Offer Few Answers
Aung San Suu Kyi has shown that goodness can sometimes be enough
New Zealand MP speaks with Suu Kyi
Aung San Suu Kyi asks New Zealand for support
After the elections
Burma off Security Council agenda
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Washington's Burma policy isolates ... Washington
By Stanley A. Weiss
Friday, December 3, 2010
The recent release of Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest, after deeply flawed elections that allowed the military in Myanmar, also known as Burma, to tighten its half-century-long grip on the country, raises numerous political questions: What comes next for her? Will the ruling junta engage her newly reconstituted National Democracy Party? Will other political prisoners be freed?
While political headlines are filled with uncertainty, recent business headlines are not. It was reported last month that Chinese companies had invested $10 billion in Myanmar's economy from January through May. A Thai-Italian partnership signed a $10 billion contract Nov. 2 to build a massive industrial zone on Myanmar's coast - a project that Myanmar's dictator, Senior Gen. Than Shwe, reportedly views as "an experiment in opening the largely state-controlled economy." More than 30 companies, from Russian to Indian to French, are engaged in oil and gas exploration across Myanmar.
Yet while American companies' interest in doing business in Myanmar has increased, Reuters reported last month, Western sanctions continue to prevent American participation.
Washington's claim on the moral high ground is admirable, if one sets aside the fact that the only people who continue to suffer from Western sanctions are the 50 million people of Myanmar. After nearly two decades of U.S.-led sanctions that have sought to isolate Myanmar's military rulers, it is increasingly clear that the only nation really isolated in Southeast Asia today is . . . America.
By refusing to engage Myanmar because of its repressive practices, Washington has forced that country's leaders - who have no idea how to construct a modern economy - to emulate the nearest successful model: China. Than Shwe recently said as much, proclaiming his desire to "emulate China's remarkable . . . transformation into one of the most successful capitalist stories ever."
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A longtime American observer of Myanmar who was recently in Southeast Asia told me: "A senior official from one country said, 'Our people won't even buy your jeans anymore, such is the grass-roots backlash. By abandoning the people of Myanmar to China, you Americans have squandered moral stature as the world's savior.' "
But that perception could still be changed, he added. "The real issue in Myanmar lies in the business sector. This is where Yankee ingenuity can lead by example."
With the election over, America should do four things:
First, recognize that further sanctions mean surrendering Myanmar to China. There is a good reason sanctions haven't worked: Too many others don't recognize them. The dissident news agency Mizzima reported in July that from 1988 to early 2009, Myanmar attracted foreign investment worth $15 billion. In 2011-12, according to the Irrawaddy news agency, the junta expects foreign investment to top $16 billion.
For China, which recently approved $90 billion in soft import-export loans for the junta, Myanmar represents a wealth of natural resources as well as direct access to the Indian Ocean - which is why Beijing is building oil and gas pipelines from Kunming, in southwest China, to the port of Kyaukpyu in Myanmar. By 2012, they will carry 85 percent of China's imported energy.
If the U.S. response to last month's elections is, as rumored, a ban on U.S. dollar transactions with Myanmar, "China would have a blank slate in Myanmar for years to come," says the longtime observer.
Second, focus on capacity building. Myanmar's economy was neglected for decades. Efforts have been made recently to build up foreign reserves, improve dialogue with international financial institutions and issue bonds to finance the nation's 2009-10 budget deficit (a departure from its practice of printing money).
Washington should work with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to build capacity in Myanmar - starting with governance training for newly elected leaders and the revival of the financial sector. ASEAN has incentive to participate: Myanmar, a member, remains the biggest hurdle to a U.S.-ASEAN free-trade agreement and to ASEAN's goal of regional economic integration by 2015.
Third, rebuild the agricultural sector. Seventy percent of Myanmar's people live in rural areas, and agriculture accounts for 40 to 50 percent of gross domestic product. Before World War II, Myanmar was the world's biggest exporter of rice. Misguided government policy has squandered that legacy. America should work with the U.N. Development Program and ASEAN to help build a bank-based rural credit system to bring Myanmar's rice economy into the 21st century.
Fourth, link the West's economic sanctions to Myanmar's economic policies. Currently, Western sanctions will be lifted only if political benchmarks are met. Those carrots have proved ineffective. They might be productive, however, if linked to economic concerns such as respect for private property, the lifting of arbitrary restrictions on private business and the creation of a working credit system. Economic benchmarks led to political change in Korea, Indonesia and Singapore. For Western companies eager to enter new markets, it could be a huge opportunity.
