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Burma, officially the Union of Myanmar (Burmese:
, pronounced [pjìdàunzṵ mjәmà nàinŋàndɔ ,([ד
is the largest country by geographical area in mainland Southeast
Asia.
The country is bordered by the People's Republic of China on the
northeast, Laos on the east, Thailand on the southeast, Bangladesh
on the west, and India on the northwest, with the Bay of Bengal to
the southwest. One-third of Burma's total perimeter, 1,930
kilometers (1,199 mi), forms an uninterrupted coastline.
Burma's diverse population has played a major role in defining its
politics, history and demographics in modern times, and the country
continues to struggle to mend its ethnic tensions. Its political
system remains under the tight control of the SPDC, the military-led
government, led since 1992 by Senior General Than Shwe. The
military has dominated government since General Ne Win led a
coup in 1962 that toppled the civilian government of U Nu. The
country's culture, heavily influenced by neighbours, is based on
Theravada Buddhism intertwined with local elements.
Pyi-daung-zu Myan-ma Naing-ngan-daw
Union of Myanmar
Flag Coat of arms
Anthem: Kaba Ma Kyei
Capital Naypyidaw
19°45′N 96°6′E
Largest city Yangon (Rangoon)
Official languages Burmese
Recognised
regional languages
Jingpho, Kayah, Karen,
Chin, Mon, Rakhine, Shan
Demonym Burmese
Government Military junta

Chairman of the
State Peace and
Development
Council
Senior General Than
Shwe
-
Vice Chairman of
the State Peace
and Development
Council
Vice-Senior General
Maung Aye
-
Prime Minister General Thein Sein
-
Secretary-1 of the
State Peace and
Development
Council
Lt-Gen Thiha Thura Tin
Aung Myint Oo
Establishment
-
Bagan 1044–1287
-
Small Kingdoms 1287–1531
-
Taungoo 1531–1752
-Konbaung 1752–1885
Contents

1 The name of the country

2 Geography

3 History

3.1 Summary

3.2 Early history

3.3 Bagan (1044-1287)

3.4 Small kingdoms (1287-1531)

3.5 Taungoo (1531-1752)

3.6 Konbaung (1752-1885)

3.7 Colonial era (1886-1948)

3.8 Democratic republic (1948-1962)

3.9 Rule by military junta (1962-present)

3.9.1 2007 protests and consequences

3.9.2 Cyclone Nargis

3.10 List of historical capitals

4 Government and politics

5 Divisions and states

5.1 Divisions

5.2 States
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The name of the country
On 18 June 1989, the Burmese military junta passed the
"Adaptation of Expressions Law" that officially changed the English
version of the country's name from Burma to Myanmar, and
changed the English versions of many place names in the country
along with it, such as its former capital city from Rangoon to Yangon (which represents its pronunciation more
accurately in Burmese though not in Arakanese). This prompted one scholar to coin the term "Myanmarification" to
Trehfee ra tcot iothne w toaps -sdtoriwctnly p arno gerxaemcmuteiv eo fa pcot,l intiocat lb aansde dc uolntu aranly r estfaotrumto irny tahuet hcoonritteyx, ta onfd wthheic hg otvheer nremneanmt idnigd wnaost hdoolnde a.[ 1]
national referendum to have the Burmese electorate ratify the name change. Within the Burmese language, Myanma
is the written, literary name of the country, while Bama or Bamar (from which "Burma" derives) is the oral, colloquial
name. In spoken Burmese, the distinction is less clear than the English transliteration suggests.
The renaming proved to be politically controversial on several grounds. Opposition groups continue to use the name
"Burma", since they do not recognize the legitimacy of the ruling military government nor its authority to rename the
country in English. [2] Various non-Bamar ethnic groups choose to not recognize the name because the term
Myanmah has historically been used as a label for the majority ethnic group rather than for the country.[3][4][5]
Various world entities have chosen to accept or reject the name change. The United Nations accepts the name
Myanmar, since the UN allows its members states to be known by any name they choose. However it has not been
recognized by many Western governments such as the United States, Australia, Canada or the United Kingdom,
which continue to use "Burma", while the European Union uses "Burma/Myanmar" as an alternative. China has not
agreed to change its translations and continues to use 缅甸，. Japan uses the name Myanmar (ミャンマー) but calls
-
Colonial rule 1886–1948
-
Independence
from the United
Kingdom
4 January 1948
Area
-
Total 676,578 km² (40th)
261,227 sq mi
-
Water (%) 3.06
Population
-
2005–
2006 estimate
55,390,000 (24th)
-
1983 census 33,234,000
-
Density 75/km² (119th)
193/sq mi
GDP (PPP) 2007 estimate
-
Total $59.904 billion (79th)
-
Per capita $1,039 (162nd)
HDI (2007) ▲
0.583 (medium) (132nd)
Currency kyat (K) (mmK)
Time zone MMT (UTC+6:30)
Internet TLD .mm
Calling code +95
Some governments recognize Rangoon as the national
capital.
Estimates for this country takes into account the effects of
excess mortality due to AIDS; this can result in lower life
expectancy, higher infant mortality and death rates, lower
population growth rates, and changes in the distribution of
population by age and sex than would otherwise be
expected.

