Peaceful Burma (ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းျမန္မာ)平和なビルマ

မိမိကိုယ္ကို ေကာင္းေအာင္ ေဆာက္တည္ရံုမွ်နွင့္ တာဝန္ ေက်သည္မဟုတ္။ မိမိရဲ့ ပတ္ဝန္းက်င္ေလာကကို ေကာင္း ေအာင္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးဖို ့လည္း လိုေသး၏။ သို ့မွသာ တာဝန္ေက်မည္ ျဖစ္၏။

ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေျပာတဲ့ညီညြတ္ေရး

“ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတာ ဘာလဲ နားလည္ဖုိ႔လုိတယ္။ ဒီေတာ့ကာ ဒီအပုိဒ္ ဒီ၀ါက်မွာ ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတဲ့အေၾကာင္းကုိ သ႐ုပ္ေဖာ္ျပ ထားတယ္။ တူညီေသာအက်ဳိး၊ တူညီေသာအလုပ္၊ တူညီေသာ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ရွိရမယ္။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတာ ဘာအတြက္ ညီၫြတ္ရမွာလဲ။ ဘယ္လုိရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္နဲ႔ ညီၫြတ္ရမွာလဲ။ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ဆုိတာ ရွိရမယ္။

“မတရားမႈတခုမွာ သင္ဟာ ၾကားေနတယ္ဆုိရင္… သင္ဟာ ဖိႏွိပ္သူဘက္က လုိက္ဖုိ႔ ေရြးခ်ယ္လုိက္တာနဲ႔ အတူတူဘဲ”

Sunday, January 25, 2009

Jailed Myanmar monk goes on hunger strike

http://news.yahoo.com/s/afp/20090123/wl_asia_afp/myanmarpoliticsprisonrights_20090123070007/print

Fri Jan 23, 1:58 am ET

BANGKOK (AFP) – A Buddhist monk imprisoned in Myanmar for leading street protests against the junta has gone on hunger strike to demand access to his family, according to an exiled group of former political prisoners.

Monk Gambira began to refuse food ten days ago, said Bo Kyi of the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners-Burma.

Burma is the country's previous name.

"He was at Mandalay prison when his family visited him. He was not allowed to see his family, therefore he demanded a meeting with (them). Then he set on hunger strike," Bo Kyi said.

Gambira was transferred from Mandalay prison to the remote Hkamti prison three or four days later, Bo Kyi told AFP, citing his family members and prison sources.

The reports could not be confirmed by official sources.

Gambira was sentenced to 68 years in prison last November, for his involvement in monk-led protests against the regime in 2007.

The protests began sporadically against fuel-price hikes in the August, but subsequently involved tens of thousands of people, led by the monks.

At least 31 people were killed and 74 went missing in the brutal crackdown that followed the demonstrations, according to the United Nations.

In recent weeks about 270 activists including monks, student leaders and NLD members have been handed long jail terms for their roles in the 2007 protests and for helping victims of Cyclone Nargis last May.

In mid-January a Myanmar court also jailed a student activist for 104 years, while the junta freed six people who had campaigned for the release of pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, officials said.

Myanmar's military rulers have kept 63-year-old Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest in Yangon for most of the past 19 years. She currently has an appeal pending against her detention.

Myanmar has been ruled by the military since 1962.

Aung San Suu Kyi's party won a landslide victory in 1990 elections but the junta never allowed them to take office.

Copyright © 2009 Agence France Presse. All rights reserved. The information contained in the AFP News report may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without the prior written authority of Agence France Presse.

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A Thai Democrat?

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB123264907613206837.html
Prime minister Abhisit Vejjajiva isn't practicing what he preaches.

By COLUM MURPHY | From today's Wall Street Journal Asia
BANGKOK

"If we can get the economy rolling again, if we achieve a more stable environment . . . then I will look for the appropriate time to return power to the people."

It's a hedged pledge from Thailand's third prime minister in four months, Abhisit Vejjajiva. In the wake of the September 2006 military coup, the 44-year-old Eton- and Oxford-educated economist seems the best hope so far for Thailand to finally embrace full democracy. Mr. Abhisit enjoys a reputation as a liberal, clean and reform-minded leader. Yet even he wasn't elected to his current position by the Thai people; he took office in December 2008 after the last government fell amid street protests.

Tim FoleyThat puts the British-born Mr. Abhisit in an awkward position to get Thailand back on the democratic track. It's important to his people, Thailand's neighbors and its biggest ally -- the United States -- that he succeeds. Thailand is one of Southeast Asia's biggest economies and a major gateway to the region. It's an increasingly important strategic ally for the West as China expands its influence and Burma's generals drive that country deeper into chaos. A politically stable Bangkok could also help fight transnational issues such as human trafficking and trade in illegal narcotics.

"Obviously, I would have preferred to come to power under different circumstances," the prime minister tells me in an interview earlier this month at Government House. "But I think what matters to the people now is whether the government can make sure that the country gets through both the economic and political crises."

The two are, in fact, related. Political crises have discouraged one of the country's main sources of income -- tourists -- from coming to the Land of Smiles. Thailand's export-driven economy has slumped in the face of recessions in its big trading partners. The Ministry of Finance estimates that the country will grow between zero and 2% this year. Unemployment, a key concern, is expected to jump to 900,000 this year from the current half a million.

More

Read the complete interview and listen to the podcast at FEER.com.
Mr. Abhisit has reacted fast. He announced an $8 billion "Plan of Action" three weeks ago, which includes low-interest loans to farmers, aid to the elderly and urban poor, job creation and expanded free education. The plan is also a way for an unelected leader to gain popularity among Thailand's poor in the north and northeast provinces -- who historically supported Mr. Abhisit's political rival, former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra.

Mr. Abhisit insists that his economic blueprint isn't meant to mimic Mr. Thaksin's spending. While in the past he pledged that any government led by him would not "go down the populist route," today he justifies his actions: "I think it is a standard stimulus package in the Keynesian tradition."

Regardless of the impetus, pouring out cash seems to have been a successful political gambit. Thailand held parliamentary by-elections earlier this month, and Mr. Abhisit's Democrat Party-led coalition came out on top, winning 20 of 29 seats, plus the governorship of the capital, Bangkok. "They say politics is the art of the possible," he says. "We have put together a coalition . . . the country is already seeing a difference."

One big difference, of course, is the lack of political challenge from Mr. Thaksin's now-defunct Thai Rak Thai party, which was disbanded by a tribunal set up in the coup's aftermath. Mr. Thaksin then backed the newly formed People's Power Party from exile abroad. Yet that party, too, was disbanded by judges in the face of street protests late last year. Mr. Abhisit doesn't seem concerned about the fate of Mr. Thaksin and his proxies at the hands of the courts.

"On one side there are people who attach great importance to electoral politics and majority rule -- and rightly so," the prime minister says. "But the other side looks at the other aspect -- the essential aspect -- of democracy, which is accountability, and what has led the country into this situation is that the majority in the past abused power, pretty much broke all the rules."

Certainly, the multibillionaire CEO-turned-politician Mr. Thaksin was no angel. Yet his main "mistake" was to win over the loyalty of the bulk of Thai voters through the one-man-one-vote parliamentary system. His power base threatened the cozy status quo enjoyed by Thailand's army, urban elites and favored entrenched business concerns. Mr. Abhisit, a member of the Bangkok elite, ran against Mr. Thaksin's proxies in December 2007 and lost.

Mr. Abhisit likes to emphasize accountability and the rule of law. But so far he hasn't practiced what he preaches. His government has watched as the angry mobs that felled the last, elected government get off largely scot-free. Mr. Abhisit responds: "I think it is up to the police, the attorney-general and the courts." Mr. Abhisit has appointed one of the protest leaders, Kasit Piromya, as foreign minister. He is also emphasizing his loyalty to the monarchy by cracking down on Web sites suspected of slandering Thailand's king.

Yet the confident Mr. Abhisit thinks he can forge a new kind of democracy for Thailand. "I think that each country could have a unique set of rules, but not contrary to the fundamental principles," he says. "The army should be professional armed forces and they shouldn't be dragged back into politics." Let's hope not, for his sake -- and for Thailand's.

Mr. Murphy is deputy editor of the Far Eastern Economic Review.

A New Government for Burma-by Sein Win

http://www.feer.com/politics/2009/january/A-New-Government-for-Burma

January 2009
A New Government for Burma
by Sein Win
Posted January 23, 2009

(This commentary first appeared in The Wall Street Journal Asia, our sister publication, on January 22, 2009.)

DUBLIN—The Burmese junta’s disgraceful nonresponse to Cyclone Nargis last year called international attention to the direct human consequences of repressive rule in the Southeast Asian country. Since then, Burma’s economic plight has only worsened. It is time for the political opposition abroad to present a broader, more coherent alternative for the Burmese people.

To this end, the legitimately elected representatives of the people of Burma—the Members of Parliament from the 1990 elections—are meeting in Dublin over the next few days to elect a new government-in-exile. The convention delegates are motivated by a sense that change in the culture of Burma’s exiled opposition is needed. All are aware that the plight of Burma’s people can no longer be tolerated; the status quo cannot be continued.

This move is a huge step forward for the multi-ethnic, multi-cultural Burmese people, who have never enjoyed a government that gave all groups an equal voice. A new government-in-exile should also provide comfort to Burma’s neighbors, who worry about civil unrest when the junta falls.

We sketched out our core beliefs in this month’s edition of the Far Eastern Economic Review, a sister publication of this newspaper (see FEER essay here). In Dublin, we call for an inclusive process that will lead to an interim constitution, taking into account the interests of all stakeholders in Burma. We also call for the release of all political prisoners; for the lifting of restrictions on liberties such as free speech and free association; and for an agreement on a realistic timetable for free and fair elections in Burma.

We have a vision of a nation-building process for Burma that will create a federal union with an appropriate relationship between the central government and the states and regions, ensuring, for example, the equitable distribution of revenue from natural resources. We support free trade.

We will also be good regional and global citizens. Our Asian partners need to become involved in solving Burma’s myriad problems by urgently and effectively pushing for increased dialogue and national reconciliation. We look to the United Nations to forge a path by which such a dialogue can take place.

We call on the U.N. Secretary-General to conduct a goals-oriented tour of Burma as soon as the Burmese generals are prepared to compromise. We suggest enacting a regional strategy to democratize Burma perhaps through the Association of South East Asian Nations, overseen by the United Nations.

Burma desperately needs a liberal, open regime. Even before the global economic crisis landed, the Burmese economy was being run into the ground by the current regime’s mismanagement and corruption.

Now, the global financial crisis is making a bad situation even worse. Natural gas revenues—which account for around 40% of Burma’s total export income—fell 28.5% in the first nine months of 2008, compared to the same period last year. Tourism has slowed to a trickle. Unemployment is spiking.

This isn’t just a problem for our country, but for our neighbors, too. Burma is Asia’s second largest opium producer—behind Afghanistan—and a major exporter of synthetic drugs such as amphetamines. Our refugees—who are fleeing in droves—are carrying HIV, drug-resistant tuberculosis and malaria abroad. Today, over 3.5 million Burmese are displaced with some 10% of the population currently living overseas, one of the highest proportions in the world.

Our country needs major economic and social reforms that only a government with popular support can deliver. Yet the national elections scheduled for 2010 will be a parody of democracy. The tricks and thuggery of the military were instrumental in the passage of the 2008 constitution that legitimizes military rule in Burma. The same constitution, which mandates that 75% of the parliament will be civilian—with the remainder reserved for the military—will also ensure a rigged outcome of the elections in 2010.

The nominally civilian Union Solidarity and Development Association and the Swan-ah-Shin—pseudo-independent political groups backed by the government—are already working behind the scenes to fill the civilian seats with military lackeys. The resulting government will have little inclination to address the political or economic concerns of the Burmese people.

The Burmese government-in-exile has already initiated steps to enable clusters of Burmese, as well as foreign experts in political, economic, and other fields, to work on a blueprint for a transition to democracy in Burma. This presents better, clearer, options for the Burmese people. The interests of the military are included in this blueprint as well. We do not want the military to be what stands in the way of Burma’s progress.

We look forward to working together in an inclusive new government to show that Burma can have a better future for its people. And when we return home, we’ll show the international community what Burma should be: engaged abroad, prosperous and free.

Sein Win is prime minister of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, based in Washington D.C., and a delegate to the Dublin convention. This commentary first appeared in The Wall Street Journal Asia, our sister publication, on January 22, 2009.

Can the ILO Be Saved from Itself?

http://www.heritage.org/Research/InternationalOrganizations/hl1106.cfm

January 22, 2009

by Charlotte M. Ponticelli
Heritage Lecture #1106
For the better part of the past two years, I have had the great privilege of heading the Department of Labor's Bureau of International Affairs. Simply put, it's the agency that carries out the international responsibilities of the Department of Labor.

One of my major responsibilities has been representing the Department of Labor--and, indeed, the United States government--in international organizations that deal with labor and employment issues. And, of course, the major international organization I have worked with is the International Labor Organization.

My bureau works closely with the ILO on a number of projects.

We oversee labor programs funded by the State Department and implemented by the ILO in the Middle East and Latin America.
We oversee numerous projects that are implemented by the ILO's International Program for the Elimination of Child Labor (IPEC). Over the past decade, the U.S. has funded nearly $370 million worth of programs in over 75 countries. As a result of these programs, we have rescued more than a million children from exploitive child labor.
On a regular, ongoing basis, we also represent the United States government at the ILO's annual conference and at its Governing Body meetings. We do this along with the AFL-CIO, which represents American workers, and the U.S. Council for International Business, which represents U.S. employers. Both of these partners, I should add, have been helpful and dedicated to making the ILO a strong and effective voice for democracy and rights.

I think this is an opportune time, with the current economic challenges, to talk about the ILO itself: to give you my perspective on what it does well, what concerns the U.S. government has had, and what we at my Bureau see as the road ahead.

The Mission of the ILO

When I worked here at The Heritage Foundation, I would look up every day at the words in gold letters on the wall in the foyer that read: "The Heritage Foundation is committed to building an America where freedom, opportunity, prosperity and civil society flourish." Those words certainly have guided my work at the State Department and the Labor Department over these past seven years.

I recall once, shortly before leaving Heritage to move over to State, that I had suggested at a strategy meeting on foreign policy priorities that we needed to change just two words so that the vision would be, "Building a world where freedom, opportunity, prosperity and civil society flourish." So it's appropriate for me to ask: How does the ILO fit into that vision?

The International Labor Organization was created in 1919, in the wake of World War I, with the purpose of creating an international institution that could bring governments, employers, and workers together to improve living and working conditions and help preserve social stability in the new post- World War I order. As the sole remaining component of the League of Nations, and as a member of the present-day U.N. system, the ILO has been a strong voice for worker rights, for helping to build democracy in Poland and South Africa, and building strong, open-market systems in Eastern Europe after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

The ILO continues to be a beacon in promoting freedom in some critical places across the globe. For example:

In Burma, the ILO is the sole U.N. agency that plays a useful role on the ground. It has been directly responsible for enabling victims of forced labor to report on their treatment without fear of reprisal. The ILO's special adviser in Burma has helped people get out of jail, has helped rescue child soldiers, and has actually engaged the military in dialogue on forced labor.
In Belarus, the ILO's Governing Body has been in perfect sync with the Bush Administration's goal of pushing for democracy, both by condemning Belarus for its lack of freedom of association and by at the same time offering to work with the government to move forward.
In Zimbabwe, thanks to the workers and employers--and with no thanks to countries like South Africa or China--the ILO has been in the forefront of criticizing the atrocities of the Mugabe regime. In the labor area, this includes the systematic arrest, detention, and harassment of trade unionists. At its last session, the Governing Body decided to send to Zimbabwe a Commission of Inquiry, one of the highest-level investigatory missions available.
In regard to Iran, the ILO has regularly condemned the Iranian government for arresting and imprisoning independent trade union leaders and for its record on discrimination in the workplace.
And in Colombia, the ILO--largely at the behest of the United States--has established an office on the ground to help address key labor issues, including violence against trade union officials. The Colombian government, the business community, and the labor unions themselves supported the establishment of the office.
In addition to the tremendous work on child labor, forced labor, and trafficking, the ILO also supports U.S. efforts to bring about democratic reform in the Middle East, assisting the Department of Labor with State/Middle East Partnership Initiative-funded projects in Bahrain, Oman, Morocco, and Egypt, and work mandated by Congress that supports the CAFTA-DR[1] trade agreement. And in collaboration with the ILO, we've recently launched new projects in Tanzania and Haiti.