A century ago, Myanmar's economy was the region's crown jewel. Korea and even China considered it a role model. The recent election was deeply flawed, but it provided hope for a new beginning. It's time to end the U.S. isolation in Southeast Asia and engage Myanmar.
The writer is founding chairman of Business Executives for National Security, a nonpartisan organization based in Washington.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/12/02/AR2010120205215.html?nav=rss_opinion/columns
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Shan party considers pushing human resources bill
Friday, 03 December 2010 17:03 Hseng Khio Fah
The Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP), the second winning party in Shan State is considering drafting a human resources bill to bring before the first legislature in 22 years, according to a party executive committee member.
“Our country is weak in human resources. For instance, our education is poor and our people’s political awareness is low. Another one is health care problem. These are the basic factors that we need to develop,” a CEC who asked not to be named said.
The party will further propose that ethnic nationalities’ cultural and literary activities to be allowed conduct freely.
According to him, SNDP will work together with any party by peaceful means on the basis of equality and conciliation, not confrontation which does not mean that it will work as a subordinate to any party.
“Those are our first priorities that we are planning to discuss in our coming meeting,” the member said.
The SNDP plans to hold its meeting in Shan State South’s capital Taunggyi for 5 days from 11 to 15 December. The first two days 11-12 December will be CEC meeting and the rest will be meeting with members from all over the country.
“Everything is new experience for us. So we need to be well prepared. We are also planning to expand our CEC from 15 members to 21 members,” Sai Hsawng Hsi, vice-chairman of SNDP said.
Recently Industry Minister No. 2 Aung Thaung, the Union Solidarity Development Party mission and Construction and No. 2 Electric Power Minister Khin Maung Myint met SNDP members in Muse and afterwards met with Sai Hsawng Hsi and Sai Kham Kyaw, SNDP Kyaukme township branch chairman in Lashio. Chairman Sai Ai Pao had also reportedly met with USDP general secretary Htay Oo in Rangoon on November 16.
“They were meetings to promote friendship between us before the parliamentary sessions begin,” said Sai Hsawng Hsi. “They [USDP members] also agreed everything will go smoothly when we work together in the parliament if we know each other first.”
The SNDP won 57 out of 156 seats contested: 50 in Shan State, 6 in Kachin State and 1 in Mandalay Region.
http://shanland.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=3346:shan-party-considers-pushing-human-resources-bill&catid=85:politics&Itemid=266
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USDP turns eyes to Shan state
By NANG KHAM KAEW
Published: 3 December 2010
The victorious party in Burma’s recent elections has met with a prominent Shan party days after analysts claimed it was looking to court ethnic groups prior to taking power.
The Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), led by Burmese prime minister Thein Sein, won 76 percent of the November vote, giving it a clear majority in parliament.
But this appears to have done little to ease concerns about the clout of ethnic parties in a country where more than 30 percent of the population is non-Burman. USDP representatives this week courted an Arakanese party as speculation emerged of a possible power-sharing deal, mirroring similar rumours that circulated after its meeting last week with the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP).
“The USDP’s secretary Htay Oo proposed a good-will meeting so our chairman [Sai Ai Pao] went to see them,” said Saw Than Myint, the SNDP’s MP-elect in Kachin state. “They want to become friendly with ethnic parties that will become part of the parliament.”
He said however that the two parties “did not discuss forming an alliance – it’s a bit early for that”, with the first session of parliament not due to convene until February next year.
Added to the USDP’s parliamentary majority is a constitutional decree that awarded 25 percent of seats to pre-appointed military men. Although the ruling junta promised a transformation to civilian rule, this appears not to be the case.
Low-intensity conflict between ethnic armies and the Burmese army has undermined the junta’s attempts to gain control of the whole country. Such is the scant level of support it receives in many ethnic areas that it scrapped voting for the 7 November elections in more than 3,000 villages in the volatile border regions, ruling around one million out of the polls.
The SNDP is the offspring of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), which came third in the last elections in 1990. That vote was won overwhelmingly by the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD), despite the junta expecting an easy win for its proxy, the National Unity Party.
Around five million people live in Shan state, which shares borders with China, Laos and Thailand. It is also home to Burma’s largest ethnic army, the United Wa State Army (UWSA), which has developed into the key military threat to the ruling junta. With the SNDP ostensibly representing the interests of the Shan ethnic group, the USDP appears keen to shore up support there prior to taking office.