5.3 Administrative divisions

6 Foreign relations and military

6.1 Drug trade

7 United Nations

8 Human rights

8.1 Human rights violations

8.2 Karen minority

8.3 State-sanctioned sex crimes

9 Economy

9.1 Modern economy

9.2 Valley of Rubies

9.3 Tourism

9.4 Humanitarian aid

9.5 2007 economic protests

9.6 2007 anti-government protests

10 Demographics

11 Culture

11.1 Language

11.2 Religion

11.3 Education

12 Media

13 Notes

14 External links

14.1 Social organizations and NGOs
1
2
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the people Burmese (ビルマ人). France continues to use Birmanie, and most other countries continue to use their
traditional translations.[6][7][8].
Use of "Burma" and its adjective, "Burmese", remains common in the United States and Britain. Many news
organizations, such as the BBC, The Financial Times , The Times , Voice of America , The Washington Post , USA
Today , ITN, Sky News , Bangkok Post and others still use these forms[9] [10]. MSNBC, Economist, The Wall Street Journal , The New York Times and others use "Myanmar" a AsB tCh,e NcBoCun, tCrBy Sn,a Tmhee and
"Burmese" as the adjective. The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation also refers to both names in their news articles.
Trehgeim nea mcuer "rMenytalyn mina pr"o wise dr einri vtehde fcrooumn ttrhye. Wlohcaille s thhoer te-tfyomrmo lnoagmy eo fM tyhaen nmaam Ne aisin ugnncglaenadr,a iwt h,[a1s1 ]b teheen n uasmeed usisnecde bthye t he
r1e3gthio nC eidnetunrtyif[i1e2d] tphreimmasreillvye ass w ai trhe ftehree nacreea tso tthhaet Mthyeayn rmuale de.t hFnoicr egxroamupp.l eU,n tthile t h1e8 tmh iCde-1n9tuthry c ekinntgu,r yA,l aruulnegrps ainy at he
alternately referred to himself as the ruler of Tampradipa and Thunaparanta , Ramanadesa , and Kamboza (all
Aalvtear wnaatse tnhaem fiersst otfo pulasece tsh iisn nthaem Ier rtaow raedfedry t oV aitllse yk)in ignd coomrr eins ptohned menidc-e1 9wtihth C tehnet uErays, tw Inhdeina iCtso pmopwaenry .w[3a]s T dheec lCinoiunrgt, of
when the kingdom was confined to the Irrawaddy Valley which was predominantly Myanma in character, and at a
utimsaeg ew wheans Btheerm Mayha,n amnad elathtenri cB uidremnatihty, pfiorssts ibbelyg afrno mto tdheev ePloorpt uag puoelsieti cBairl midaennitait yw.[h3i]c hIn i so ltdheoru Egnhgt ltiosh b deo ac ucmorerunptst iothne of
the Indian word for Burma, Bama . Burma is known as Birmanie in French, Birmania in both Italian and Spanish, and
Birmânia in Portuguese.
Confusion among English speakers on how to pronounce 'Myanmar' gives rise to pronunciations such as
IPA: /ɕmjɑnɑmɑr/, IPA: /ɑmjɑːnmɑr/, IPA: /ɕmaɪәnɑmɑr/, IPA: /ɑmiːәnmɑr/ and IPA: /miɑɑːnmɑr/.[13][14][15]
Geography
Burma, which has a total area of 678,500 square kilometers (261,970 sq mi), is the largest country in mainland
Southeast Asia, and the 40th-largest in the world (Zambia being the 39th).
It is located between Chittagong Division of Bangladesh and Assam, Nagaland and Manipur of India to the
northwest. It shares its longest borders with Tibet and Yunnan of China to the northeast for a total of 2,185 km