The Other Side of the Story

There's also another side to this story. Go to the ILO Web site or look at the Director-General's speeches over the past few years. You won't find very many references to all of the good work I've just described. What you will find are articles and speeches that deal with the ILO's role in:

Climate change and energy policy,
Reforming the international monetary system,
Changing the rules of the international trade system,
Addressing international investment issues,
Addressing the global food crisis,
Mandating social policy for individual countries, and
Suggesting that the ILO take the lead in addressing global social policy in the current economic crisis.
Here's an example: Speaking at the Vatican on Human Rights Day in December, ILO Director-General Juan Somavia said, "We have a multilateral system that is underperforming. It is not delivering the type of policy coherence we need today. There is a profound need...for a new form of global governance...a global community of multiple actors including, but going beyond governments."[2]

Here's another example: In November, the officers of the Governing Body issued a statement calling for six steps to be taken to address the financial crisis. I won't enumerate them, but among them were:

Ensuring the flow of credit to consumption, trade, and investment;
Supporting productive, profitable, and sustainable enterprises, together with a strong social economy and a viable public sector, so as to maximize employment and decent work;
Maintaining development aid as a minimum at current levels and providing additional credit lines and support to enable low-income countries to cushion the crisis.
I would note that in the discussion of the crisis at that Governing Body in Geneva, only one party noted the importance of the ILO working to ensure that basic workers' rights would not be lost in the shuffle: It wasn't the workers' group or the European Union--it was the United States.

In short, the key problem is that the ILO is seeking to become the world's lead institution in addressing the social consequences of globalization. This is not a conspiracy theory; rather, it's a point made regularly by the Director-General. The world of work, a challenging field unto itself, suddenly loses importance and instead becomes a platform for launching all sorts of social projects.

That's why we have been very concerned about a new instrument that was adopted by the organization's conference just this past June, called the ILO Declaration on Social Justice for a Fair Globalization.[3] The title alone suggests exactly what is wrong with the ILO at this time. What is worrisome is that it opens the door to efforts to attribute universal applicability to conventions that heretofore would be relevant only if a country formally ratified them. That means, for example, that select conventions on employment and social protection could conceivably take on the status of agreed international principles without our consent.

Now we, of course, would not honor this. Suffice it to say, it would be appalling, both morally and in terms of economic efficiency, if an international organization were to determine the "right" balance between employment and social protection.

Management

How well are these resources managed? In short, not well. The ILO fails to ensure adequate impact analysis of its programs. We receive reports from them on what they did and how they managed programs, but we can't get answers to questions like, "What do we get for the $10 million spent on Project X?"

When our Secretary of Labor raised this with the Director-General, he replied, "You have to realize that it's sometimes very difficult for the ILO to measure the impact of what we do. After all, we don't sell shoes. We hold seminars. We give advice. And how do you measure the impact of advice?"

Perhaps there is something to be said for that question, but for an organization that spends almost one-half billion dollars per year, that's not enough.

Tripartism

The ILO is the only tripartite organization in the U.N. system--that is, the only organization in which each country is represented three ways: by representatives of the government, employers, and workers. In my view, this tripartite nature is both the strength and the weakness of the organization. The good part is that it includes the private sector and civil society. But there are two difficult issues.

First, the ILO is disproportionately run by workers--and, to be exact, by trade unions. Workers see the ILO as their organization, but if its outputs are going to be useful, governments and employers have to see it as their organization too. This drove the International Organization of Employers earlier this year to stand up and demand that the ILO ensure "that employer priorities, objectives and resources are treated on an equal basis with those of the workers." This might not be easy: Just a year ago, during a discussion on "sustainable enterprise," the representatives of workers objected to any inclusion of the word "entrepreneur."
Second, governments are being marginalized. If workers and employers agree on an issue, the views of the governments--the funders of the Organization--become irrelevant because the worker-plus-employer majority is declared to be "consensus." Something must be done to address this issue.
At some point, the ILO's tripartite structure must be evaluated. Is it right that the 10 percent of workers in this country who are unionized should be allowed to speak for the entire American workforce? The same holds true for many other countries.

There are many times when the interests of organized labor and the interests of other employees may differ significantly. Perhaps thought should be given to including other worker groups--maybe professional associations or entrepreneurs or non-governmental organizations--to better represent the real workforce. I don't have an easy answer to this, but it's something we will surely have to deal with in the future.

What Should the ILO Be Doing?

What should the ILO be doing? Here's what I would suggest. It may not be glamorous, but we think the ILO could--and should--focus its activities on helping countries improve their capabilities in these areas:

Labor Law and Implementation. The United States strongly supports the principles underlying the ILO's core conventions in the areas of freedom of association, collective bargaining, forced labor, child labor, and discrimination. These principles are included in our trade laws and are regularly taken into account in making many important foreign policy decisions. I believe that the ILO can and should promote worker rights and democratic labor policies.

But the balance between drafting standards and implementing laws and policies must be redressed on a very large scale. Much attention is given to the adoption of new instruments, but implementation, which is what affects most people, receives much less attention. Syria and Iran have ratified numerous ILO conventions, but it is the United States that is taken to task by the workers for its low record of ratification of ILO conventions. The ILO should shift its focus away from endless legislating toward more real-life implementation.

Building Capacity. Open-market systems work well when there is an infrastructure that supports well-operating workplaces and well-trained workers. The ILO runs quality programs that promote training, skills development, and entrepreneurship development. It helps developing countries build their labor administrations, including their programs for addressing working conditions, inspection systems, and the oversight of occupational safety and health. Unfortunately, none of this is of much interest currently to the leadership in Geneva.

Child Labor, Forced Labor, and Trafficking. The U.S. funds most of the ILO's efforts in these areas. They do a great job. The ILO gave a lot of publicity to these programs when they started but very little now. These are core ILO issues and should receive the appropriate attention.

Fewer International Meetings, More Work in the Field. The ILO tends to view international meetings as the ultimate step in addressing issues. They divert tens of millions of dollars that could be better spent on country programs. Conferences are glamorous and field work is not, but focusing on the delivery of services and programs brings about real results for real people.

Corporate Social Responsibility. One other area the ILO might focus more on is corporate social responsibility (CSR). Public-private partnerships are increasingly becoming the way of the future. The ILO should do more in this area--not by becoming a rule-making operation (i.e., corporate codes of conduct), but by more directly furnishing advice, information, and guidance to enterprises that are genuinely committed to strengthening compliance with appropriate international standards. Many companies already do this, but the ILO could be of great help to those that need assistance.
Conclusion

As we look at the problems and the potential of the ILO, it's worth asking the question, "If the ILO disappeared tomorrow, would we need to replace it?" Or, as I said in the blurb for this meeting, "Can the ILO be saved from itself?"

The short answer is yes; the ILO could be a very useful tool in addressing many of the issues the world faces in the era of globalization. Both the United States worker and employer representatives agree on this.

Unfortunately, the ILO is veering further from, rather than closer to, being in a useful position. I hope that the new Administration, which has given much attention to labor issues, will use its influence to push the ILO to do its real job: to create better opportunities and better workplaces for working people, to promote job creation, to help provide businesses with the skilled workers they need, and to help boost economic development and prosperity around the world.

Charlotte M. Ponticelli, at the time of this lecture, served as Deputy Under Secretary for International Affairs at the U.S. Department of Labor. She has also served in the U.S. Department of State as Senior Coordinator for International Women's Issues and Senior Advisor to the Assistant Secretary for Population, Refugees and Migration, and on the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

[1]The Central America-Dominican Republic-United States Free Trade Agreement, signed on August 5, 2004; text available at http://www.ustr.gov/Trade_Agreements/Bilateral/CAFTA/CAFTA-
DR_Final_Texts/Section_Index.html.

[2]See International Labor Organization, "ILO Director-General calls on G20 to Address the Social Implications of the Global Economic Crisis," press release, December 10, 2008, at http://www.ilo.org/global/About_the_ILO/Media_and_public_
information/I-News/lang--en/WCMS_101001/index.htm.

[3]Adopted June 10, 2008; text available at http://www.ilo.org/public/e
nglish/bureau/dgo/download/dg_announce_en.pdf.

Fw: [burmainfo] 書籍の案内アラン・クレメンツ著「ダルマ・ライフ―日々の生活に"自由"を見つける方法」

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きょうのビルマのニュース（平日毎日更新）もご利用ください。
http://d.hatena.ne.jp/burmainfo/

ビルマ情報ネットワーク（www.burmainfo.org）
秋元由紀

========================================
今週のビルマのニュース　Eメール版
2009年1月23日号【0903号】
========================================

【今週の主なニュース】
ロヒンギャ難民問題ほか

・ビルマから船で逃れてきたロヒンギャ民族数百人をタイ当局が
洋上に放置などしたとされる問題で、タイのアピシット首相は21日、
国際機関と協力すると述べた。国連難民高等弁務官事務所
（UNHCR）はタイが拘束している難民と会う許可を求めており
回答を待っているが、首相は許可を出すかどうかには
言及しなかった（22日付APほか）。

・14万人が犠牲になったサイクロン襲来から8か月がたった。
国連のミャンマー常駐調整官は、被災地域が完全に回復
するには「資金状況によっては3、4年かかるだろう」と
述べた（16日付IRIN）。

・EUは今年ビルマに向けて約5240万ドルの人道援助を
出すことを決めた。半分以上がサイクロン被災地域の
住民に、残りはタイのキャンプに住むビルマ難民や
アラカン州北部に住むロヒンギャ民族などに向けられる
（21日付イラワディ誌）。

・ブッシュ前米大統領は退任を数日後に控えた15日、
ビルマに対する制裁の一部を取り消した。制裁では
軍政に資金提供を行う個人や企業の資産が凍結される
ことになっていたが、今回の取り消し措置により、
米財務省が指名しない個人や法人については資産が
凍結されないことになった。なぜこのような措置を
取ったのかは不明。米議会のバーマン下院議員
（外交委員会委員長）は取消措置を非難した
（17日付ワシントン・インディペンデント）。

・米国務副長官候補のジェームズ・スタインバーグ氏は、
北朝鮮とビルマの関係について米議会上院外交委員会
からの質問に答え、「北朝鮮の協力によってビルマで
核開発事業が始まることがあれば非常な懸念事項と
なるだろう」と述べた。

・19日、アウンサンスーチー氏が「良心のトランペット」
賞を受賞した。同賞は故マーティン・ルーサー・キング
牧師の息子が設立した団体が毎年キング牧師の生誕
記念日に授与するもの。アウンサンスーチー氏の代理
として米国ビルマ・キャンペーンの事務局長で元政治囚
のアウンディン氏が受け取った。

【ビルマへの政府開発援助（ODA）約束状況など】

〔日メコン交流年2009イベントカレンダーより〕

1月11～24日　ジェトロヤンゴン主催
ミャンマー縫製産業生産管理技術人材育成支援事業

【イベントなど】

・在日ビルマ人共同行動実行委員会アクション－
国連事務総長に対し、一刻も早くビルマを訪問し、
スーチーさんを含むすべての政治囚の釈放と対話
の促進を軍政に働きかけるよう要請するアピール行動
（国連大学前、19～23日15～16時）

・SEEDS Asia モルディブ・ミャンマー活動報告会
～沿岸侵食・サイクロン被害からコミュニティを守る
（西宮市国際交流協会、29日18時半）＊要申込

・難民の認定をしない処分取消等請求事件
ロヒンギャ難民（複数）
（大阪地裁1007号法廷、2月4日13時15分～）

・難民の第三国定住に関するシンポジウム
外務省主催、国際移住機関（IOM）共催
（三田共用会議所、2月5日13時半～）
＊要申込

・ミャンマーの伝統糸あやつり「ヨウッテー・ポエー」～
シリーズアジアの人形芝居part14～
王族から庶民にまで広く愛されたミャンマーの華麗なる伝統芸能
7年ぶりの来日公演
現代人形劇センター主催
（ラゾーナ川崎プラザソル2月7日15時、18時半。
カスケードホールいきいきプラザ一番町 B1階2月10日15時、19時。
レクチャーデモンストレーション　東京ミッドタウン
富士ゼロックス501会議室、2月11日14時、16時）
＊チケット発売中

・ビルマ市民フォーラム例会
外国人労働者は今…在日ビルマ人・外国人労働者の
おかれている状況について
（池袋・ECOとしま8階、2月21日18時～）

☆春秋社より新刊のお知らせ～
アラン・クレメンツ著「ダルマ・ライフ－日々の生活に"自由"を見つける方法」。
著者はビルマで得度して僧になった初めての米国人。
国際的な注目を集めるビルマの状況に対して、
新たな角度から光をあてる一冊。
四六判／372頁／定価（本体2500円＋税）

★ジェーン・バーキン最新アルバム『冬の子供たち』が
発売中。アウンサンスーチー氏に捧げる楽曲「アウンサンスーチー」を収録。

☆特定非営利活動法人メコン・ウォッチの
季刊誌「フォーラムMekong」、最新号はビルマ特集。
－ビルマ～サイクロン後の人々、軍政－
http://www.mekongwatch.org/resource/forum/FM_vol9_2_01.html

【もっと詳しい情報は】

きょうのビルマのニュース（平日毎日更新）
http://d.hatena.ne.jp/burmainfo/

ビルマ情報ネットワーク
http://www.burmainfo.org/

【お問い合わせ】
ビルマ情報ネットワーク　秋元由紀

====================================
今週のビルマのニュース　Eメール版
2009年1月23日号【0903号】

作成：　ビルマ情報ネットワーク
協力：　ビルマ市民フォーラム
====================================

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　　　 http://www.burmainfo.org
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バックナンバー: http://groups.yahoo.co.jp/group/burmainfo/

※BurmaInfoでは、ビルマ（ミャンマー）に関する最新ニュースやイベント情報、
　参考資料を週に数本配信しています。
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Saturday, January 24, 2009

Remembering U Thant and His Achievements

http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=14975

Remembering U Thant and His Achievements
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
By SAW YAN NAING Thursday, January 22, 2009

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The 100th birthday of the late UN Secretary General U Thant is being observed on Thursday—and nowhere with more reverence than in his native country, Burma.

Family members, friends, former colleagues and foreign diplomats were gathering for a commemoration ceremony at the Inya Lake Hotel on Thursday evening, said his son-in-law, Dr Tin Myint Oo.

U Thant, the third general secretary to run the UN since its post-war foundation, served from 1961 to 1971 and won lasting respect for his many achievements.

Multimedia (View)
He succeeded Dag Hammarskjöld when the Swedish diplomat died in an air crash in the Congo while on a mission to help end the civil war there.

U Thant was credited for completing Hammarskjöld’s work in the Congo and for helping to defuse the Cuban missile crisis shortly afterwards.

In the 10 years U Thant was in office, the UN faced many other world crises, including the Vietnam War and the 1965 conflict between India and Pakistan.

Colleagues who traveled with him to crisis zones recalled that o¬n many occasions he made bold and single-minded attempts to restore peace.

At home at the UN, U Thant established many of the world body’s development and environmental agencies, funds and programs, including the UN Development Programme, the UN University, the UN Institute for Training and Research and the UN Environmental Programme.

Veteran Burmese journalist Win Tin said in Rangoon that U Thant was a successful UN head and “different.”

“We should keep him in our memory,” Win Tin said. “We have to be proud of him.”