But the SNDP has said it will ally itself to four other ethnic parties from Arakan, Chin, Mon and Karen states. Saw Than Myint said the alliance hadn’t yet reached a formal agreement, but would look to “negotiate…together to bring equal ethnic rights”.
http://www.dvb.no/news/usdp-turns-eyes-to-shan-state/13206
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Regime Reinforces Troops, Weapons in Kachin State
By KO HTWE Friday, December 3, 2010
The Burmese army deploys more troops and weapons near the headquarters of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) in Laiza and at other locations across Kachin State, according to residents.
Big-Gen Gwan Maw, the deputy commander in chief of the Kachin Independence Association (KIA), told The Irrawaddy on Friday: “What will happen depends on the troops that are serving on the front line. For the time being, there's no fighting because war depends on orders from superiors based on policy.”
Asked if the KIA was ready if the regime started fighting, he said, “A state of readiness is the nature of a army.”
The last direct talks between the regime and the KIA was more than three months ago. The KIO and its armed wing, the KIA, signed a cease-fire agreement with the junta in 1994 and now controls substantial areas of Kachin State. Tension between the two sides has ratcheted up in recent months.
Awng Wa, a leader of the Kachin Development Networking Group (KDNG), told The Irrawaddy on Friday said that government troops under the regime's Northern Command are reinforcing their weapons.
“The government is sending weapons to the troops based in Bamho Township,” said Awng Wa. “Now we can see many regime soldiers across the state.” He said the KIA is ready if the regime attacks.
A Laiza resident said townspeople have noticed many more government troops in the surrounding villages.
In its continuing campaign of intimidation and pressure, the regime recently closed the Lajayawng border crossing, a vital trade link between China and Kachin State about two miles from KIO headquarters in Laiza, to put more pressure on the cease-fire group.
“The closure weakens trade and commerce in the area,” said Gwan Maw. He said the KIA suggested that three-wheel taxi drivers leave the area because there was no work. Merchants in the area could decide for themselves whether or not to leave, he said.
In addition, the Burmese military government recently ordered the KIO to close all its liaison offices, in another attempt to force it to accept the BGF plan.
Recently, tension was also increased when the KIA reportedly shot at a helicopter flying close to its headquarters.
The regime has put pressure on 17 cease-fire groups to place their armed forces under Burmese army control since April 2009. Several of the smaller ethnic cease-fire groups have accepted the BGF plan, but all of the larger armies, such as the United Wa State Army—with 30,000 troops and the KIO with 10,000—have rejected the plan.
http://www.irrawaddy.org/highlight.php?art_id=20248
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Captured Karen troops ‘executed’
By NAW NOREEN
Published: 3 December 2010
Six troops belonging to a Karen ceasefire army that were captured last week in raid by Burmese soldiers are rumoured to have been executed.
The men from the KNU/KNLA Peace Council had been manning an outpost close to Myawaddy in eastern Burma on 30 November when they came under attack. One soldier was killed by a bullet to the head, while six others were taken hostage.
General Htein Maung, head of the 2,000-strong Peace Council, said that the attack on the Hpalu outpost which the group had held for nearly three years came “out of the blue”.
“Our troops were confused and they weren’t sure whether to shoot back or not,” he said, adding that the six were captured along with their equipment. “We heard [Thursday] that all six have been executed.”
Another senior Peace Council official, The Htee, told DVB that the junta’s Military Affairs Security (MAS) office in Myawaddy had “promised to release” the six, but later reneged. When DVB contacted the office, staff there denied any knowledge of them.
A 2007 ceasefire agreement between the Peace Council, which is comprised of breakaway members of the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), now appears to be in tatters.
The Peace Council has in recent weeks been fighting alongside a renegade faction of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) against the Burmese junta. Burmese troops are hunting DKBA commander Na Kham Mwe, who refused demands to transform into a junta-backed border army and is now believed to be in eastern Karen state, close to the border with Thailand.
Htein Maung described the attack on the outpost as “an insult”, saying that he signed the ceasefire agreement with the junta “simply because we didn’t want any more fighting”.
The incident comes nearly a month after heavy fighting broke out in the Myawaddy region which pushed up to 20,000 refugees into Thailand. Na Kham Mwe’s faction had taken key government positions in Myawaddy, and further south in Payathonzu, before an assault by Burmese troops forced them to withdraw.