(1,358 mi). It is bounded by Laos and Thailand to the southeast. Burma has 1,930 km (1,199 mi) of contiguous
coastline along the Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea to the southwest and the south, which forms one-third of its
total perimeter.[11]
In the north, the Hengduan Shan mountains form the border with China.
Hkakabo Razi, located in Kachin State, at an elevation of 5,881 m (19,295 ft), is
Ythoem hai,g hthees tB paogion tY ionm Bau,r manad.[ 1th7]e TShhraene Pmlaotuenatua ienx irsatn wgeitsh,i nn aBmuremlya t,h ael l Roaf kwhhiniceh run
rniovertrh s-tyos-tseomust,h wfrhoimch tahree Hthime aAlayyeaysa.r[w18a]d Tyh, eS amlwoeuennta (inT hcahnaliwnisn d),i vaidned Bthuer mSait'tsa nthgr ee
r(i1v,e3r4s8.[ 1m6]i) T lhoen gA, yfeloywarsw inatdoy tRhiev eGru, lBf uorfm Maa'sr tlaobnagne.s tF erirvteiler, pnleaainrsly e 2x,i1st7 0in ktihloem veatlrleeys s
Abeytewyaerewna tdhye vmaolleuyn,t awinh icchha iisn ss.it[u18a]t eTdh eb emtwajeoernit yt hoef RBaukrmhian'es Ypoompual aatniodn tlhivee Ss hina nt he
Plateau.
Much of the country lies between the Tropic of Cancer and the Equator. It lies in
the monsoon region of Asia, with its coastal regions receiving over 5,000 mm
(200 in) of rain annually. Annual rainfall in the delta region is approximately
2,500 mm (100 in) , while average annual rainfall in the Dry Zone, which is
located in central Myanmar, is less than 1,000 mm (40 in). Northern regions of
the country are the coolest, with average temperatures of 21 °C (70 °F). Coastal and delta regions have mean
temperatures of 32 °C (90 °F).[16]
The country's slow economic growth has contributed to the preservation of much of its environment and ecosystems.
Forests, including dense tropical growth and valuable teak in lower Burma, cover over 49% of the country. Other
trees indigenous to the region include acacia, bamboo, ironwood, mangrove, michelia champaca coconut and betel
The Irrawaddy Delta, which is
approximately 50,400 km²
(19,500 sq mi) in area, is largely
used for rice cultivation.[16]
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palm, and rubber has been introduced. In the highlands of the north, oak, pine and various rhododendrons cover
much of the land.[19] The lands along the coast support all varieties of tropical fruits. In the Dry Zone, sparse and stunted. vegetation is
Typical jungle animals, particularly tigers and leopards, are common in Burma. In upper Burma, there are rhinoceros,
wild buffalo, wild boars, deer, antelope and elephants, which are also tamed or bred in captivity for use as work
animals, particularly in the lumber industry. Smaller mammals are also numerous, ranging from gibbons and
monkeys to flying foxes and tapirs. The abundance of birds is notable with over 800 species, including parrots,
peafowl, pheasants, crows, herons and paddybirds. Among reptile species there are crocodiles, geckos, cobras,
Burmese pythons and turtles. Hundreds of species of freshwater fish are wide-ranging, plentiful and are very
important food sources.[20]
History
Summary
After the First Burmese War, the Ava kingdom ceded the provinces of Manipur, Tenassarim, and Arakan to the