Veteran Burmese politician Thakin Chan Htun agreed, and said in Rangoon: “We have to be proud of him. We should not forget him and we should honor him.”

In a speech in New York in 2003, the then UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan, hailed U Thant’s significant contributions in development programs, poverty alleviation, education, environmental protection and health.

Kofi Annan also praised U Thant’s treatment of the media. “It was U Thant who more than anyone before him opened up the United Nations to the media, because he understood that for the organization to earn the support of the world’s people, they must be kept fully informed and aware of its work.”

U Thant’s press secretary, Rames Nassif, once recalled: “For U Thant, the press conference was a pleasant experience. He had natural warmth towards journalists and was comfortable with them. He enjoyed thinking of himself as a former journalist, and often mentioned this.”

In his earlier years as a journalist in Burma, U Thant regularly contributed to magazines and newspapers under several pen names, including Thilawa, and translated a number of books, including one on the League of Nations.

U Thant served as secretary for Burma’s first Prime Minister U Nu, a close friend, from 1951 to 1957. He wrote speeches for U Nu, organized his overseas travel and meetings with foreign guests.

San San Nu, a daughter of U Nu, said of U Thant: “He was very clever and he was very generous, too. That’s why our father called on him to work with him.”

U Thant was born on January 22, 1909, in Pantanaw, in lower Burma’s Irrawaddy division. He was educated at the National High School in Pantanaw and at Rangoon University.

He died of lung cancer in New York on November 25, 1974, and his body was returned to Burma—but became the center of a political row.

Burma’s ruling dictator, Gen Ne Win, refused to hold a state ceremony for U Thant and also ignored his family’s request to have him interred near Rangoon’s Shwedagon Pagoda.

A group of students seized U Thant’s coffin from the airport and kept it at Rangoon University campus. Troops stormed the campus, killing at least 13 students and injuring 70 others. Around 3,000 students were arrested.

Finally, U Thant was laid to rest in a tomb near Shwedagon Pagoda in Rangoon. The currently UN General Secretary, Ban Ki-moon, visited the tomb during a visit to Burma in May last year.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

Centennial birthday of Myanmar's former UN chief marked - Summary

http://www.earthtimes.org/articles/show/251955,centennial-birthday-of-myanmars-former-un-chief-marked--summary.html

Yangon - Relatives of Myanmar's former United Nations secretary general U Thant commemorated the centennial birthday of the controversial Burmese national hero on Thursday, amid reports that UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari will visit the country soon. The birthday anniversary celebration was organized by the U Thant Institute and Aye Aye Thant, daughter of U Thant, who is also the president of the institute.

UN representatives, foreign diplomats, a Myanmar foreign ministry representative attended the event, sources said.

Bishow Parajuli, the resident UN humanitarian coordinator, read out a message from UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon at the ceremony.

Such events require official permission in Myanmar, which is ruled by a military junta. The permission to hold a party commemorating U Thant's centennial anniversary came amid reports that UN special envoy to Myanmar Ibrahim Gambari has planning a four-day visit to the country starting January 31.

Western diplomats at the U Thant ceremony confirmed the visit.

Gambari's last visit in August, 2008, proved a diplomatic disappointment, as he was denied meetings with both junta chief Senior General Than Shwe and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been under house arrest since May, 2003.

The UN has made little progress in pushing the junta towards freeing Suu Kyi and over 2,000 political prisoners and introducing democratic reforms.

U Thant, one of the few Burmese to reach international stature, remains a controversial figure in military-controlled Myanmar, also known as Burma.

U Thant served as the third secretary general of the United Nations, from 1961 to 1971. He was widely credited for his successful efforts for defusing Cuba's Missile Crisis and ending Congo's civil war during his term.

Born in Pantanaw town, in the Irrawaddy delta region, on January 22, 1909, U Thant died on November 25, 1974, while living abroad in self-imposed exile.

When his body was brought back to Yangon, then called Rangoon, for burial former military dictator General Ne Win refused it national honours.

University students snatched U Thant's coffin as it was heading for an ordinary burial on December 5, 1974, and took it to the Rangoon University Student Union grounds, turning the funeral into an anti-Ne Win uprising.

On December 11, 1974, troops stormed the university campus, dug out U Thant's coffin and reburied it at the current mausoleum at the foot of famous Shwedagon pagoda. Many students were killed in the incident, marking one of the first serious uprisings against Ne Win.

The current military regime remains loyal to the memory of Ne Win, whose coup in 1962 overthrew the country's first elected prime minister U Nu and put the country under the military's grip, where it remains today.

Copyright, respective author or news agency

Myanmar strives for development of cross-border fiber links with neighbors

http://en.ce.cn/National/Politics/200901/21/t20090121_18026625.shtml

Last Updated(Beijing Time):2009-01-21 15:15

Two cross-border fiber optic link projects, Myanmar-Thai's and Myanmar-India's, in addition to the already-established Myanmar-China's to boost information link between Myanmar and the two neighbors will be operational in the next two months as work on the two projects has almost been completed, according to the state-run Myanmar Posts and Telecommunications (MPT) Wednesday.
The project has been implemented as part of the information superhighway network (ISN) project of the six-country Greater Mekong Sub-region (GMS)-Economic Cooperation.

With the Myawaddy-Maesot cross-border network link as the final phase completed in last November, the Myanmar-Thai fiber optic link will be put into service in February, the MPT told media persons.

According to the MPT, the Myanmar-Thai fiber optic link, which is of 10 gigabyte and set up in cooperation with its Thai counterpart, will bring the country's total gigabyte to 20 after that with China.

The MPT also estimated that the cross-border optical fiber link between Myanmar and India will be completed and operational by March.

Under the Indian government loan, the project, which worths 7 million U.S. dollars, started in 2006 December.

The 640-kilometer-long Myanmar-India optical fiber link, which connects Indian's northeastern border town of Moreh and Myanmar's second largest city of Mandalay, passes through 6 cities of Tamu, Kampatwa, Kyi Gone, Shwebo, Monywa and Sagaing.

Along the fiber link, ADSL+2 system with 7,000 lines are being installed in 80 locations including Yangon, Mandalay and Nay Pyi Taw.

The project was signed between the MPT and the Telecommunications Consultants India Limited (TCIL) during Indian President APJ Abdul Kalam's state visit to Myanmar in March 2006.

According to the contract, MPT and TCIL agree to implement SDH/STM 4 optical fiber link between the two cities and the ADSL system.

Earlier in March last year, fiber link between Myanmar and China, built since April 2007 and involving China Telecom and Yunnan Telecom, was set up in Myanmar's border town of Muse also as part of the regional ISN project.

The Myanmar-China fiber optic link was built across China's Kunming and Myanmar's Muse with its link further extended to reach the commercial city of Yangon.

The establishment of the fiber optic links between Myanmar and the three neighbors would not only improve the country's domestic information link system but also boost the country's information link with other GMS member countries, experts said, adding that the move would also improve Myanmar's international telephone service, internet usage and video-conferencing utilization.

There are 12 ISN fiber optic links being built across the GMS to boost information links.

With regard to the building of the fiber optic link across GMS, a memorandum of understanding was signed at the ministerial meeting of the GMS in Laos in 2004.

The ISN project covers building of a commercialized information and communication platform in order to launch basic business of chatting, data, connection of internet as well as distant education, medical treatment, e-government and e-commerce which will sharply raise the capacity of the internet to promote the socio-economic development of the sub-region.

Source:Xinhuanet
Related articles

America's Future Is Tied to Asia's Print Mail

http://www.aei.org/publications/filter.all,pubID.29233/pub_detail.asp

By Michael Auslin
Posted: Wednesday, January 21, 2009

ARTICLES
Far Eastern Economic Review (January 2009)
Publication Date: January 21, 2009

To mitigate consequences of an economic downturn well underway and security threats that are ever-present on the Korean Peninsula, the Taiwan Straits, and beyond, Obama and his team should boldly engage Asia by promoting free trade and reassessing the security environment, especially surrounding the Six Party Talks.

Resident Scholar
Michael Auslin
It's no surprise that U.S. President Barack Obama has said little about Asia since being elected last November. Compared to America's economic disaster and the ongoing Middle East crises, Asia may seem a veritable sea of tranquility. Yet turbulent currents are running under the surface, and the costs of either economic or political disruption in Asia could well dwarf anything else America faces. For this reason alone, the new president and his team need a bold engagement with Asia in his first days in office.

Even in this economic collapse, Asia continues to produce nearly two-thirds of global output, the majority of which is exported to the West. Yet Japan, China, and other major producers are facing a severe downturn in exports, and Japan, where manufacturing output dropped by nearly 8% in November, has already slipped into an official recession. Chinese consumer goods factories are laying off workers or shutting down, and numerous experts warn of potential social unrest if economic conditions worsen in China's less prosperous interior regions. Even recent mini-tigers, like Vietnam, are revising their growth predictions downward.

The danger in the coming years is that fragile Asian economies might look to exclusive trading arrangements or move to protect domestic markets, partly as a result of citizen demands. This would turn back decades of growth that have pulled millions in Asia out of poverty and have benefited Western business and consumers, as well. President Obama should therefore throw his support behind ratification of the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement and use its passage as a stepping stone to a renewed round of free trade negotiations with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) and Japan. Having the U.S. play a major role early on will make more likely the prospect of region-wide free-trade talks, and increase the chance that Japan and China will have confidence to work together, and not in competition, in a multilateral setting.

President Obama and his team must recognize that America's future is tied to Asia's, and that their success will in part will be viewed through an Asian prism.

Similarly, the Obama administration should consider high-level, public discussions between the U.S. and Asian nations on paths forward in the economic crisis. Pulling together Japan, Korea, China, India, Indonesia, and others for a "lessons learned" summit from the 1997 Asian financial crisis and the 1990s failed pump-priming policies of the Japanese may result in a series of initiatives that have more common agreement behind them than the irrelevant G-20 summit convened by former U.S. President George W. Bush in November.

Economics are not the only landmine facing President Obama's Asian policy. Security and political issues in Asia present a mixed bag that will require a nuanced U.S. approach. The failure of the Six Party Talks means that Secretary of State Hilary Clinton will have to work from a de facto U.S. acceptance of a nuclear North Korea that appears interested only in an endless diplomatic rondeau. President Obama and Secretary Clinton must determine if there is any utility in sending U.S. officials back for another round of talks when other parties to the talks appear satisfied with the status quo.

Beyond Korea, both Washington and Beijing have an enormous stake in good Sino-American ties. However, outstanding differences over policy toward Burma and Tibet, along with the continued Chinese military buildup, may make managing relations more difficult, especially if the economic slowdown leads to nervousness among China's leaders. One way to ensure the continued development of positive relations with Beijing is for the U.S. to work as closely as possible with its allies and other friendly nations in Asia to craft common agendas for security issues, trade relations, environmental problems, and the like, thus encouraging China to play a supportive role in such innovative regional initiatives. This should be accompanied by continued high-level Sino-American discussions, but the Obama Administration should resist the temptation to place U.S.-China relations above those of our allies or Asia as a whole.

There is also the specter of democratic instability throughout Asia, from Thailand to Japan. No president wants to see democracy wobble on his watch, and a key part of Obama's Asia policy should be to support democratic governance among our allies and friends, through grass-roots and official dialogues. Finally, no U.S. role in Asia will be credible without a continued commitment to maintaining the U.S. military capability that has ensured regional stability for decades; any hint that the U.S. is wavering in its promise to defend Asia's commons or its friends could lead to unforeseen results.

President Obama faces challenges unlike any other U.S. president in recent history. It will be tempting to let U.S. policy in Asia slide, or to hope that things there stay peaceful. Regardless of the effort involved, President Obama and his team must recognize that America's future is tied to Asia's, and that their success will in part will be viewed through an Asian prism.

Michael Auslin is a resident scholar at AEI.

China Censors Obama's Speech

http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=14962
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
By ANITA CHANG / AP WRITER Wednesday, January 21, 2009

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

BEIJING — The official Chinese translation of President Barack Obama's inauguration speech was missing his references to communism and dissent, while a live broadcast on state television Wednesday quickly cut away to the anchor when the topic was mentioned.

The comments by the newly installed US president veered into politically sensitive territory for China's ruling Communist Party, which maintains a tight grip over the Internet and the entirely state-run media. Beijing tolerates little dissent and frequently decries foreign interference in its internal affairs.

At one point, Obama said earlier generations "faced down communism and fascism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions." He later addressed "those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent—know that you are on the wrong side of history."

The Chinese translation of the speech, credited to the Web site of the official China Daily newspaper, was missing the word "communism" in the first sentence. The paragraph with the sentence on dissent had been removed entirely.

The censored version was carried by the state-run Xinhua News Agency and posted on popular online portals Sina and Sohu. Another portal, Netease, used a version without the paragraph mentioning communism, but retaining the part about dissent.

The news channel of state broadcaster China Central Television broadcast the speech live early Wednesday local time, but appeared caught off-guard by the statement about facing down communism.

The translator had no sooner said "fascism and communism" when the audio faded out from Obama's speech and cameras cut back to the studio anchor, who seemed flustered for a second before turning to ask an expert what challenges the president faces in turning around the US economy.

Wang Jianhong, deputy director of the CCTV general editing department, said he did not stay up to watch the inauguration broadcast but suggested the transition was a normal part of the program.

"There are breakaways even when broadcasting China's own meetings," he said. "Americans might care a lot about the presidential inauguration, but Chinese may not be very interested."

No one in the editing department of the China Daily Web site was immediately available to answer questions.

The full translation of Obama's speech could be viewed on the Web site of Hong Kong-based broadcaster Phoenix Satellite Television, which has a reputation as a more independent news source. The China Daily Web site posted Obama's full remarks in English only.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

Burmese refugees protest in front of UN office in Malaysia

http://www.mizzima.com/news/regional/1585-burmese-refugees-protest-in-front-of-un-office-in-malaysia.html

Burmese refugees protest in front of UN office in Malaysia
by Myint Maung
Wednesday, 21 January 2009 23:06

New Delhi (Mizzima) - Nearly three hundred Burmese refugees on Wednesday demonstrated in front of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) office in Malaysia's capital of Kuala Lumpur, demanding recognition of refugee status and equal treatment among refugees.

The protestors, mainly Rohingyas from Burma's western Arakan state, said they were being treated differently and were not being granted equal status by the UN agency.

Nyi Nyi, a leader of the protestors, said they held a brief demonstration and submitted their demands in writing to an official from the agency.

"We are demanding recognition as refugees, equal treatment by the office and a cessation to official corruption in granting refugee recognition," Nyi Nyi said.

Nyi Nyi added that they were met by a protection officer from the UNHCR office, to whom they handed their demands.

The UNHCR, however, denied the allegation, saying they treat all refugees equally.

Yante Ismail, the UNHCR Kuala Lumpur office spokesperson, was quoted by the AFP as saying, "UNHCR's policies towards all refugee groups are nondiscriminatory. We do our utmost to assist and protect all refugees."

"The UNHCR will continue to engage different refugee communities to address their problems," she stipulated.

According to the UNHCR there are some 45,400 refugees and asylum seekers in Malaysia, of whom approximately 40,000 are from Burma – with the majority of the Burmese refugees reportedly Rohingya Muslims from Burma's Arakan state.

Minister for Foreign Affairs Welcomes Burma Parliamentary Congress to Ireland

http://foreignaffairs.gov.ie/home/index.aspx?id=80905

20/01/2009
The Minister for Foreign Affairs, Micheál Martin, TD, today welcomed Members of the Parliamentary Union (MPU) of Burma, the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB) and its Prime Minister, Dr Sein Win, who are in Ireland to hold a Congress and consultations with other representatives of Burmese civil society and ethnic groups.

The MPU Congress will elect a new government-in-exile for the next four-year period. The Department of Foreign Affairs has provided financial support to enable this four-yearly Congress and associated meetings to be held in Ireland. Similar support was provided for a Congress here in 2000.