Fighting has continued since 8 November and refugees have moved back and forth across the border, with some alleging that the Thai army had refused them sanctuary on the Thai side of the border.
http://www.dvb.no/news/captured-karen-troops-%E2%80%98executed%E2%80%99/13194
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Myanmar change to include non-participants in polls: UN
New York, Dec 3 : The United Nations envoy on Myanmar on Thursday urged the Government to work out a broad-based political transition that includes those who did not participate in recent elections.
Among these is recently released Nobel Peace Prize laureate and pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD), victor of the last elections two decades ago, which were invalidated by the South-east Asian country's rulers.
"I got a programme which was fairly open and they allowed me to meet the people I wanted to meet, which were quite unusual and I think it was very welcome," UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon's Special Adviser on Myanmar, Vijay Nambiar, said of his recent visit to the country.
One of the purposes of the visit was to encourage the Government to "build on recent developments and in a sense to work out a political transition that was broad-based and inclusive so that it involved both those who participated and who didn't," said Nambiar, referring to the Nov 7 elections.
"I did sense that the Government did receive my message," he told UN Radio. "Now what they do is to be seen."
During his visit, Nambiar, who is also Ban's Chief of Staff, met with Suu Kyi, who was recently released after spending much of the past two decades under house arrest, and other members of the NLD. He also met with representatives of some of the major political parties who participated in the recent polls and members of civil society groups.
Nambiar, whose visit was carried out at the invitation of the Government and in continuation of the good offices dialogue between the UN and Myanmar, reiterated the UN's long-term commitment to continue to work with the Government and people of Myanmar in their efforts to address the political, humanitarian and developmental challenges facing their country.
"There is a role for the United Nations both in the context of the political developments as well as the broader context of the socio-economic development," he said, citing the UN's humanitarian role in the devastation following cyclones Nargis and Giri.
"Of course the Government does see the increasing role of the UN in the context of sensitizing the international community to being able to draw down the sanctions which individual Member States have imposed on Myanmar, and they see that this could be an occasion - the new developments - to get a slightly better international environment that will help their economic development."
--IBNS http://www.newkerala.com/news/world/fullnews-97275.html
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Nambiar asks for wider representation in Myanmar
United Nations, Dec 3 : The UN envoy on Myanmar, Vijay Nambiar, has requested that Yangon work out a broad-based political transition that includes those who did not participate in elections held last month.
Among them is recently released Nobel Peace Prize laureate and democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi. Her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), won the last elections two decades ago, which were invalidated by the Southeast Asian nation's rulers.
Mr Nambiar, special adviser to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, was somewhat upbeat about the current situation in the reclusive country, now ruled by the military.
''I got a programme which was fairly open and they allowed me to meet the people I wanted to meet, which was quite unusual and I think it was very welcome,'' he said, talking to UN Radio.
Mr Nambiar, who is a career diplomat, is formerly the envoy of India to the United Nations.
''One of the purposes of the visit was to encourage the government to build on recent developments and in a sense to work out a political transition that was broad-based and inclusive so that it involved both those who participated and who didn't,'' Mr Nambiar said, referring to the November 7 elections.
''I did sense that the Government did receive my message.
Now what they do is to be seen,'' Mr Nambiar added.
During his visit, Mr Nambiar, who is also the Chief of Staff to Mr Ban, met Ms Suu Kyi, now freed after spending much of the past two decades under house arrest, and other members of the NLD.
He also held talks with representatives of some of the major political parties which participated in the recent polls and members of civil society groups.
Mr Nambiar, whose visit was carried out at the invitation of the government and in continuation of the good offices dialogue between the UN and Myanmar, reiterated the world body's long-term commitment to continue to work with the government and people of Myanmar in their efforts to address the political, humanitarian and developmental challenges facing their country.
''There is a role for the United Nations both in the context of the political developments as well as the broader context of the socio-economic development,'' he said, citing the UN's humanitarian role in the devastation following cyclones Nargis and Giri.
''Of course, the Government does see the increasing role of the UN in the context of sensitizing the international community to being able to draw down the sanctions which individual Member States have imposed on Myanmar, and they see that this could be an occasion 'the new developments' to get a slightly better international environment that will help their economic development,'' Mr Nambiar said, according to a transcript on the radio interview made available at UN headquarters in New York.