British.[21] Rangoon and southern Burma were incorporated into British India in 1853. All of Burma came directly or
ianddmiriencitsltye ruendd ears Bar iptirsohv iInncdei ao fin B 1ri8ti8s6h aInftdeira tuhnet iTl h1i9rd3 7B uwrhmeens iet Wbeacra maned at hsee pfaalrla otef ,M saenlfd-gaolavye.r[n21in] gB ucormloan yw. aTsh e country
became independent from the United Kingdom on 4 January 1948, as the "Union of Burma". It became the "Socialist
Republic of the Union of Burma" on 4 January 1974, before reverting to the "Union of Burma" on 23 September
1988. On 18 June 1989, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) adopted the name "Union of
Myanmar" for English transliteration. This controversial name change in English, while accepted in the UN and in
many countries, is not recognised by opposition groups and by nations such as the United Kingdom and the United
States[22].
Early history
The Mon people are thought to be the earliest group to migrate into the lower Ayeyarwady valley, and by the mid-
T90h0esra BvCad wae Breu dddohmisimna. nt in southern Burma.[23] The Mons became one of the first in South East Asia to embrace
The Tibeto-Burman speaking Pyu arrived later in the 1st century BC, and established several city states – of which
Sri Ksetra was the most powerful – in central Ayeyarwady valley. The Mon and Pyu kingdoms were an active
overland trade route between India and China. The Pyu kingdoms entered a period of rapid decline in early 9th
century AD when the powerful kingdom of Nanzhao (in present-day Yunnan) invaded Ayeyarwady valley several
times. In 835, Nanzhao decimated the Pyu by carrying off many captives to be used as conscripts.
Bagan (1044-1287)
Tibeto-Burman speaking Burmans, or the Bamar, began migrating to the Ayeyarwady valley from present-day
Yunnan's Nanzhao kingdom starting in 7th century AD. Filling the power gap left by the Pyu, the Burmans
established a small kingdom centered in Bagan in 849. But it was not until the reign of King Anawrahta (1044-1077)
that Bagan's influence expanded throughout much of present-day Burma.
After Anawrahta's capture of the Mon capital of Thaton in 1057, the Burmans adopted Theravada Buddhism from the
Mons. The Burmese script was created, based on the Mon script, during the reign of King Kyanzittha (1084-1112).
Prosperous from trade, Bagan kings built many magnificent temples and pagodas throughout the country – many of
which can still be seen today.
Bagan's power slowly waned in 13th century. Kublai Khan's Mongol forces invaded northern Burma starting in 1277,
and sacked Bagan city itself in 1287. Bagan's over two century reign of Ayeyarwady valley and its periphery was
over.
Small kingdoms (1287-1531)
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The Mongols could not stay for long in the searing Ayeyarwady valley. But the
Tai-Shan people from Yunnan who came down with the Mongols fanned out to
the Ayeyarwady valley, Shan states, Laos, Siam and Assam, and became
powerful players in Southeast Asia.
The Bagan empire was irreparably broken up into several small kingdoms:

The Burman kingdom of Ava or Innwa (1364-1555), the successor state to
three smaller kingdoms founded by Burmanized Shan kings, controlling
Upper Burma (without the Shan states)

The Mon kingdom of Hanthawady Pegu or Bago (1287-1540), founded by a
Mon-ized Shan King Wareru (1287-1306), controlling Lower Burma (without
Taninthayi).

The Rakhine kingdom of Mrauk U (1434-1784), in the west.

Several Shan states in the Shan hills in the east and the Kachin hills in the north while the northwestern
frontier of present Chin hills still disconnected yet.
This period was characterized by constant warfare between Ava and Bago, and to a lesser extent, Ava and the
Shans. Ava briefly controlled Rakhine (1379-1430) and came close to defeating Bago a few times, but could never
quite reassemble the lost empire. Nevertheless, Burmese culture entered a golden age. Hanthawady Bago
prospered. Bago's Queen Shin Saw Bu (1453-1472) raised the gilded Shwedagon Pagoda to its present height.
By the late 15th century, constant warfare had left Ava greatly weakened. Its peripheral areas became either
independent or autonomous. In 1486, King Minkyinyo (1486-1531) of Taungoo broke away from Ava and established
a small independent kingdom. In 1527, Mohnyin (Shan: Mong Yang) Shans finally captured Ava, upsetting the
delicate power balance that had existed for nearly two centuries. The Shans would rule Upper Burma until 1555.
Taungoo (1531-1752)
Reinforced by fleeing Burmans from Ava, the minor Burman kingdom of Taungoo under its young, ambitious king
Tabinshwehti (1531-1551) defeated the more powerful Mon kingdom at Bago, reunifying all of Lower Burma by
1540. Tabinshwehti's successor King Bayinnaung (1551-1581) would go on to conquer Upper Burma (1555), Manipur
(1556), Shan states (1557), Chiang Mai (1557), Ayutthaya (1564, 1569) and Lan Xang (1574), bringing most of
western South East Asia under his rule. Bayinnaung died in 1581, preparing to invade Rakhine, a maritime power
controlling the entire coastline west of Rakhine Yoma, up to Chittagong province in Bengal.
Bayinnaung's massive empire unraveled soon after his death in 1581. Ayutthaya Siamese had driven out the
Burmese by 1593 and went on to take Tanintharyi. In 1599, Rakhine forces aided by the Portuguese mercenaries
sacked the kingdom's capital Bago. Chief Portuguese mercenary Filipe de Brito e Nicote (Burmese: Nga Zinga )
promptly rebelled against his Rakhine masters and established Portuguese rule in Thanlyin (Syriam), then the most
important seaport in Burma. The country was in chaos.
The Burmese under King Anaukpetlun (1605-1628) regrouped and defeated the Portuguese in 1611. Anaukpetlun
reestablished a smaller reconstituted kingdom based in Ava covering Upper Burma, Lower Burma and Shan states
(but without Rakhine or Taninthayi). After the reign of King Thalun (1629-1648), who rebuilt the war-torn country,
the kingdom experienced a slow and steady decline for the next 100 years. The Mons successfully rebelled starting in
1740 with French help and Siamese encouragement, broke away Lower Burma by 1747, and finally put an end to the
House of Taungoo in 1752 when they took Ava.
Konbaung (1752-1885)
King Alaungpaya (1752-1760), established the Konbaung Dynasty in Shwebo in
1re7u5n2i.f[ie24d] tHhee fcoouunndtreyd. YIna n1g7o6n7 ,i nK i1n7g5 H5.s iBnyb yhuiss hdiena (t1h7 i6n3 1-1776707, )A slaaucnkgepda Ayyau httahdy a. The Qing Dynasty of China invaded
Pagodas and temples continue to
exist in present-day Bagan, the
capital of the Bagan Kingdom.
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four times from 1765 to 1769 without success. The Chinese invasions allowed the
new Siamese kingdom based in Bangkok to repel the Burmese out of Siam by the
late 1770s.
King Bodawpaya (1782-1819) failed repeatedly to reconquer Siam in 1780s and
1790s. Bodawpaya did manage to capture the western kingdom of Rakhine,
which had been largely independent since the fall of Bagan, in 1784. Bodawpaya
also formally annexed Manipur, a rebellion-prone protectorate, in 1813.
King Bagyidaw's (1819-1837) general Maha Bandula put down a rebellion in
Manipur in 1819 and captured then independent kingdom of Assam in 1819
(again in 1821). The new conquests brought the Burmese adjacent to the British
India. The British defeated the Burmese in the First Anglo-Burmese War (1824-
1826). Burma had to cede Assam, Manipur, Rakhine (Arakan) and Tanintharyi
(Tenessarim).
In 1852, the British attacked a much weakened Burma during a Burmese palace
power struggle. After the Second Anglo-Burmese War, which lasted 3 months,