The Minister said: “This year’s MPU Congress is taking place against the backdrop of a country ravaged by more than 18 years of brutal military dictatorship; the detention and suppression of Aung San Suu Kyi and all those seeking justice and democracy; decades-long sentences on political opponents; flagrant infringements of human rights and fundamental freedoms; wars against the country’s many ethnic groups; the plundering of the country’s wealth and natural resources to fund their brutal regime and for their personal gain; and a deeply flawed Road Map political process, which is to culminate in elections scheduled for next year.”

Minister Martin also paid tribute to Burma Action Ireland for its long-standing support for the cause of the Burmese people and its role in preparations for the Congress.

Ends+++
20th January 2009
Press Office

http://www.irrawaddy.org/highlight.php?art_id=14968

Obama’s Inauguration Attracts Big Interest in Burma
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
By SAW YAN NAING Wednesday, January 21, 2009

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

A Rangoon monk who watched the entire US presidential inauguration on TV summed up the feelings of countless Burmese when he said afterwards: “We’d like to see that happen in Burma, but we don’t know when.”

A young Rangoon journalist said: “We want to freely elect our leader like that, but that’s just a dream.”

Tuesday’s inauguration of Barak Obama as the 44th president of the US attracted huge interest in Burma.

The unnamed journalist said Obama’s path to the White House had been followed especially keenly by the Burmese media and intellectuals.

Burmese from all walks of life, however, watched the inauguration on satellite TV or tuned in to Burmese radios broadcasting from abroad.

Hla Oo, a resident of Mogok in upper Burma, said he believed Obama would offer more help to Burma’s democracy movement than did his predecessor, George W Bush.

A businessman in Bogalay in the Irrawaddy delta said he thought Obama was capable of solving all the problems he faced.

The popular desire for change that swept Obama to power was shared by the people of Burma, the businessman said.

“We want change,” he said. “Change from a system of military rule to democratic rule.

“We are fed up with the military regime. We have lived in fear for a long time. We also want change and liberation.”

Most Burmese opposition leaders expect US support for the pro-democracy movement to remain strong under Obama’s administration.

Nyan Win, spokesman for the National League for Democracy (NLD), told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday: “We believe that the US will keep up its support for human rights and the democracy movement in Burma.”

Some dissidents, however, believe the Burmese people themselves remain the most potent force for political change.

Aye Tha Aung, chairman of the Arakan League for Democracy, said he didn’t expect greater support from the US for political change in Burma.

“The most important forces for change in Burma are the Burmese people, opposition groups and ethnic leaders,” he said.

Ludu Sein Win, a veteran Burmese journalist in Rangoon, said nothing more than condemnation of the regime could be expected from the Obama administration.

“I want to urge the Burmese people: Don’t rely on Obama and [UN Secretary-General] Ban Ki-moon,” Sein Win said. “We must rely on ourselves.”

Burmese astrologers also watched the inauguration with interest—one of the best known, San Zarni Bo, predicted that the new US president could face assassination attempts in 2009, 2010 and 2013. All attempts would fail, he said.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

Chinese teenagers kidnapped by Burma militants

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/china/4305315/Chinese-teenagers-kidnapped-by-Burma-militants.html

At least 50 teenagers from the northern Chinese province of Shanxi have been kidnapped by Burmese militants.

By Malcolm Moore in Shanghai
Last Updated: 3:46PM GMT 21 Jan 2009

According to Chinese state media, the parents of the children have reportedly been told that their children will be tortured if the ransom demands are not met.

Zhang Yunbao, a police captain from Yuncheng, told the state-run China Daily newspaper that the police had received "at least 50 reports" of kidnapped children but that the actual number could be much higher.

The teenagers are allegedly being held in the lawless Burmese city of Myitkyina after being lured south with the promise of jobs.

The first kidnapping case in Shanxi occurred last September, when 16-year-old Zhou Dawei told his parents he was travelling to the southern province of Yunnan, which borders Burma - also known as Myanmar - to take a job.

At the beginning of October, he called his father, Zhou Runsheng, to say that he had been arrested for drug-dealing and that he would be executed if a fine of 80,000 yuan (£8,000) was not paid.

Similar demands were made to the parents of other missing children over the following days. One teenager, who was released after the ransom was met, said he had been invited to a birthday party by a friend, and introduced to a man who offered him the chance to make money working for Burmese militants.

After crossing the border, however, he was thrown into a cell where several other boys were being held. Captain Zhang said the Chinese police know where the boys are being held but that it is outside their jurisdiction.

"The Myitkyina area is controlled by militants who don't even listen to the Burmese government," he said.

【訂正／再送】第55回ビルマ市民フォーラム例会のご案内：外国人労働者は今・・在日ビルマ人・外国人労働者のおかれている状況について

先ほどご案内した内容に誤りがありました。
訂正し、再送いたします。

大変申し訳ありませんでした。

ビルマ市民フォーラム事務局

【転送・転載大歓迎】
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
■第55回ビルマ市民フォーラム例会のご案内

<2月21日（土） 18時～/ 東京・池袋>
￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣
外国人労働者は今・・・

在日ビルマ人・外国人労働者のおかれている状況について
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━

◆日時＝2009年2月21日（土）午後6時～午後8時30分
　　　＊午後5時45分開場

◆会場＝　池袋・ECOとしま（豊島区立生活産業プラザ）
　　　　　　　　８階　多目的ホール
　
*所在：　豊島区東池袋1-20-15、Tel 03-5992-7011
*交通：　池袋駅東口徒歩5分
地図：http://www.city.toshima.lg.jp/shisetsu/shisetsu_community/005133.html

　　　　　　
◆資料代＝　200円（会員）・500円（非会員）

◆定　員＝ 80名　（事前申込み不要／先着順）

￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣
次回、ＰＦＢ例会では、以下、２つをテーマに実施いたします。
参加申込は不要です。ぜひお越しください。

①「在日ビルマ人や外国人労働者のおかれている状況について」

　…ティンウィン（在日ビルマ市民労働組合会長／PFB運営委員）

昨今の経済危機により、日本人のみならず多くの在日ビルマ人や在日
外国人も厳しい状況におかれています。昨年末には日本人の雇用など
に関する報道が大きくなされましたが、その影で、多くの在日外国人
労働者もまた、日本人よりもさらに厳しい状況におかれています。
こうした状況や在日外国人労働者の思いを多くの方に知っていただくため、
ビルマ人の労働組合の会長として日々様々な相談や対応に追われている
在日ビルマ難民ティンウィンさんに、ビルマ人のみならず、群馬県を
中心にした外国人労働者の状況について、お話ししていただきます。

②「在日ビルマ難民のおかれている現状と展望（仮題）」

　…渡辺　彰悟（弁護士／ビルマ弁護団事務局長／PFB事務局長）」

2008年のビルマ人難民認定申請者の状況について報告します。
また、日本政府は昨年、紛争や弾圧を逃れて他国に避難している難民を
受け入れる「第三国定住プログラム」の開始を正式に決定し、2010年
にはタイの難民キャンプで暮らすビルマ難民30人程を日本に受け入れ
るわけですが、そういった新しい動きも含め、日本の難民認定制度に
おける今後の課題や展望を話します。

━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
★PFBでは、日本人と在日ビルマ人を対象に、時々のビルマ情勢や
在日ビルマ難民の抱える問題などをテーマに、隔月で例会を実施して
おります。会員・非会員を問わず、どたなでもご参加いただけます。
初めての方でもぜひお気軽にご参加ください。
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━

以上
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
　　　　　　　　◇　ビルマ市民フォーラム事務局　◇　
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
〒160-0004　
東京都新宿区四谷一丁目18番地6　四谷1丁目ウエストビル4階
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　いずみ橋法律事務所内
　電話０３－５３１２－４８１７（直）／　FAX:０３―５３１２－４５４３
E-mail： pfb@xsj.biglobe.ne.jp
ホームページ：　http://www1.jca.apc.org/pfb/index.htm
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━

Wednesday, January 21, 2009

Is North Korea helping Burma build a secret underground weapon?

http://www.shaneabrahams.com/2009/01/is-north-korea-helping-burma-build-a-secret-underground-weapon/

Burma’s military is reportedly building a network of underground tunnels between Naypyidaw, the country’s administrative capital and the town of Pin Laung in Shan State. According to the Democratic Voice of Burma, local residents speculate the tunnels are part of a secret weapons project, while workers report the project is being constructed with the assistance of North Korean scientists.
Work on the site has been going on for about three months, with three teams of workers from different parts of Burma. One worker said they were digging a very large tunnel with four main entrances to it. Inside the tunnel there were a lot of different sectors with maze-like paths scattered all around and also some parking lots.
He also reported often seeing North Koreans there, about every five days.
Visitors to the site from Naypyidaw have to pass through five military checkpoints, while troops and anti-aircraft batteries have been deployed on surrounding hilltops.
However, workers, who are forced to live on the site, complain they have not been paid for two months. DVB quotes one worker as saying, “They promised us 30,000 kyat a month for our labour

but they haven’t paid us since November last year and they also kept our ID cards so we can’t leave the site.”
Several years ago, I met a Burmese exile, who claimed the military were trying to acquire nuclear weapon technology from the Russians and that work had begun on a secret site inside Burma.
The junta moved the country’s capital from Rangoon to remote Naypyidaw in 2005. And many analysts speculate the move was due to the junta’s paranoia over a possible attack by the US.
Given President George W. Bush’s willingness to invade Iraq based on flimsier evidence than this, one wonders how the incoming Obama administration will view this latest news.

第55回ビルマ市民フォーラム例会のご案内：外国人労働者は今・・在日ビルマ人・外国人労働者のおかれている状況について

【転送・転載大歓迎】
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
■第55回ビルマ市民フォーラム例会のご案内

<2月21日（土） 18時～/ 東京・池袋>
￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣
外国人労働者は今・・・

在日ビルマ人・外国人労働者のおかれている状況について
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━

◆日時＝2009年2月21日（土）午後6時～午後8時30分
　　　＊午後5時45分開場

◆会場＝　池袋・ECOとしま（豊島区立生活産業プラザ）
　　　　　　　　８階　多目的ホール
　
*所在：　豊島区東池袋1-20-15、Tel 03-5992-7011
*交通：　池袋駅東口徒歩5分
地図：http://www.city.toshima.lg.jp/shisetsu/shisetsu_community/005133.html

　　　　　　
◆資料代＝　200円（会員）・500円（非会員）

◆定　員＝ 80名　（事前申込み不要／先着順）

￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣￣
次回、ＰＦＢ例会では、以下、２つをテーマに実施いたします。
参加申込は不要です。ぜひお越しください。

①「在日ビルマ人や外国人労働者のおかれている状況について」

　…ティンウィンさん（在日ビルマ市民労働組合会長／PFB運営委員）

昨今の経済危機により、日本人のみならず多くの在日ビルマ人や在日
外国人も厳しい状況におかれています。昨年末には日本人の雇用など
に関する報道が大きくなされましたが、その影で、多くの在日外国人
労働者もまた、日本人よりもさらに厳しい状況におかれています。
こうした状況や在日外国人労働者の思いを多くの方に知っていただくため、
ビルマ人の労働組合の会長として日々様々な相談や対応に追われている
在日ビルマ難民ティンウィンさんに、ビルマ人のみならず、群馬県を
中心にした外国人労働者の状況について、お話ししていただきます。

②「在日ビルマ難民のおかれている現状と展望（仮題）」

　…渡辺　先生（弁護士／ビルマ弁護団事務局長／PFB事務局長）」

2008年のビルマ人難民認定申請者の状況について報告します。
また、日本政府は昨年、紛争や弾圧を逃れて他国に避難している難民を
受け入れる「第三国定住プログラム」の開始を正式に決定し、2010年
にはタイの難民キャンプで暮らすビルマ難民30人程を日本に受け入れ
るわけですが、そういった新しい動きも含め、日本の難民認定制度に
おける今後の課題や展望をお話いたします。

━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
★PFBでは、日本人と在日ビルマ人を対象に、時々のビルマ情勢や
在日ビルマ難民の抱える問題などをテーマに、隔月で例会を実施して
おります。会員・非会員を問わず、どたなでもご参加いただけます。
初めての方でもぜひお気軽にご参加ください。
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━

以上
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
　　　　　　　　◇　ビルマ市民フォーラム事務局　◇　
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
〒160-0004　
東京都新宿区四谷一丁目18番地6　四谷1丁目ウエストビル4階
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　いずみ橋法律事務所内
　電話０３－５３１２－４８１７（直）／　FAX:０３―５３１２－４５４３
E-mail： pfb@xsj.biglobe.ne.jp
ホームページ：　http://www1.jca.apc.org/pfb/index.htm
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━

Obama takes office, saying choose 'hope over fear'

WASHINGTON – Stepping into history, Barack Hussein Obama grasped the reins of power as America's first black president on Tuesday, saying the nation must choose "hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord" to overcome the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression.

In frigid temperatures, an exuberant crowd of more than a million packed the National Mall and parade route to celebrate Obama's inauguration in a high-noon ceremony. They filled the National Mall, stretching from the inaugural platform at the U.S. Capitol to the Lincoln Memorial in the distance.

With 11 million Americans out of work and trillions of dollars lost in the stock market's tumble, Obama emphasized that his biggest challenge is to repair the tattered economy left behind by outgoing President George W. Bush.

"Our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions — that time has surely passed," Obama said in an undisguised shot at Bush administration policies. "Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off and begin the work of remaking America."

The dawn of the new Democratic era — with Obama allies in charge of both houses of Congress — ends eight years of Republican control of the White House by Bush, who leaves Washington as one of the nation's most unpopular and divisive presidents, the architect of two unfinished wars and the man in charge at a time of economic calamity that swept away many Americans' jobs, savings and homes.

Obama's election was cheered around the world as a sign that America will be more embracing, more open to change. "To the Muslim world," Obama said, "we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect."

Still, he bluntly warned, "To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West — know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy."

"To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history, but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist."

Two years after beginning his improbable quest as a little-known, first-term Illinois senator with a foreign-sounding name, Obama moved into the Oval Office as the nation's fourth youngest president, at 47, and the first African-American, a barrier-breaking achievement believed impossible by generations of minorities.

He said it was a moment to recall "that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness."

Obama called for a political truce in Washington to end "the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics."

He said that all Americans have roles in rebuilding the nation by renewing the traditions of hard work, honesty and fair play, tolerance, loyalty and patriotism.

"What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility, a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task."

With the economy in a long and deepening recession, Obama said it was time for swift and bold action to create new jobs and lay a foundation for growth. Congressional Democrats have readied an $825 billion stimulus plan of tax cuts and spending for roads, bridges, schools, electric grids and other projects.

"The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works," the new president said.

A mighty chorus of cheers erupted as Obama stepped to the inaugural platform, a midday sun warming the crowd that had waited for hours in the cold. There were some boos when Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney came onto the platform.

In his remarks, Obama took stock of the nation's sobering problems.

"That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood," he said.

"Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age," Obama said. "Homes have been lost, jobs shed, businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly, our schools fail too many, and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet."

It was the first change of administrations since the terror attacks of Sept. 11, 2001. Crowds filled the Mall for a distant glimpse of the proceedings or just, in the words of many, simply "to be here." Washington's subway system was jammed and two downtown stations were closed when a woman was struck by a subway train.

Bush — following tradition — left a note for Obama in the top drawer of his desk in the Oval Office.

White House press secretary Dana Perino said the theme of the message — which Bush wrote on Monday — was similar to what he has said since election night: that Obama is about to begin a "fabulous new chapter" in the United States, and that he wishes him well.

The unfinished business of the Bush administration thrusts an enormous burden onto the new administration, though polls show Americans are confident Obama is on track to succeed. He has cautioned that improvements will take time and that things will get worse before they get better.