--UNI http://www.newkerala.com/news/world/fullnews-97269.html
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UN Faces Hurdles As It Seeks Mediator’s Role in Burma
By MARWAAN MACAN-MARKAR / IPS WRITER Friday, December 3, 2010
BANGKOK — Barely a week after a ranking United Nations official visited military-ruled Burma, the country’s strongman has sharply reminded the global body about the challenges that await any envoy who refuses to march in step with the junta.
On Wednesday, Snr-Gen Than Shwe declared that the Nov. 7 general election was "free and fair" and that the Southeast Asian nation was heading towards handing "over state power to the public."
The reclusive military leader’s views of the country’s first general election in two decades—made during a speech to mark the anniversary of a 1920 student strike against British colonialism—could not have been more blunt.
They ran counter to those expressed by Vijay Nambiar, UN special envoy to Burma.
Only days before, Nambiar told reporters at the end of his trip to Burma, also known as Myanmar, that he had informed the military government about the many concerns expressed about the Nov. 7 poll.
The questions about the elections—which many western governments described as having been rigged to ensure victory for a junta-backed party—need to be taken up "as transparently as possible," Nambiar informed journalists at the end of his weekend visit.
"This is important for laying the foundation of a credible transition" to democratic rule, he was quoted as having said, according to the Associated Press news agency.
But Than Shwe’s snub is not the only challenge Nambiar faces as the United Nations mounts its third attempt in a decade to meet its declared political mission for Burma: to use the office of the UN secretary-general "to facilitate the process of national reconciliation and democratization through his special adviser for Myanmar."
Nambiar, who is also chief of staff for UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon, has to grapple with the new political equation in Burma following the release from house arrest of the widely popular democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Since her release in mid-November, the 65-year-old Nobel Peace laureate has been treading a cautious, yet determined path to breathe life into the besieged democracy movement, which she has been the icon of since late 1988.
On Wednesday, Suu Kyi, who has been shut away for over 15 of the past 21 years as a prisoner in her home, appealed to a broad slice of the country—including soldiers and civil servants—to unite under the banner of national reconciliation.
"I have worked to fulfill national reconciliation, and I will keep trying to promote national reconciliation," said Suu Kyi during a speech in Rangoon, the former capital, to mark Burma’s National Day, as the anniversary to celebrate the 1920 student strike against British colonial rule is called.
Suu Kyi is open to the United Nations playing a role to bridge the wide political gulf between the military, the pro-democracy movement and Burma’s ethnic minorities. "She wants the UN to play a role, but how and what form is not clear," said a European diplomat who visits Burma frequently.
But the military government harbors other ideas. "They are not receptive to an explicit UN political presence on the ground, which is what Suu Kyi wants," the diplomat, who spoke on condition of anonymity, told IPS. "The government does not see a role for the UN."
Little wonder why analysts concede that Nambiar’s mission should force the United Nations to examine its political relevance in Burma. "I don’t think the UN has much clout to bring the parties together under the current circumstances," Aung Naing Oo, a Burmese political analyst living in exile, told IPS. "The military feels it is in a position of power and economically strong so it does not need to listen to the UN on national reconciliation."
In fact, the junta’s rejection of UN mediation efforts has been a familiar feature of its political exchanges with the world body over the past 10 years. At times, these have even exploded into open disagreement between ranking government officials and a visiting envoy or the junta doing an about-turn on promises made.
Suu Kyi, too, has snubbed the world body during her last seven-year period as a political prisoner.
Nambiar’s predecessor, Ibrahim Gambari, hit a diplomatic low during a 2008 visit to Burma when the then detained pro-democracy leader turned down two requests by Gambari for a meeting. Even an attempt by two of Gambari’s aides to show up outside the gates of Suu Kyi’s home and shout Gambari’s name proved futile.
But this political minefield has not dimmed the world body’s quest to make its presence felt in order to pave the way for national reconciliation. In November, Nambiar’s office received more funds to increase its staff to four for its Burma mission, up from the two during Gambari’s stint as the Burma envoy.
"There is definitely a role for the UN to play in Burma, but they have to move beyond thinking it is just about the military and Suu Kyi," said David Scott Mathieson, Burma consultant for Human Rights Watch, a New York- based global rights watchdog. "There are so many other elements to be considered, including the concerns of the ethnic groups."
"The situation now is far more complex," he told IPS. "It is the Mount Everest of diplomatic efforts. And Nambiar is starting at the shores of the Indian Ocean."
Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org
http://www.irrawaddy.org/print_article.php?art_id=20244
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Burma: Elections Offer Few Answers
MILESTONES: BURMA
By Thomas Clouse
Burma held its first election in two decades in early November. The winners of the election will take control of the government from the military, which has ruled the country for 48 years. The initial results suggested there would be little change within the country, with the pro-military Union and Solidarity and Development Party taking the majority of the 1,159 open offices in national and regional parliaments. Many of the USDP's candidates ran unopposed, and others were likely helped by alleged vote-rigging, voter intimidation and other forms of election fraud.
The National League for Democracy, led by Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, disbanded as a political party before the election and called for a boycott of the election process, which it claimed would be undemocratic. Suu Kyi was released from house arrest shortly after the election, having been detained for 15 of the past 21 years. According to a spokesperson for the National League for Democracy, Suu Kyi will participate in an election fraud investigation.
The election triggered conflict within Burma, especially in the ethnically diverse northeastern region. As a result, an estimated 15,000 refugees poured across the border into Thailand. Despite the conflict, some of the country's nonmilitary parties did win offices. The National Democratic Front, a breakaway faction of Suu Kyi's pro-democracy party, vowed to investigate election fraud but also committed to participating in the parliamentary process with the seats that the NDF did win.
Burma's election drew criticism abroad for its lack of transparency and allegedly flawed election process. In a statement posted on the US State Department website, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said, "The electoral process was severely flawed, precluded an inclusive, level playing field and repressed fundamental freedoms. As a result, the elections were neither free nor fair."
Mahdev Mohan, associate fellow with the Singapore Institute for International Affairs (SIIA), offered a more positive assessment. "Although the former ruling generals continue to hold a dominant position in the economy, when the new constitution comes into effect [at least in theory,] there will be a chance for the rule of law to take root and support the growth of business and investment." http://www.gfmag.com/latest/regulars/milestones/10913-burma-elections-offer-few-answers.html
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Aung San Suu Kyi has shown that goodness can sometimes be enough
o Sarah Brown
o guardian.co.uk, Friday 3 December 2010 00.01 GMT
o Article history
The Burmese opposition leader has made huge personal sacrifices in her delivering her clear, firm call for democracy
Aung San Suu Kyi Aung San Suu Kyi is greeted by supporters at her party headquarters in Rangoon this month. Photograph: Reuters
This year, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been the patient heroine who has shown us that sometimes goodness is enough.
Gordon Brown on Aung San Suu Kyi
Gordon Brown
1. The liberation of Aung San Suu Kyi is a great victory for people power
Her quiet but firm message could not have been clearer, and her call for democracy since her election as Burma's leader has tested her country just as her personal sacrifice has agonised so many.
It has been a privilege for my husband Gordon and I to have supported her campaign over so many years, and so heartwarming to see her gentle smile as she emerged from house release to greet the crowds around her home. And what a joy to see her greet her son Kim for the first time after such an unbearable long separation.
Let's hope that 2011 brings the democratic change that Burma so desperately needs for its people – and peace and togetherness for Aung San Suu Kyi's family.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/dec/03/aung-san-suu-kyi-burma
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New Zealand MP speaks with Suu Kyi
NZPA
Last updated 12:44 03/12/2010
Myanmar's democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi wants New Zealand to help bring democracy to her country, Labour's foreign affairs spokeswoman Maryan Street says.
Ms Suu Kyi was recently released from house arrest after seven years of detention.
The 65-year-old Nobel Peace Prize laureate has been detained for 15 of the past 21 years because of the military government's concerns about her popularity.
A week before her release last month, a military-backed political party swept the first elections in 20 years amid widespread accusations that the balloting was rigged. Final results have yet to be announced, but some military candidates grabbed 90 percent and more of the votes in their constituencies.
Ms Street spoke to Ms Suu Kyi for 20 minutes last night.
The two discussed how New Zealand could help with peaceful democratic reform.
"She said that New Zealand's relationships with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) nations would be most important in building support in the region for peaceful democratic reform in Burma," Ms Street said.
The Government should use its diplomatic relations to work with Myanmar's neighbours and build a consensus on the need for democracy there, she said.
"We sit as an adjunct member of Asean and enjoy good relations with its individual member states. It is time to use that goodwill to advance the security of the region by helping Suu Kyi achieve peaceful reform in Burma."
Meanwhile, the Government has agreed to a recommendation by Foreign Affairs Minister Murray McCully to refer to Myanmar as Burma.
The Asian nation was known as Burma until 1989 when the military government officially changed it to Myanmar.
Mr McCully said today the commitment had been made while National was in opposition.
"Cabinet formally agreed that New Zealand would adopt a general practice of using the term 'Burma'," he said.
"This was an expression of solidarity with those who advocate a return for democracy in Burma, Myanmar being the name adopted by the military regime."
Mr McCully said the decision placed New Zealand in broadly the same position as the United Kingdom, the United States and Canada, and in an identical position to Australia.
"The New Zealand position also places us in support of Aung San Suu Kyi and the opposition movement in Burma who use the term 'Burma' because they do not accept the legitimacy of the military regime who purported to change the name," he said. http://www.stuff.co.nz/world/asia/4420428/New-Zealand-MP-speaks-with-Suu-Kyi
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Aung San Suu Kyi asks New Zealand for support
Friday, 3 December 2010, 10:08 am
Press Release: New Zealand Labour Party
Hon Maryan Street
Spokesperson for Foreign Affairs and Trade
Burmese democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi has asked for support from New Zealand to help build peaceful democratic reform in her country in the wake of her release from house arrest.
Labour’s Foreign Affairs Spokesperson Maryan Street spoke to the Nobel peace laureate for 20 minutes last night.
“It was an absolute privilege to speak to Suu Kyi. She asked how we in New Zealand might be of greatest assistance to her in achieving her long-held goal of a peaceful negotiated reconciliation in Burma,” said Maryan Street.
“She said that New Zealand’s relationships with ASEAN nations would be most important in building support in the region for peaceful democratic reform in Burma. New Zealand could usefully talk and work with Burma’s neighbours to build a consensus of view and activity which would strengthen the security of the region.
“She said that her aim was to create a new spirit of union amongst the ethnic groups in Burma and negotiate a reconciliation with the military regime.
“The New Zealand government should employ all its diplomatic expertise in the region to this end,” said Maryan Street.
“We sit as an adjunct member of ASEAN and enjoy good relations with its individual member states. It is time to use that goodwill to advance the security of the region by helping Suu Kyi achieve peaceful reform in Burma,” she said.
“This is one call the government should heed.
“Suu Kyi said that she would stay in close touch, which I am very keen to do. She also sent her love and encouragement to all Burmese in New Zealand. I know that will mean a lot to the Burmese communities where I live in Nelson, as well as those in Wellington, Palmerston North and Auckland,” said Maryan Street.
http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/PA1012/S00027/aung-san-suu-kyi-asks-new-zealand-for-support.htm
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After the elections
Posted by Daniel Pye | 0
Burma’s first general election in 20 years is over and as expected the paramilitary associates of the military junta, which is unlikely to retreat into the wings, have claimed an overwhelming victory.
Now a renewed civil war is developing in border areas, with the military positioning itself for a massive summer offensive, backed up by 50 newly acquired Russian helicopter gunships.
The fraudulent election may have created unity of purpose among the resistance armies of Burma’s long-suffering ethnic nationalities not seen since the aftermath of the 1988 uprising.
Recently the battle for the border town of Myawaddy, between members of the armed Karen resistance and the military, made headlines and sent tens of thousands of civilians fleeing into Thailand. International attention focused fleetingly on the Karen struggle, the world’s longest running armed resistance movement.
Myawaddy is a symptom of a wider crisis – one that has paralysed communities and quietly suffocated a nation.
After 15 years of infighting, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBU) – a Karen splinter group armed by the junta – has allied itself with the Karen National Union (KNU), in a move that could tip the balance of the war. It was the DKBA that captured Myawaddy earlier this month.
Two of the country’s largest resistance groups – the United Wa State Army and the Kachin Independence Organization – have been preparing to fight the central government for several months, knowing full well the intentions of the regime, and have now entered into an alliance with the KNU, the New Mon State Party, the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) and the Chin National Front.
The agreement means that if one group is attacked the others will begin to fight in their areas and amounts to a declaration of independence. The aim is a parallel government structure similar to the federated union of autonomous states that has been the longstanding demand of the ethnic nationalities.
To an extent the junta has cornered itself, and must now either back down over its new border guard force or engage in counter-guerrilla warfare, which it may not be prepared for in the long run.