Culminating four days of celebration, the nation's 56th inauguration day began for Obama and Vice President-elect Joe Biden with a traditional morning worship service at St. John's Episcopal Church, across Lafayette Park from the White House. Bells pealed from the historic church's tower as Obama and his wife, Michelle, arrived five minutes behind schedule.

The festivities won't end until well after midnight, with dancing and partying at 10 inaugural balls.

By custom, Obama and his wife, and Biden and his wife, Jill, went directly from church to the White House for coffee with Bush and his wife, Laura. Michelle Obama brought a gift for the outgoing first lady in a white box decorated with a red ribbon.

Shortly before 11 a.m., Obama and Bush climbed into a heavily armored Cadillac limousine to share a ride to the Capitol for the transfer of power, an event flashed around the world in television and radio broadcasts, podcasts and Internet streaming. On Monday, Vice President Dick Cheney pulled a muscle in his back, leaving him in a wheelchair for the inauguration.

Just after noon, Obama stepped forward on the West Front of the Capitol to lay his left hand on the same Bible that President Abraham Lincoln used at his first inauguration in 1861. The 35-word oath of office, administered by Chief Justice John Roberts, has been uttered by every president since George Washington. Obama was one of 22 Democratic senators to vote against Roberts' confirmation to the Supreme Court in 2005.

The son of a white, Kansas-born mother and a black, Kenya-born father, Obama decided to use his full name in the swearing-in ceremony.

To the dismay of liberals, Obama invited conservative evangelical pastor Rick Warren — an opponent of gay rights — to give the inaugural invocation.

About a dozen members of Obama's Cabinet and top appointees were ready for Senate confirmation Tuesday, provided no objections were raised. But Republican Sen. John Cornyn of Texas indicated he would block a move to immediately confirm Secretary of State-designate Hillary Rodham Clinton. Still, she is expected to be approved in a roll call vote Wednesday.

More than 10,000 people from all 50 states — including bands and military units — were assembled to follow Obama and Biden from the Capitol on the 1.5-mile inaugural parade route on Pennsylvania Avenue, concluding at a bulletproof reviewing stand in front of the White House. Security was unprecedented. Most bridges into Washington and about 3.5 square miles of downtown were closed.

Among the VIPs at the Capitol was pilot Chesley "Sully" Sullenberger, the hero of last week's US Airways crash into the Hudson River.

Obama's inauguration represents a time of renewal and optimism for a nation gripped by fear and anxiety. Stark numbers tell the story of an economic debacle unrivaled since the 1930s:

_Eleven million people have lost their jobs, pushing the unemployment rate to 7.2 percent, a 16-year high.

_One in 10 U.S. homeowners is delinquent on mortgage payments or in arrears.

_The Dow Jones industrial average fell by 33.8 percent in 2008, the worst decline since 1931, and stocks lost $10 trillion in value between October 2007 and November 2008.

Obama and congressional Democrats are working on an $825 billion economic recovery bill that would provide an enormous infusion of public spending and tax cuts. Obama also will have at his disposal the remaining $350 billion in the federal financial bailout fund. His goal is to save or create 3 million jobs and put banks back in the job of lending to customers.

In an appeal for bipartisanship, Obama honored defeated Republican presidential rival John McCain at a dinner Monday night. "There are few Americans who understand this need for common purpose and common effort better than John McCain," Obama said.

Young and untested, Obama is a man of enormous confidence and electrifying oratorical skills. Hopes for Obama are extremely high, suggesting that Americans are willing to give him a long honeymoon to strengthen the economy and lift the financial gloom.

On Wednesday, his first working day in office, Obama is expected to redeem his campaign promise to begin the withdrawal of U.S. forces from Iraq under a 16-month timetable. Aides said he would summon the Joint Chiefs of Staff to the Oval Office and order that the pullout commence.

___

Associated Press Writers Alan Fram, Donna Cassata, Gillian Gaynair, Ricardo Alonso-Zaldivar, Kevin Freking, Ed Tobias, Ben Evans, Seth Borenstein and H. Josef Hebert contributed to this report.

Obama takes office, saying choose 'hope over fear'

http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20090120/ap_on_go_pr_wh/inauguration_rdp

http://news.yahoo.com/

Slideshow: Presidential Inauguration Play Video Video: LIVE - Barack Obama’s inauguration ceremony ABC News Play Video Video: Celebrities party for Obama Reuters AP – President Barack Obama gives his inaugural address at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, Tuesday, Jan. 20, … WASHINGTON – Stepping into history, Barack Hussein Obama grasped the reins of power as America's first black president on Tuesday, saying the nation must choose "hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord" to overcome the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression.

In frigid temperatures, an exuberant crowd of more than a million packed the National Mall and parade route to celebrate Obama's inauguration in a high-noon ceremony. They filled the National Mall, stretching from the inaugural platform at the U.S. Capitol to the Lincoln Memorial in the distance.

With 11 million Americans out of work and trillions of dollars lost in the stock market's tumble, Obama emphasized that his biggest challenge is to repair the tattered economy left behind by outgoing President George W. Bush.

"Our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions — that time has surely passed," Obama said in an undisguised shot at Bush administration policies. "Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off and begin the work of remaking America."

The dawn of the new Democratic era — with Obama allies in charge of both houses of Congress — ends eight years of Republican control of the White House by Bush, who leaves Washington as one of the nation's most unpopular and divisive presidents, the architect of two unfinished wars and the man in charge at a time of economic calamity that swept away many Americans' jobs, savings and homes.

Obama's election was cheered around the world as a sign that America will be more embracing, more open to change. "To the Muslim world," Obama said, "we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect."

Still, he bluntly warned, "To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West — know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy."

"To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history, but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist."

Two years after beginning his improbable quest as a little-known, first-term Illinois senator with a foreign-sounding name, Obama moved into the Oval Office as the nation's fourth youngest president, at 47, and the first African-American, a barrier-breaking achievement believed impossible by generations of minorities.

He said it was a moment to recall "that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness."

Obama called for a political truce in Washington to end "the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics."

He said that all Americans have roles in rebuilding the nation by renewing the traditions of hard work, honesty and fair play, tolerance, loyalty and patriotism.

"What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility, a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task."

With the economy in a long and deepening recession, Obama said it was time for swift and bold action to create new jobs and lay a foundation for growth. Congressional Democrats have readied an $825 billion stimulus plan of tax cuts and spending for roads, bridges, schools, electric grids and other projects.

"The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works," the new president said.

A mighty chorus of cheers erupted as Obama stepped to the inaugural platform, a midday sun warming the crowd that had waited for hours in the cold. There were some boos when Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney came onto the platform.

In his remarks, Obama took stock of the nation's sobering problems.

"That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood," he said.

"Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age," Obama said. "Homes have been lost, jobs shed, businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly, our schools fail too many, and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet."

It was the first change of administrations since the terror attacks of Sept. 11, 2001. Crowds filled the Mall for a distant glimpse of the proceedings or just, in the words of many, simply "to be here." Washington's subway system was jammed and two downtown stations were closed when a woman was struck by a subway train.

Bush — following tradition — left a note for Obama in the top drawer of his desk in the Oval Office.

White House press secretary Dana Perino said the theme of the message — which Bush wrote on Monday — was similar to what he has said since election night: that Obama is about to begin a "fabulous new chapter" in the United States, and that he wishes him well.

The unfinished business of the Bush administration thrusts an enormous burden onto the new administration, though polls show Americans are confident Obama is on track to succeed. He has cautioned that improvements will take time and that things will get worse before they get better.

Culminating four days of celebration, the nation's 56th inauguration day began for Obama and Vice President-elect Joe Biden with a traditional morning worship service at St. John's Episcopal Church, across Lafayette Park from the White House. Bells pealed from the historic church's tower as Obama and his wife, Michelle, arrived five minutes behind schedule.

The festivities won't end until well after midnight, with dancing and partying at 10 inaugural balls.

By custom, Obama and his wife, and Biden and his wife, Jill, went directly from church to the White House for coffee with Bush and his wife, Laura. Michelle Obama brought a gift for the outgoing first lady in a white box decorated with a red ribbon.

Shortly before 11 a.m., Obama and Bush climbed into a heavily armored Cadillac limousine to share a ride to the Capitol for the transfer of power, an event flashed around the world in television and radio broadcasts, podcasts and Internet streaming. On Monday, Vice President Dick Cheney pulled a muscle in his back, leaving him in a wheelchair for the inauguration.

Just after noon, Obama stepped forward on the West Front of the Capitol to lay his left hand on the same Bible that President Abraham Lincoln used at his first inauguration in 1861. The 35-word oath of office, administered by Chief Justice John Roberts, has been uttered by every president since George Washington. Obama was one of 22 Democratic senators to vote against Roberts' confirmation to the Supreme Court in 2005.

The son of a white, Kansas-born mother and a black, Kenya-born father, Obama decided to use his full name in the swearing-in ceremony.

To the dismay of liberals, Obama invited conservative evangelical pastor Rick Warren — an opponent of gay rights — to give the inaugural invocation.

About a dozen members of Obama's Cabinet and top appointees were ready for Senate confirmation Tuesday, provided no objections were raised. But Republican Sen. John Cornyn of Texas indicated he would block a move to immediately confirm Secretary of State-designate Hillary Rodham Clinton. Still, she is expected to be approved in a roll call vote Wednesday.

More than 10,000 people from all 50 states — including bands and military units — were assembled to follow Obama and Biden from the Capitol on the 1.5-mile inaugural parade route on Pennsylvania Avenue, concluding at a bulletproof reviewing stand in front of the White House. Security was unprecedented. Most bridges into Washington and about 3.5 square miles of downtown were closed.

Among the VIPs at the Capitol was pilot Chesley "Sully" Sullenberger, the hero of last week's US Airways crash into the Hudson River.

Obama's inauguration represents a time of renewal and optimism for a nation gripped by fear and anxiety. Stark numbers tell the story of an economic debacle unrivaled since the 1930s:

_Eleven million people have lost their jobs, pushing the unemployment rate to 7.2 percent, a 16-year high.

_One in 10 U.S. homeowners is delinquent on mortgage payments or in arrears.

_The Dow Jones industrial average fell by 33.8 percent in 2008, the worst decline since 1931, and stocks lost $10 trillion in value between October 2007 and November 2008.

Obama and congressional Democrats are working on an $825 billion economic recovery bill that would provide an enormous infusion of public spending and tax cuts. Obama also will have at his disposal the remaining $350 billion in the federal financial bailout fund. His goal is to save or create 3 million jobs and put banks back in the job of lending to customers.

In an appeal for bipartisanship, Obama honored defeated Republican presidential rival John McCain at a dinner Monday night. "There are few Americans who understand this need for common purpose and common effort better than John McCain," Obama said.

Young and untested, Obama is a man of enormous confidence and electrifying oratorical skills. Hopes for Obama are extremely high, suggesting that Americans are willing to give him a long honeymoon to strengthen the economy and lift the financial gloom.

On Wednesday, his first working day in office, Obama is expected to redeem his campaign promise to begin the withdrawal of U.S. forces from Iraq under a 16-month timetable. Aides said he would summon the Joint Chiefs of Staff to the Oval Office and order that the pullout commence.

___

Associated Press Writers Alan Fram, Donna Cassata, Gillian Gaynair, Ricardo Alonso-Zaldivar, Kevin Freking, Ed Tobias, Ben Evans, Seth Borenstein and H. Josef Hebert contributed to this report.

Is China's influence on Burmese generals eroding?

http://www.mizzima.com/news/regional/1576-is-chinas-influence-on-burmese-generals-eroding.html

by Mungpi
Tuesday, 20 January 2009 20:57

New Delhi (Mizzima) - Though it may seem to many, including the international community, that China, Burma's strongest ally, is the only country that can influence the rogue military rulers of Burma, an analyst said, China is also currently facing a tough situation as the Burmese generals are stupid and stubborn and do not do what they are asked to by their elder brother – China.

Mya Maung a long time Sino-Burmese analyst based along the two countries' border in Ruili, during an interview with Mizzima said China is currently in a tight spot as the Burmese regime is stubbornly refusing to follow its suggestions.

Surprisingly, he said, China's suggestions to Burmese military rulers include implementing an inclusive political dialogue with opposition groups, as well as to reconsider the constitution, which the junta had claimed was approved during a referendum in May.

"But the problem is China has its own national interests to think of at and they are not in a position to put too much pressures on the junta," Mya Maung said.

According to him, among many economic ventures that China seeks in Burma, connecting a gas pipeline from Burma's western Arakan state to Yunnan province and using the Sittwe port as a sea gateway, are crucial.

"China may seem to be endorsing the junta's roadmap, but it is more concerned that there is some kind of stability in the country," Mya Maung said.

He said the Chinese government sees that the United Nations' initiative is ideal for Burma's political solution as it has strongly opposed the Western nations' way of pressuring the junta with economic sanctions.

China believes in engagement but would like a strong and stable government that would be accountable, Mya Maung said.

Currently, the United States and European Union has imposed economic sanctions on Burma's military rulers.

Complimenting Mya Maung's analysis, a secret document leaked to Mizzima reveals that China's ambassador to Burma Mr. Juan Mu urged the Burmese Foreign Minister, during one of their meetings in early last year, to cooperate with the UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari and follow his suggestions on political reforms.

The meetings minutes between Burmese Foreign Minister Nyan Win and Ambassador Juan Mu, reveals that the Chinese ambassador had urged Nyan Win to allow Gambari to play a greater role by allowing him a tripartite meeting with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and liaison minister Aung Kyi, and to allow him multiple-entry Visa to Burma, and to open a liaison office in Rangoon.

Juan Mu also said, China is endorsing the United Nations initiative and would be ready to provide necessary support to the special envoy Ibrahim Gambari.

But Nyan Win, yet another puppet Foreign Minister of the Junta's paramount leader Senior General Than Shwe, refused the request saying a tripartite meeting between Gambari, Aung Kyi and Aung San Suu Kyi is impossible but assured meetings with junior junta officials.

Nyan Win, during the conversation with Juan Mu, also said Gambari cannot be given multiple entry Visa to Burma and the regime could not allow him to have a liaison office in Rangoon.

Juan Mu, representing the voice of China, however, told Nyan Win that China fully understood Burma's situation and would use its influence to convince the international community particularly the diplomatic community in Rangoon on the junta's planned roadmap.

Mya Maung said, though China wants to see a stable Burma, in recent days it has failed to influence the junta, led by Senior General Than Shwe, in many areas including its response to the deadly Cyclone Nargis.

"These are signs that China, though it may seem to be the only country with a lot of influence on Burma's military rulers, are having a tough time with the generals, as they are forced to consider their interest," Mya Maung concludes.

GREETING TO DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI ON HER RELEASE(13-11-2010)

ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုႀကည္ကိုယ္စိတ္နွစ္ျဖာက်န္းမာပါေစ

ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုႀကည္ေဘးရန္အေပါင္းမွကင္းပါေစ

ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုႀကည္ တိုင္းရင္းသားျပည္သူေတြအက်ိဳး

စထက္တံပိုးသယ္ပိုးနိုင္ပါေစ

ျပည္ေထာင္စုျမန္မာနိုင္ငံေတာ္ေအးခ်မ္းပါေစ

ျပည္ေထာင္စုသားအားလုံးကိုယ္စိတ္နွစ္ျဖာက်န္းမာခ်မ္းသာပါေစ

INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS DAY-2009-TOKYO

Human Rights day is observed throughout the international community every year on December 10th because that commemorates the date in 1948 on which the UN adopted the Universal Declaration on Human Rights.

The theme for Human Rights Day 2009 is the fundamental importance of non-discrimination as captured in the slogan "Embrace diversity, End discrimination."
Again this year, on December 10, let’s observe Human Rights Day in Japan.