‘We intend to set up different military front lines in the country when the Burmese military attack one of our members. That way they can’t reinforce their troops at only one position. They have to defend every corner from our attacks. This is how we will be better prepared to counter their offensives,’ Bee Htoo, army chief of the KNPP, told The Irrawaddy magazine.
The purchase of 50 Soviet-era MI-24 helicopter gunships from Russia and the sheer weight of Burma Army troop numbers (around 500,000 trained soldiers) mean ethnic groups will have to rely heavily on guerrilla tactics, while the army will continue to target the civilian population for forced relocation. The MI-24s are heavily armoured and are particularly suited to ‘counter-insurgency’ work.
Sporadic fighting between government forces and ethnic groups has already begun, but is limited to local pitched fire fights. Though the new gunships are yet to be deployed, reports suggest they have been stationed in central and northern Burma, ready for open conflict with former ceasefire groups the United Wa State Army and Kachin Independence Organization.
The air force has been used since its creation in 1947-48 as a tool to suppress dissidents. Its planes were first sent against suspected members of the Burma Communist Party in the late 1940s and have been used to support ground campaigns against ethnic minorities for several decades.
The lay of the land
Burma’s topography has been a huge factor in its development. A vast lowland plain – the Irrawaddy basin – is surrounded by a horseshoe-shaped mountain range of dense jungle, as yet unconquered by the encroaching city.
This led to a centralized bureaucracy developing in the centres of power like Mandalay, Pegu and Rangoon, and many small hill states evolving to survive the ebb and flow of great power.
This tense relationship between lowland and highland Burma has characterized its recent history and since Ne Win’s 1962 coup, the military have undertaken many campaigns to subdue the highlanders, whom they regard as inferior and uncivilized.
The mountains of the north and east – the Shan and Kachin Hills, part of the greater Southeast Asian massif – have historically been home to princes, petty warlords and kings who’ve fought against rule from Mandalay and Rangoon.
Since April 2009, the junta has pressurized, coerced and bribed militia leaders from armed resistance groups into joining its new border guard force.
The junta’s strategy of depriving resistance armies of funds, food, recruits and information (read forced relocations, lynching civilians) has weakened following the election. So Myawaddy was a symptom of the unity that the election fraud has created amongst ethnic armies.
Thai traders living on the border quietly sell canned fish, rice and noodles to the resistance groups, happy for the money they receive and hopeful that deals will continue to be made.
http://www.newint.org/blog/2010/12/02/after-the-elections/
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Burma off Security Council agenda
By JOSEPH ALLCHIN
Published: 3 December 2010
The issue of Burma will not be discussed at the UN Security Council this month as speculation abounds that China has pulled the topic from the agenda.
This comes despite the fact that the current Security Council chair, the US, is a vocal critic of the Burmese regime. Inner City Press news agency said that “China had opposed the inclusion of Myanmar [Burma] in the Program of Work, even as a footnote”.
China has repeatedly blocked attempts by other member nations to censure the military government in Naypyidaw, and in October was accused of waging a diplomatic campaign to block a commission of inquiry into possible war crimes committed by the junta.
At a press conference to announce the program of work, the US ambassador to the UN, Susan Rice, appeared to intentionally dodge a question about a mysterious blank spot where Burma should have been.
Rice did however confirm that UN Chief of Staff, Vijay Nambiar, who recently visited the country, will brief the Council on his findings on 6 December, listed on the Council’s program in the section entitled ‘any other business’.
Nambiar failed to meet any senior junta members, and his trip was dogged by controversy after registered journalists were barred from his press conference in Rangoon prior to departure.
Unlike other UN officials, he has so far steered clear of condemning the junta, regarded as one of the world’s most draconian governments on a raft of so-called ‘freedom indexes’.
His appointment comes shortly after a controversial stint as UN envoy to Sri Lanka, when he appeared to ignore pleas by the Tamil Tigers to oversee a surrender of the ethnic rebels, who were later gunned down. Nambiar, a close aide to Ban Ki-moon, takes the place of maligned UN envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, who was heavily criticised following a term that reaped few results.
The UN is also reeling after the exposure of US diplomatic cables that ordered officials to spy on senior UN staff, including Ban Ki-moon. It comes as part of a huge exposure of cables by whistleblowing website, Wikileaks, which was dropped to by its domain name provider. The leak included evidence that French President Nicholas Sarkozy had earlier considered pulling French companies out of Burma. http://www.dvb.no/news/burma-off-security-council-agenda/13210
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