Place – In front of United Nations University, Shibuya-ku, Jingumae 5–53–70, Tokyo 150-8925
Date – December 10, 2009 (Thursday)
Time – 3 PM to 5 PM
Contact – JAC
090-4964-9718,
090-9831-7192,
090-1506-2893,
090-5318-5054,
090-6505-6858

PEACEFUL BURMA GROUP(FORMED IN 09-09-2009)

OUR AIM

-TO FIGHT AGAINST THE BURMESE MILITARY REGIME

-TO PROMOTE DEMOCRACY AND PEACE IN BURMA

-TO PROMOTE KNOWLEDGE BASE SOCIETY IN BURMA

-TO PROMOTE PEACEFUL COEXISTANCE BETWEEN

BURMA AND NEIGHBOURING COUNTRIES

-----------------------------------------------------

私達の目標

-ビルマ軍事政権との闘い

-ビルマの民主主義そして平和を促進するため

-ビルマの知識ベースの社会を促進するため

-ビルマと近隣諸国間の平和共存を促進するため

------------------------------------------------------------------

OUR TEAM

PHONE HLAING

MANAGING DIRECTOR

THAN WIN

DIRECTOR

DOCUMENTATION AND MEDIA

MAR LAR

DIRECTOR

ARTS , PUBLICATION AND MEDIA

HAN NI NI HTUN

DIRECTOR

PERFORMING ARTS AND MEDIA

MAUNG KYI SHEIN

DIRECTOR

MASS MEDIA

在日ビルマー人共同行動実行委員会（ＪＡＣ）参加団体

1 Arakan League for Democracy ALD Exile-JP
アラカン民主連盟（亡命／日本）
2 Burma Democratic Action Group BDA Group
ビルマ民主アクショングループ
3 Chin National Community CNC-Japan
チン民族コミュニテイ-
4 Democratic Federation of Burma DFB
ビルマ民主連合
5 Kachin National Organization, Japan KNO-JP
カチン民族機構6 Kachin State National Congress forDemocracy (Liberated Area-Japan)KNCD (LA-JP)
カチン州民主民族評義会（解放地域―日本）
7 Karen National League KNL-JP
カレン民族連盟（日本）
8 Karen National Union - Japan KNU-JP
カレン民族同盟（日本支部）
9 Naga National Society NNS
ナガ民族社会
10 National Democratic Front (Burma)Representative for JapanNDF (B)
民族民主戦線（日本支部）
11 Palaun National Society PNS
パラウン民族社会
12 Punnyagari Mon National Society PMNS
ポンニャカリモン民族社会
13 Shan Nationalities for Democracy - Japan SND-JP
在日シャン民族民主主議会
14 Shan State Nationalities for Democracy -JapanSSND-JP
シャン州民族民主化（日本）
15 Confederation of National Youth forBurma (Japan Branch)CNYB (JB)
ビルマ国民青年連盟（日本―支部）
16 Save Burma
17Peaceful Burma (ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းျမန္မာ)
平和なビルマ

２００９－OCTOBER-25

Joint Action Committee of Burmese Community in Japan
( J A C )

Aung San Suu Kyi

The only real prison is fear, and the only real freedom is freedom from fear.
唯一の実質の刑務所は恐れであり、唯一の実質の自由は恐れからの自由である。
့တကယ့္အက်ဥ္းေထာင္အစစ္ ဟာ
ေႀကာက္ရံြ ့မႈ-အေႀကာက္တရားဘဲ
တကယ့္လြတ္လပ္မႈအစစ္ကေတာ့
ေႀကာက္ရံြ ့ျခင္းကလြတ္ေျမာက္မႈဘဲ
Burmese Translation-Phone Hlaing-fwubc

ႊႊႊဤဘေလာက္၏ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္-Aim-目的

သိရိွသင့္ေသာကမၻာသတင္းနွင့္ ျမန္မာနိုင္ငံ၏နိုင္ငံေရးရာအျဖာျဖာ
ကိုဒီမိုကရက္တစ္ျမန္မာသတင္းမီဒီယာမ်ားနွင့္လက္တဲြ၍တင္ျပ
ေဆြးေႏြးသြားရန္၊ အထူးသျဖင့္ ျမန္မာနိုင္ငံ၏အေျခအေနအျဖစ္မွန္
မ်ားကိုဂ်ပန္နိုင္ငံသားမ်ားအႀကားပိုမိုနားလည္လာေစရန္အတြက္
သတင္းျဖန္ ့ေ၀သြားရန္ရည္ရြယ္ပါသည္။
To report and discuss suitable world news and the situation of Burma in co-ordinate with other democratic Burmese medias , especially to provide the japanese people with true Burmese news in order to better understanding of our country.
ビルマの適したワールド・ニュースそして状態を論議することは他の民主的なビルマ媒体と報告し、特に私達の国の理解をよくするために本当のビルマのニュースを日本人に与えるために調整する。

NLD ဆိုတာ သိခ်င္ရင္ဖတ္ႀကည့္

NLD ကိုေတာ္လွန္ေရးတစ္ခုလံုး မျပီးလို ့အျပစ္ေတြပံုခ်မယ္ဆိုဒီလူငယ္ေတြနဲ ့အတူ ခင္ဗ်ားတို ့ခန ေလးသြားရပ္ႀကည့္ပါ။။။စာန ဲ ့ေရးဖို ့အသံနဲ ့ေအာ္ဖို ့သိတ္လြယ္တဲ့ေခတ္မွာ ေရးလို ့ေအာ္လို ့ ရတာေပါ ့ဗ်ာ တကယ္လက္ေတြ အသက္နဲ ့ေထာင္နဲ ့ရင္းျပီးျပည္သူေရွ ့မွာမားမားရပ္ေန တာ NLD ပါ ။၈၈၈၈မ်ိဳးဆက္အဖြဲ မရွိစဥ ္ကလည္း ပြဲတိုင္း ရက္ျမတ္တိုင္းမွာေရွ့ထြက္ခဲ့တာNLD ပါပဲ ၈၈၈၈ မ်ိဳးဆက္အမ်ားစုေထာင္ထဲ၀င္သြားရလည္း ဆက္ တိုက္ေနတာNLD ပါ ဘယ္အဖြဲအစည္းဘယ္အုပ္စုမွ ဒီလိုထြက္တိုက္ဖို ့ မရဲ၀ံ့တဲ့အေျခအေနမွာNLD ကို၀န္းရံ ရမယ္ NLD ကိုအားေပးရမယ္ စစ္မွန္တဲ့အေျခအေနတရပ္ကိုလက္ခံရမယ္ ျပည္တြင္းအားဟာအဓိကဆိုရင္မ်က္ေမွာက္ေရွ့ကအမွန္တရားကို လက္ကိုလက္ခံရမယ္
Posted by laminkhin at 5:15 AM 3 comments

ဘဝ

ဘဝဟူသည္ စစ္ေျမျပင္ျဖစ္၏။ ဘဝစစ္ေျမျပင္တြင္ အကုသိုလ္နွင့္
ကုသိုလ္ တို ့သည္ အျမဲတေစ အခ်င္းခ်င္းတိုက္ခိုက္ေနႀက၏။ ဓမၼနွင့္
အဓမၼ တို ့သည္ ခဏမစဲ တိုက္ခိုက္ေနႀက၏။ ကုသိုလ္ကနိုင္လ်ွင္
ခ်မ္းသာ၏။ အကုသိုလ္ကနိုင္လ်ွင္ ဆင္းရဲ၏။ ဓမၼကနိုင္လ်ွင္ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္း
၏။ အဓမၼကနိုင္လ်ွင္ ဆူပြက္၏။

人権の普遍的な宣言 -Universal Declaration of Human Rights

人権の普遍的な宣言 " 皆に平和なアセンブリおよびassociation."の自由に権利がある; -記事20 " 皆におよび表現言論の自由に権利がある; この権利は意見をinteferenceなしで持ち、追求するために自由を含んでいる; あらゆる媒体によってそしてフロンティアにもかかわらず情報および考えを受け取り、与えなさい。 " -記事19

Universal Declaration of Human Rights"Everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association." - Article 20 "Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without inteference and to seek; receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers. " -Article 19

AUNG SAN SUU KYI

Biography*
伝記
1942:
September 6. Marriage of Aung San, commander of the Burma Independence Army, and Ma Khin Kyi (becoming Daw Khin Kyi), senior nurse of Rangoon General Hospital, where he had recovered from the rigours of the march into Burma.
昂山、司令官、およびビルマの独立軍隊のMa Khin Kyi (なるDaw Khin Kyi)の9月6.日の結婚、彼がビルマに行進の厳しさから回復したラングーンの総合病院の年長の看護婦。

1945:
June 19. Aung San Suu Kyi born in Rangoon, third child in family. "Aung San" for father, "Kyi" for mother, "Suu" for grandmother, also day of week of birth.Favourite brother is to drown tragically at an early age. The older brother, will settle in San Diego, California, becoming United States citizen.
6月19日。ラングーンで耐えられるAung San Suu Kyi家族の第3子供。 " 昂山の" 父のため、" Kyi" 母のため、" Suu" 祖母のため、また生れの週の日。好みの兄弟は若年時に悲劇的に浸るべきである。より古い兄弟はサンディエゴ、カリフォルニア、なる米国ので、市民解決する。

1947:
July 19. General Aung San assassinated. Suu Kyi is two years old. Daw Khin Kyi becomes a prominent public figure, heading social planning and social policy bodies.
7月19日。暗殺される昂山概要。 Suu Kyiは2歳である。 Daw Khin Kyiは顕著な著名な人物になり、社会的な計画および社会政策ボディの先頭に立つ。

1948:
January 4. The Independent Union of Burma is established.
1月4.日。ビルマの独立した連合は確立される。

1960:
Daw Khin Kyi appointed Burma's ambassador to India. Suu Kyi accompanies mother to New Delhi.
Daw Khin KyiはBurma'を任命した; インドへのsの大使。 Suu Kyiはニューデリーに母に伴う。

1960-64:
Suu Kyi at high school and Lady Shri Ram College in New Delhi.
ニューデリーの高等学校および女性Shri Ram CollegeのSuu Kyi。

1964-67:
Oxford University, B.A. in philosophy, politics and economics at St. Hugh's College (elected Honorary Fellow, 1990).British "parents" are Lord Gore-Booth, former British ambassador to Burma and High Commissioner in India, and his wife, at whose home Suu Kyi meets Michael Aris, student of Tibetan civilisation.
哲学のオックスフォード大学、B.A.、St. Hugh'の政治および経済学; sの大学(名誉上Fellow 1990年と選ばれる)。イギリスの" parents" 主、前のイギリスの大使、および家のSuu KyiにミハエルArisに会う彼の妻はインドのビルマそして高等弁務官に、チベット文明の学生あるゴアフース。

1969-71:
She goes to New York for graduate study, staying with family friend Ma Than E, staff member at the United Nations, where U. Thant of Burma is Secretary-General. Postponing studies, Suu Kyi joins U.N. secretariat as Assistant Secretary, Advisory Committee on Administrative and Budgetary Questions. Evenings and weekends volunteers at hospital, helping indigent patients in programs of reading and companionship.
彼女はビルマのU. Thantが事務総長である国際連合にEより家族の友人Maと、職員とどまる大学院の調査のためのニューヨークに行く。調査を延期して、Suu Kyiは補助秘書、管理上および予算上の質問の諮問委員会としてU.Nの秘書課を結合する。夕方は読書および交際のプログラムの貧しい患者を助ける病院でボランティアの週末を過ごし。

1972:
January 1. Marries Michael Aris, joins him in Himalayan kingdom of Bhutan, where he tutors royal family and heads Translation Department. She becomes Research Officer in the Royal Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
1月1.日はミハエルArisと、結合する彼が王室を個別指導し、翻訳部を先頭に立つブータンのヒマラヤ王国の彼を結婚する。彼女は高貴な外務省の研究の役人になる。

1973:
They return to England for birth of Alexander in London.
それらはロンドンのアレキサンダーの生れのためのイギリスに戻る。

1974:
Michael assumes appointment in Tibetan and Himalayan studies at Oxford University.
ミハエルはオックスフォード大学でチベットおよびヒマラヤ調査の任命を仮定する。

1977:
Birth of second son, Kim at Oxford.While raising her children, Suu Kyi begins writing, researches for biography of father, and assists Michael in Himalayan studies.
第2息子、オックスフォードの金の生れ。彼女の子供を育てている間、Suu Kyiは書き始め父の伝記のために研究し、そしてヒマラヤ調査のミハエルを助ける。

1984:
Publishes Aung San in Leaders of Asia series of University of Queensland Press. (See Freedom from Fear, pp. 3-38.)
アジアの一連のクイーンズランド出版物の大学のリーダーの昂山を出版する。 (恐れ、PPからの自由を見なさい。 3-38。)

1985:
For juvenile readers publishes Let's Visit Burma (see Freedom from Fear, pp. 39-81), also books on Nepal and Bhutan in same series for Burke Publishing Company, London.
年少の読者のためにLet'を出版する; sはビルマを訪問する(恐れ、PPからの自由を見なさい。 39-81)、またBurke Publishing Company、ロンドンのための同じシリーズのネパールそしてブータンで予約する。

1985-86:
Visiting Scholar, Center of Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University, researching father's time in Japan. Kim with her, Alexander with Michael, who has fellowship at Indian Institute of Advanced Studies at Simla in northern India.
客員学者、東南アジアの調査の中心、father'を研究する京都大学; 日本の時間。彼女、北インドでSimlaで高度研究のインドの協会で団体があるミハエルを持つアレキサンダーとの金。

1986:
On annual visit to grandmother in Rangoon, Alexander and Kim take part in traditional Buddhist ceremony of initiation into monkhood.
ラングーンの祖母への年次訪問で、アレキサンダーおよび金はmonkhoodに開始の従来の仏教式に加わる。

1987:
With fellowship at Indian Institute Suu Kyi, with Kim, joins Michael and Alexander in Simla. Travels to London when mother is there for cataract surgery.Publishes "Socio-Political Currents in Burmese Literature, 1910-1940" in journal of Tokyo University. (See Freedom from Fear, pp. 140-164.) September. Family returns to Oxford. Suu Kyi enrolls at London School of Oriental and African Studies to work on advanced degree.
インドの協会Suu Kyiの団体によって、金によって、Simlaのミハエルそしてアレキサンダーを結合する。母が激流の外科のためにそこにいる場合のロンドンへの旅行。 "を出版する; ビルマの文献、1910-1940"の社会政治的な流れ; 東京大学のジャーナル。 (恐れ、PPからの自由を見なさい。 140-164。) 9月。家族はオックスフォードに戻る。 Suu Kyiはオリエンタルのロンドンの学校で登録し、アフリカ人は高級学位に取り組むために調査する。

1988:
March 31. Informed by telephone of mother's severe stroke, she takes plane next day to Rangoon to help care for Daw Khin Kyi at hospital, then moves her to family home on University Avenue next to Inya Lake in Rangoon.
July 23. Resignation of General Ne Win, since 1962 military dictator of Burma. Popular demonstrations of protest continuing.
August 8. Mass uprising throughout country. Violent suppression by military kills thousands.
August 15. Suu Kyi, in first political action, sends open letter to government, asking for formation of independent consultative committee to prepare multi-party elections.
August 26. In first public speech, she addresses several hundred thousand people outside Shwedagon Pagoda, calling for democratic government. Michael and her two sons are there.
September 18. Military establishes State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). Political gatherings of more than four persons banned. Arrests and sentencing without trial reaffirmed. Parliamentary elections to be held, but in expectation that multiplicity of parties will prevent clear result.
September 24. National League for Democracy (NLD) formed, with Suu Kyi general-secretary. Policy of non-violence and civil disobedience. October-December. Defying ban, Suu Kyi makes speech-making tour throughout country to large audiences.
December 27. Daw Khin Kyi dies at age of seventy-six.
3月31日。 mother'の電話によって知らせられる; sの厳しい打撃、彼女はラングーンに病院でDaw Khin Kyiのための心配を助けるために飛行機を翌日持って行ったりそして大学道の実家にラングーンのInya湖の隣で彼女を動かす。
7月23日。ビルマの1962軍隊の独裁者以来の概要のNeWin辞職。抗議の継続の普及したデモンストレーション。
国中の8月8.日の多くの反乱。軍隊による激しい抑制はたくさんを殺す。
8月15日。 Suu Kyiは、最初政治行動で複数政党制の選挙を準備することを独立した諮問委員会の形成を頼んでいる政府に、公開書簡を送る。
8月26日。最初公共のスピーチでは、彼女は民主政治を求めるShwedagonの塔の外の数十万人に演説する。ミハエルおよび彼女の2人の息子はそこにいる。
9月18日。軍隊は州の法と秩序の復帰議会(SLORC)を確立する。禁止される4人以上の政治収集。再確認される試験なしで阻止そして刑を宣告すること。党の多様性が明確な結果を防ぐこと予想で、しかし握られるべき議会選挙。
9月24日。 Suu Kyiの一般的秘書と、形作られる民主主義(NLD)のための国民リーグ。非暴力および市民的不服従の方針。
10月12月。挑む禁止、Suu Kyiは多数の聴衆に国中の旅行のスピーチ作成をする。
12月27日。 Daw Khin Kyiは７６の年齢で死ぬ。

1989:
January 2. Funeral of Daw Khin Kyi. Huge funeral procession. Suu Kyi vows that as her father and mother had served the people of Burma, so too would she, even unto death.
January-July. Suu Kyi continues campaign despite harassment, arrests and killings by soldiers.
February 17. Suu Kyi prohibited from standing for election.
April 5. Incident in Irawaddy Delta when Suu Kyi courageously walks toward rifles soldiers are aiming at her.
July 20. Suu Kyi placed under house arrest, without charge or trial. Sons already with her. Michael flies to Rangoon, finds her on third day of hunger strike, asking to be sent to prison to join students arrested at her home. Ends strike when good treatment of students is promised.
Daw Khin Kyiの1月2.日の葬式。巨大な葬列。彼女の父母としてビルマの人々に役立ったSuu Kyiの誓約は、そう余りに死に彼女。
1月7月。 Suu Kyiは兵士によって悩みの種、阻止および殺害にもかかわらずキャンペーンを続ける。 2月17日。選挙のために立つことから禁止されるSuu Kyi。
Suu Kyiがライフルの兵士の方に勇ましく歩くときIrawaddyのデルタの4月5.日の事件は彼女を目指している。
7月20日。充満か試験なしに自宅軟禁の下に、置かれるSuu Kyi。彼女を持つ息子既に。ミハエルはラングーンに、見つける刑務所に送られることを頼むハンガーストライキの第3日の彼女を彼女の家で阻止される学生を結合するために飛ぶ。端は学生のよい処置が約束されるとき打つ。

1990:
May 27. Despite detention of Suu Kyi, NLD wins election with 82% of parliamentary seats. SLORC refuses to recognise results.
October 12. Suu Kyi granted 1990 Rafto Human Rights Prize.
5月27日。 Suu Kyiの延滞にもかかわらず、NLDは国会の議席の82%の選挙に勝つ。 SLORCは結果を確認することを断る。
10月12日。 Suu Kyiは1990年のRaftoに入賞した人権を与えた。

1991:
July 10. European Parliament awards Suu Kyi Sakharov human rights prize.
October 14. Norwegian Nobel Committee announces Suu Kyi is winner of 1991 Peace Prize.
7月10.日の入賞したヨーロッパ議会賞のSuu Kyi Sakharovの人権。
10月14日。ノーベルノルウェーの委員会はSuu Kyiが1991年の平和賞の勝者であることを発表する。

1991:
December. Freedom from Fear published by Penguin in New York, England, Canada, Australia, New Zealand. Also in Norwegian, French, Spanish translations.
December 10. Alexander and Kim accept prize for mother in Oslo ceremony. Suu Kyi remains in detention, having rejected offer to free her if she will leave Burma and withdraw from politics. Worldwide appeal growing for her release.
12月。恐れからの自由はニューヨーク、イギリス、カナダ、オーストラリア、ニュージーランドのPenguinによって出版した。またノルウェー、フランスの、スペイン翻訳で。
12月10.日アレキサンダーおよび金はオスロ式の母のための賞を受け入れる。彼女がビルマを去り、政治から撤回すればSuu Kyiは彼女を放すために提供を拒絶する延滞に、残る。彼女の解放のために育つ世界的な懇願。

1992:
Suu Kyi announces that she will use $1.3 million prize money to establish health and education trust for Burmese people.
ビルマの人々のための健康および教育の信頼を確立するのに彼女が$1.3百万賞金を使用することをSuu Kyiは発表する。

1993:
Group of Nobel Peace Laureates, denied entry to Burma, visit Burmese refugees on Thailand border, call for Suu Kyi's release, Their appeal later repeated at UN Commission for Human Rights in Geneva.
ビルマに記入項目を否定されるノーベル平和受賞者のグループはタイのボーダー、Suu Kyi'のための呼出しのビルマの避難者を訪問する; s解放、後でジュネーブの人権のための国連任務で繰り返される懇願。

1994:
February. First non-family visitors to Suu Kyi: UN representative, U.S. congressman, New York Times reporter.
September-October. SLORC leaders meet with Suu Kyi, who still asks for a public dialogue.
2月。 Suu Kyiへの最初non-family訪問者: 国連代表、米国の国会議員、ニューヨーク・タイムズレポーター。
9月10月。 SLORCのリーダーはまだ公共ダイアログを頼むSuu Kyiに会う。

1995:
July 10. SLORC releases Suu Kyi from house arrest after six years of detention.
6年間の延滞後の自宅軟禁からの7月10.日SLORC解放Suu Kyi。

In the last four years her movements have still been restricted. While she has had some opportunities to telephone her family in England, she is regularly denounced in the government-controlled media, and there is concern for her personal safety. Efforts to revive any NLD party activities have been balked, and its members have been jailed and physically attacked. In the first months after detention was ended, she was able to speak to large gatherings of supporters outside her home, but this was stopped. Yet her popularity in the country has not diminished.
最後の4年で彼女の動きはまだ制限されてしまった。彼女がイギリスの彼女の家族に電話をかけるある機会を有する間、彼女は政府管理された媒体で規則的に公然と非難され、彼女の個人的な安全についての不安がある。 NLD党活動を復興させるための努力は妨げられ、メンバーは拘留され、物理的に攻撃された。最初の月では延滞が終わった後、彼女は彼女の家の外のサポータの大きい収集に話せたがこれは停止した。けれども国の彼女の人気は減少しなかった。

Internationally her voice has been heard not infrequently. Reporters with cameras and videotape have been able to interview her in person, and telephone interviews with the media outside Burma have also been published. Using video cassettes she has sent out statements, including the keynote address to the NGO Forum at the U.N. International Women's Conference in Beijing in August 1995.
国際的にずっと彼女の声はまれに聞かれている。カメラを持つレポーターおよびビデオテープは彼女に直々にインタビューできビルマ国外の媒体の電話インタビューはまた出版された。ビデオカセットを使用して彼女はU.N国際的なWomen'でNGOのフォーラムに基調演説を含む声明を、送り出した; 1995年8月の北京の会議。

There have been a number of visitors from abroad, including a member of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, whom she told that Norway will be the first country she will visit when free to travel. SLORC has changed its name to the State Peace and Development Council, but its repressive policies and violation of human rights continue unabated.
ノルウェーは彼女が訪問する最初の国であることに彼女が言ったノーベルノルウェーの委員会のメンバーを含んで外国から何人かの訪問者が、ずっとある、旅すること自由なとき。 SLORCは州の平和および開発議会に名前を変えたが、抑圧的な方針そして人権侵害は変わらない続ける。

Suu Kyi discourages tourists from visiting Burma and businessmen from investing in the country until it is free. She finds hearing for such pleas among western nations, and the United States has applied economic sanctions against Burma, but Burma's neighbours follow their policy of not intervening in the internal affairs of other sovereign states, and Burma has been admitted into the Association of South Eastern Asian Nations.
自由であるまでSuu Kyiは国に投資からのビルマそしてビジネスマンの訪問からツーリストを落胆させる。彼女は西欧諸国間のそのような嘆願のためのヒアリングを見つけ、米国はビルマに対して経済制裁、Burma'を適用した; sの隣人は他の主権国の国内事情の介入の彼らの方針に続き、ビルマは南東のアジア国家の連合に是認された。

On March 27, 1999, Michael Aris died of prostate cancer in London. He had petitioned the Burmese authorities to allow him to visit Suu Kyi one last time, but they had rejected his request. He had not seen her since a Christmas visit in 1995. The government always urged her to join her family abroad, but she knew that she would not be allowed to return. This separation she regarded as one of the sacrifices she had had to make in order to work for a free Burma.
1999年3月27日、ミハエルArisにロンドンの前立腺癌で死んだ。彼は彼がSuu Kyiを最後にもう一度訪問することを可能にするようにビルマの権限に嘆願したが彼の要求を拒絶した。彼は彼女にので1995年にクリスマスの訪問会わなかった。政府は彼女を彼女の家族に外国に加わるように常にせき立てたが彼女が戻ることは許されないことを彼女は知っていた。犠牲の1つが自由なビルマのために働くために彼女作らなければならなかったので彼女が見なしたこの分離。

Selected Bibliography
By Aung San Suu Kyi
Freedom from Fear and Other Writings. Edited with introduction by Michael Aris. 2nd ed., revised. New York and London: Penguin, 1995. (Includes essays by friends and scholars.)
Voice of Hope: Conversations. London: Penguin, 1997 and New York City: Seven Stories Press, 1997 (Conversations beginning in November 1995 with Alan Clements, the founder of the Burma Project in California who helped with the script for the film based on her life, “Beyond Rangoon”.)

Other Sources
“Aung San Suu Kyi”, in Current Biography, February 1992.
Clements, Alan and Leslie Kean. Burma’s Revolution of the Spirit: The Struggle for Democratic Freedom and Dignity. New York: Aperture, 1994. (Many colour photographs with text, Includes essay by Aung San Suu Kyi.)
Clements, Alan. Burma: The Next Killing Fields. Tucson, Arizona; Odonian Press, 1992. (With a foreword by the Dalai Lama.)
Lintner, Bertil. Burma in Revolt: Opium and Insurgency since 1948. Boulder. Colorado: Westview, 1994. (By a well-informed Swedish journalist.)
Lintner, Bertil. Outrage: Burma’s Struggle for Democracy. 2nd ed., Edinburgh: Kiscadale, 1995.
Mirante, Edith T. Burmese Looking Glass. A Human Rights Adventure and a Jungle Revolution. New York: Grove, 1993.
Smith, Martin J. Burma: Intrangency and the Politics of Ethnicity. London: Zed Books, 1991. (A detailed and well-organised account by a journalist of the violent conflict between the military government and the many minorities.)
Victor, Barbara. The Lady: Aung San Suu Kyi: Nobel Laureate and Burma’s Prisoner. Boston and London: Faber & Faber, 1998. (A sympathetic account by a wellpublished author and journalist, whose research in Burma included interviews with government leaders.)

http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates/1991/kyi-bio.html

A Short History of Burma,ビルマの短い歴史

Dinyar Godrej / New Internationalist

Beginnings
始め
Colonial historians of Burma claimed that its earliest civilizations had been founded under Indian influence and could not date back much beyond 500 CE. However, recent research indicates that civilization in Burma’s Irawaddy valley is very old – 3,500 years ago its inhabitants were farming rice, raising livestock and using bronze implements. In the fourth century, however, this civilization underwent its defining moment when it adopted South India’s Theravada style of Buddhism. Today over 80 per cent of Burma’s people are Buddhist and the country has the largest number of monks as a percentage of the total population.
ビルマの植民地歴史家は最も早い文明がインドの影響の下で創設され、500セリウムを越えて大いにさかのぼることができなかったことを主張した。但し、最近の研究はビルマIrawaddyの谷の文明が非常に古いことを示す- 3,500年前に住民は米を耕作して、家畜を育てたり青銅色の道具を使用していた。しかし第4世紀ではこの文明は仏教のインド南Theravada様式を採用した定義の時を経た。今日ビルマの80%に人々は仏教であり、国にパーセントとしての総人口として修道士の最大数がある。

Burma emerges
ビルマは現れる
By the ninth century a group of people from the north, the Bamar, gained prominence and founded the powerful kingdom of Pagan (today’s Bagan). Old city states gave way to a more unified administration, which reached it’s apogee during the reign of king Anawrahta (or Aniruddha) who successfully unified all of Burma by 1057. The line of kings that followed him constructed thousands of pagodas, and also monasteries, libraries and colleges. Their harnessing of water resources led to a surge in rice production.
However, the Buddhist kingdom was isolated from its geographical neighbours who followed other religions. The growing influence of the monkhood over resources prompted a decline, inviting Mongol and Tartar invasions. The succeeding centuries would be marked by divisions, as various ruling dynasties rose and fell, and territories under their control underwent constant permutation.
北、Bamarの得られた卓越性からの集団第9世紀までにおよび異教徒(今日Bagan)の強力な王国創設される。古い都市国家は1057年までに首尾よくビルマすべてを統一した王Anawrahta達したより統一された管理にくずれた、(またはAniruddha)の統治の間にそれにである最高点。彼に続いた王のラインは塔およびまた修道院、図書館および大学のたくさんを組み立てた。水資源の利用は米の生産のサージに導いた。但し、仏教の王国は他の宗教に続いた地理的な隣人から隔離された。資源上のmonkhoodの成長する影響は低下、勧誘モンゴル人および酒石の侵入を促した。次の世紀は分割によってさまざまな支配する王朝が、制御の下の領域は経た一定した順列を上がり、下ったので、示され。

Bayinnaung’s empire
Bayinnaung 帝国
The next unifier of Burma would emerge in the mid-sixteenth century. Bayinnaung was an expansionist ruler who waged relentless war in order to gain increasingly larger areas of territory. His aggression is much admired by the military rulers of today’s Burma, for whom he is a role model. Upon his death in 1581 at 66 years of age his rule stretched over almost all of Burma, Thailand and Laos. But such dominion, won at great cost, was difficult to hold on to, and soon after his death sections of his empire began to fall away.
ビルマの次のunifier中間第16世紀に現れる。 Bayinnaungは領域のますます大きい区域を得るために無情な戦争を行った拡張主義の定規だった。彼の侵略は彼が模範である今日ビルマの軍の定規によって大いに賞賛される。 66年齢の1581年に彼の死に彼の規則はビルマ、タイおよびラオスほとんどすべてに伸びた。しかしすばらしい費用で勝たれたそのような支配権は彼の帝国の彼の死セクションが離れ始めた後しがみつきにくくすぐに。

Wars with Britain
英本国との戦争
Burmese expansionism in the late eighteenth century caused strife with China, but it was Burmese general Maha Bandula’s conquest of Assam in 1824 that would pit Burma against an enemy that would come to occupy it – Britain. Whereas the first Anglo-Burmese War (1824-1826) was fought to regain territory that Burma had wrested away from British India, by the time of the third war in 1885, which resulted in the total annexation of Burma, other factors were at play. The British viewed Burma not so much as land that they definitely needed to control, but as a market they needed to capture and as a backdoor to lucrative trade with China.
遅い18世紀のビルマ拡張主義により中国との争いを引き起こしたが、それはそれを占めることを来る敵に対してビルマを-英本国凹める1824年にAssamのビルマMaha Bandula大将の征服だった。ビルマがイギリスのインドから取り上げた領域を取り戻すために最初の英国ビルマ戦争ビルマの総併合で起因した1885年が演劇に他の要因の第3戦争のあったまでに、(1824-1826年)が戦った一方。イギリスは完全に制御する必要があったが、市場としてもうかる中国の貿易に裏口として捕獲する必要があり、土地としてビルマをそんなに見た。

A province of India
インドの地域
The British made Burma a province of India in 1886 and instigated far-reaching changes to the country’s make up. Indians were brought in to fill civil-service jobs and the business interests of Indians and Chinese in Burma were encouraged, which bred resentment in many Burmese people. Agriculture was geared towards export and Burma became the world’s largest exporter of rice. Resistance to British rule continued in the northern territories up until 1890, when the British finally destroyed entire villages in order to halt guerrilla activity – a tactic still favoured by today’s military junta. Here, as elsewhere, divide-and-rule was characteristic of British governance, with certain ethnic groups being favoured over others, creating clashes of loyalties.
イギリスは1886年にインドおよび国への扇動された広範囲に及ぶ変更のビルマに地域を構成させる。インド人は市民サービス仕事を満たすために持って来られ、多くのビルマの人々の敵意を繁殖させたビルマのインド人および中国語の企業利益は励まされた。農業は輸出の方に連動になり、ビルマは米の世界の最も大きい輸出業者になった。イギリスの規則への抵抗は1890年まで北方領土でゲリラの活動-それでも今日の軍隊の会議が支持した作戦--を停止させるためにイギリスが最終的に全体の村を破壊したときに、続いた。ここでは、他の所でとして、分けおよび規則は他に支持されてある特定の民族グループがイギリスの支配に独特、であり忠誠の衝突を作成する。

The new masters
新しいマスター
Protests by university students in 1920 were the first signs of renewed resistance against British rule. Strikes and anti-tax protests followed, with Buddhist monks playing a prominent role and even leading armed rebellion. Rangoon University was a hotbed of radicalism and a young law student, Aung San, gained increasing prominence in the movement for national autonomy. He and fellow student Nu (a later Prime Minister of Burma) joined the thakin movement. The name, which translates as ‘master’, was an appropriation of the term colonial subjects in Burma had to use for the British. Now it signified that Burmese citizens wanted to be masters of their own destiny.
1920の大学生による抗議はイギリスの規則に対して更新された抵抗の最初の印だった。殴打および反税の抗議は大きな役割および一流の武装した暴動をしていて僧侶が、続いた。ラングーン大学は改革主義および若い法科の学生、昂山の国民の自主性のための動きの増加する得られた卓越性の温床だった。彼および学生Nu (ビルマのより遅い総理大臣)はthakinの動きを結合した。 `master'，がビルマの言葉の植民地主題の割り当てだったので翻訳する名前、イギリスのために使用しなければならなかった。今度はビルマの市民が彼らの自身の運命のマスターでありたいと思ったことを示した。

World War manoeuvres
世界大戦は操縦する
The start of the Second World War saw the administration of Burma separated from India. For some nationalists the War presented an opportunity to gain concessions towards autonomy in return for Burmese support in the hostilities, but the thakins rejected any participation in the war. The nationalists drew much inspiration from Marxist ideas and the Sinn Féin movement in Ireland. Aung San co-founded the Communist Party of Burma. He sought contact with Chinese communists, but the Japanese authorities got to him first, promising military training and support for a national uprising. Aung San and 29 other young men, known as the Thirty Comrades, left for Hainan Island in China (which was under Japanese occupation) for the promised training. The deal was that the Japanese would help Burma rid itself of the British colonialists and grant independence. But with the Japanese invasion of Burma in 1942 came the growing realization that one set of colonialists had been exchanged for another. Aung San then quickly changed sides and negotiated with the British to drive out the Japanese. Having had his brush with the imperial ambitions of Japan, he was also one of the founders of the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL). The Japanese were successfully expelled from Burma in May 1945. However, many parts of the country lay in ruins, devastated by warfare.
第二次世界大戦の開始はインドから分かれていたビルマの管理を見た。何人かの国家主義者のために戦争は敵意のビルマ人サポートに対して自主性の方の譲歩を得る機会を示したがthakinsは戦争の参加を拒絶した。国家主義者はマルクス主義の考えから多くのインスピレーションおよびアイルランドのSinn Féinの動きを引いた。昂山はビルマの共産党を共同出資した。彼は中国共産党員が付いている接触を追求したが、日本の権限は彼、国民の反乱のための有望な軍事訓練およびサポートに最初に得た。 30人の僚友として知られていた昂山および29人の他の若者は(日本の職業の下にあった)で海南島のために約束された訓練のための中国去った。取り引きは日本人がビルマがそれ自身をイギリスの植民主義者の除き、独立を与えるのを助けることだった。しかし1942成長する認識はのビルマの日本の侵入と1組の植民主義者が別のもののために交換された来た。昂山はそれからすぐに側面を変え、イギリスと日本語を追い払うために交渉した。日本の帝国野心の彼のブラシを持っていて、彼はまた反ファシスト党の人々の自由リーグ(AFPFL)の創設者の1才だった。日本人は1945年5月のビルマから首尾よく排出された。但し、戦いによって荒廃している台なしの国の位置の多くの部分。

Freedom – and a leader lost
自由-およびリーダーは失った
A military administration resumed in Burma under the British and there were calls to prosecute Aung San for his involvement in a murder during military operations in 1942. However, the British were pragmatic about the popular support this 32-year-old man enjoyed and Aung San eventually managed to negotiate Burma’s independence from Britain in January 1947. Aung San also concluded an agreement with the country’s ethnic nationalities for a unified Burma. There were already dissatisfied splinter groups of the AFPL which had either gone underground or into opposition. An elected interim government saw Aung San’s AFPFL win 248 of 255 assembly seats. Aung San and his ministers got down to the business of drafting the country’s constitution – but not for long. On 19 July 1947, at the instigation of an opposition politician, Aung San and several members of his cabinet were gunned down. Aung San’s colleague, the charismatic U Nu, now took over the reins and Burma finally became independent on 4 January 1948 at 4.20 am – the odd hour was chosen for its auspiciousness by an astrologer. Anti-British sentiment was so strong that Burma decided not to join the British Commonwealth, unlike other colonies that had also gained independence.
軍の管理はイギリスの下でビルマで再開し、1942年に軍事活動の間に殺害の彼の介入のための昂山を行なう呼出しがあった。但し、イギリスは普及したサポートについて実用的楽しまれたこの32歳の1947年1月の英本国からのビルマの独立を交渉するために結局どうにかして人および昂山だった。昂山はまた統一されたビルマのための国の民族の国籍の協定を結んだ。既に反対に行った地下がまたはあったAFPLの不満を抱かせられていた分派があった。選ばれた暫定政府は255のアセンブリ座席の昂山AFPFLの勝利248を見た。昂山および彼の大臣は国憲法の起草の-ない長くのためのビジネスに取り掛かった。反対の政治家の教唆の1947年7月19日に、彼のキャビネットの昂山そして何人かのメンバーは撃たれた。昂山の同僚、超人間的なU Nuは、今手綱を引き継ぎ、ビルマは最終的に4.20 AMで1948年1月4日に独立するようになった-異様な時間は占星術師によってauspiciousnessのために選ばれた。反イギリスの感情はビルマがイギリス連邦を参加しないことにしたほどまた独立を得た他のコロニーとは違って強かった。

A brief democracy
短い民主主義
U Nu’s government faced many challenges from the outset – disgruntled communist factions and ethnic groups, who felt excluded from the deeply Buddhist Nu’s vision of the country, began insurgencies, as did Kuomintang Chinese nationalist forces in Northern Burma. In the international arena Nu sought co-operation while steering his country on a non-aligned course. Despite the civil war raging in parts of the country, the 1950s was a progressive decade for Burma, with the economy beginning to recover. The Burmese Constitution had guaranteed a level of autonomy for the ethnic minority states after a period of 10 years, but this didn’t materialize under Nu’s stewardship, leading to widespread unrest. There were also political schisms within the ruling AFPFL and in 1958 the army took over for the first time under General Ne Win, one of the thakins. This ‘caretaker government’ purged ‘communist sympathizers’ and forced the minority states to bow to central government. Elections in 1960 brought U Nu back as Prime Minister but the days of democracy were numbered. Having had his taste of power, Ne Win staged a coup in 1962, and the country’s decline under military dictatorship began.
北ビルマのKuomintangの中国の国家主義的な力がように、U Nuの政府は多くの挑戦に最初から直面した-国の深く仏教Nuの視野から除かれて感じた民族グループおよびむっとした共産主義の派閥は反乱を始めた。国際的な場でNuは非同盟のコースの彼の国を操縦している間協同を追求した。回復するために国の部分で激怒する内戦にもかかわらず50年代は経済の始めのビルマのための進歩的な十年、だった。ビルマ憲法は10年の期間後に少数民族の州のための自主性のレベルを保証したが、これは広まった不安をもたらすNuの管理の下で具体化しなかった。また支配AFPFL内に政治分裂があり、1958で軍隊は一般的なNeの勝利、thakinsの1の下ではじめて引き継いだ。この`の世話人のgovernmentは`の共産主義の共鳴者を清浄にし、少数の州を中央政府に曲がらせる。 1960の選挙は総理大臣としてU Nuの背部を持って来たが、民主主義の日は番号が付いていた。持っていることは力、Neの勝利の彼の好みを1962年に不意の一撃を上演し、軍の独裁制の下の国の低下は始まった。

The tiger’s tail
トラの尾
The constitution was suspended, opposition political parties and the All Burma Student’s Union were banned, the press was muzzled and the country was closed off to the rest of the world. Ne Win and his military cohorts in the newly formed Burma Socialist Programme Party followed what they called the Burmese Way to Socialism. Human rights abuses intensified and all dissent was crushed. Early in his career Ne Win had failed in business due to competition from Indian traders; now he purged the country of people of Indian extraction who had formed a significant part of its commercial and administrative backbone. All major industry was nationalized. Insurgency continued and was answered by state force. Ne Win called it ‘healthy politics’. Ne Win and his generals lacked knowledge of world economics and they didn’t seem interested in gaining any, driving the country to ruin. Later Ne Win would admit to journalists that his policies had been misguided but that ‘it was like having caught hold of a tiger’s tail… there was nothing else to do but hang on to it.’
憲法は中断された、反対の政党およびすべてのビルマの学生自治会は禁止された、出版物は口輪をかけられ、国はその他の国々に閉まった。社会主義にビルマの方法と呼んだことに新興のビルマ社会主義プログラム党のNeWinそして彼の軍のグループは続いた。人権侵害激化し、すべての意見の相違は押しつぶされた。早く彼のキャリアでNeWinはインドの貿易業者からの競争によるビジネスに失敗した; 今彼はインドの抽出の人々の商業および管理上の背骨の有効部分を形作った国を清浄にした。すべての3 0N主要産業は国有にされた。反乱は州力によって続き、答えられた。 NeWinはそれを`と健康な政治のNeWin呼び、彼の大将は世界の経済学の知識に欠け、得ることに興味がなかったようではなく、国を台なしに運転する。より遅いNeWinはジャーナリストに`がつかまえることのようそれトラの尾の把握を…だったこと彼の方針が間違った方に導かれたが、それをすることをしかししがみつくことを何もあったことを是認する。

A dutiful daughter
忠順な娘
In September 1987 a ‘demonetization’ robbed most Burmese people of their savings and the UN admitted Burma to the club of Least Developed Countries. In July 1988 Ne Win suddenly announced that he would be stepping down. Driven by economic desperation and seeing a chance for change, demonstrations broke out in the country in the ‘democracy summer’ of 1988. But on 8 August 1988 troops began firing into the crowds, eventually killing over 3,000 people. Thousands of politically engaged people were forced to flee the country, but they continued their resistance, forging alliances with the ethnic nationalities’ resistance movements. In Rangoon, Aung San’s daughter Aung San Suu Kyi, who had returned to the country to nurse her dying mother, was approached to join a burgeoning democracy movement. The military imposed martial law; the country was to be led by a 19-member State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). Aung San Suu Kyi, who had captured the people’s hearts with her non-violent stance and political integrity, was placed under house arrest. Surprisingly, SLORC honoured its promise to hold multi-party elections in May 1990 and, even more surprisingly, they were free and fair. But when Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy won overwhelmingly the military refused to hand over power.
1987年9月で`のdemonetizationは彼らの節約のほとんどのビルマの人々を奪い、国連は後発発展途上の国のクラブにビルマを是認した。 7月で1988年NeWinは突然彼が降りていたことを発表した。変更については経済的な破れかぶれそしてチャンスを見ることによって運転されて、デモンストレーションは1988年の`の民主主義のsummerの国で発生した。しかし8月8日に1988日軍隊は結局3,000人に殺している群集に発砲を、始めた。たくさんの行政上従事させていた人々は国を逃げさせるが民族の国籍の抵抗運動との同盟を造る彼らの抵抗を続けた。ラングーンでは急増の民主主義の動きを結合するために、彼女の死ぬ母を看護するために国に戻った昂山の娘Aung San Suu Kyiは近づかれた。軍の課された戒厳令; 国は19メンバーの州の法と秩序の復帰議会(SLORC)によって導かれるべきだった。彼女の非暴力的なスタンスおよび政治完全性の人々の中心を捕獲したAung San Suu Kyiは自宅軟禁の下に置かれた。意外にも、SLORCは5月1990年および、さらにもっと意外にも行なう約束にの複数政党制の選挙をだった自由、公平名誉を与えた。しかし時民主主義のためのAung San Suu Kyiの国民リーグが力を引き渡すために断られた軍隊に圧倒的に勝った。

Roadmap - or dead-end
道路地図-か行き止り
In 1991 Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. The following year the military placed the uncompromising General Than Shwe at the helm. A National Convention was convened in 1993 to draft a new constitution and prepare the country for eventual democracy. This was a stage-managed exercise which sought to preserve military dominance. Members of the National League of Democracy walked out of the process. During the 1990s the military regime managed to negotiate ceasefire agreements with many of the insurgent groups, promising them benefits which for many are yet to materialize. In 1997 SLORC morphed into the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), but despite the name change, the beast remained the same. In 2003 an open-ended seven-step ‘roadmap to democracy’ was announced and the sham National Convention reconvened in 2005. In September 2007 there were widespread street protests in Rangoon and across the country, after a huge increase in fuel prices. Today, Aung San Suu Kyi remains under house arrest, having spent 12 of the last 18 years in this condition. Burma’s civil war has become the longest running in the world. The SPDC has announced that a new constitution is complete and that it will hold a referendum on it in May 2008, even though the people have no opportunity to read it or criticize it. Multi-party elections have been promised for 2010, but this is seen as yet another diversionary manouevre. Meanwhile, the military regime is busy selling off the country’s resources to its neighbours in a bid to finance its continued rule.
1991年にAung San Suu Kyiはノーベル平和賞与えられた。次の年軍隊は舵輪に妥協しない大将を置いたThanShwe。全国大会は1993年に新しい憲法を起草し、終局の民主主義のために国を準備するために集まった。これは軍の優勢を維持するように努めた段階管理された練習だった。民主主義の国民リーグのメンバーはプロセスを立ち去った。 90年代の間に軍の政体はまだ具体化するべきであるか多数のためのどれが反政府グループの多数と停戦の一致を交渉することをどうにかしてそれらに利点を約束する。 1997 SLORCでは州の平和および開発議会(SPDC)に変形させた、しかし名義変更にもかかわらず、獣は変わらなかった。 2003年にdemocracyへの無制限なseven-step `の道路地図は発表され、偽りの全国大会は2005年に再び召集された。 2007年9月では燃料価格の巨大な増加の後にラングーンに広まった通りの抗議が全国各地から、あり。今日、Aung San Suu Kyiは最後の18年の12を過ごす自宅軟禁の下に、この条件で残る。ビルマの内戦は世界の最も長いランニングになった。 SPDCは人々にそれを読むか、または批判する機会がないのに新しい憲法が完全であること、そして2008年5月以内にそれの国民投票を行うことを発表した。複数政党制の選挙は2010年の間約束されたが、これは更に別の牽制のmanouevreとして見られる。その間、軍の政体は継続的だった規則を融資するために隣人に国資源を売り払うことを使用中である。

http://www.newint.org/features/2008/04/18/history/