the British had captured the remaining coastal provinces: Ayeyarwady, Yangon and Bago, naming the territories as
Lower Burma.
King Mindon (1853-1878) founded Mandalay in 1859 and made it his capital. He skillfully navigated the growing
threats posed by the competing interests of Britain and France. In the process, Mindon had to renounce Kayah
(Karenni) states in 1875. His successor, King Thibaw (1878-1885), was largely ineffectual. In 1885, the British,
alarmed by the French conquest of neighboring Laos, grabbed Upper Burma. The Third Anglo-Burmese War (1885)
lasted a mere one month insofar as capturing the capital Mandalay was concerned. The Burmese royal family was
exiled to Ratnagiri, India. British forces spent at least another four years pacifying the country – not only in the
Burman heartland but also in the Shan, Chin and Kachin hill areas. By some accounts, minor insurrections did not
end until 1896.
Colonial era (1886-1948)
The United Kingdom began conquering Burma in 1824 and by 1886 had incorporated it into the British Raj. Burma
was administered as a province of British India until 1937 when it became a separate, self-governing colony. To
stimulate trade and facilitate changes, the British brought in Indians and Chinese, who quickly displaced the Burmese
in urban areas. To this day Yangon and Mandalay have large ethnic Indian populations. Railroads and schools were
built, as well as a large number of prisons, including the infamous Insein Prison, then as now used for political
prisoners. Burmese resentment was strong and was vented in violent riots that paralyzed Yangon on occasion all the
wtraadyi tuionntisl ,t hfoer 1e9x3a0msp.[l2e5,] wMhuacth t hoef tBhreit idsihs ctoenrmteendt wthaes Schaoues eQdu beys taio np:e rtcheei vceodlo dniiszreerssp' erectf ufsoar l Btuor rmeemsoev ceu tlhtuerier sahnode s
upon entering Buddhist temples or other holy places. In October 1919, Eindawya Pagoda in Mandalay was the scene
of violence when tempers flared after scandalized Buddhist monks attempted to physically expel a group of shoewearing
British visitors. The leader of the monks was later sentenced to life imprisonment for attempted murder.
Such incidents inspired the Burmese resistance to use Buddhism as a rallying point for their cause. Buddhist monks
became the vanguards of the independence movement, and many died while protesting. One monk-turned-martyr
was U Wisara, who died in prison after a 166-day hunger strike to protest a rule that forbade him from wearing his
Buddhist robes while imprisoned.[26]
Eric Blair, better known as the writer George Orwell, served in the Indian Imperial Police in Burma for five years and
wrote about his experiences. An earlier writer with the same convoluted career path was Saki. During the colonial
period, intermarriage between European settlers and Burmese women, as well as between Anglo-Indians (who
arrived with the British) and Burmese caused the birth of the Anglo-Burmese community. This influential community
was to dominate the country during colonial rule and through the mid 1960's.
On 1 April 1937, Burma became a separately administered territory, independent of
the Indian administration. The vote for keeping Burma in India, or as a separate colony
"khwe-yay-twe-yay" divided the populace, and laid the ground work for the insurgencies to come after
independence. In the 1940s, the Thirty Comrades, commanded by Aung San, founded the Burma Independence
Army. The Thirty Comrades received training in Japan.[27]
A British 1825 lithograph of
Shwedagon Pagoda reveals early
British occupation in Burma during
the First Anglo-Burmese War.
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During World War II, Burma became a major frontline in the Southeast Asian Theatre.
The British administration collapsed ahead of the advancing Japanese troops, jails and
asylums were opened and Rangoon was deserted except for the many Anglo-Burmese
and Indians who remained at their posts. A stream of some 300,000 refugees fled
across the jungles into India; known as 'The Trek', all but 30,000 of those 300,000
arrived in India. Initially the Japanese-led Burma Campaign succeeded and the British
were expelled from most of Burma, but the British counter-attacked using primarily
troops of the British Indian Army. By July 1945, the British had retaken the country.
Although many Burmese fought initially for the Japanese, some Burmese, mostly from
the ethnic minorities, also served in the British Burma Army. In 1943, the Chin Levies
and Kachin Levies were formed in the border districts of Burma still under British administration. The Burma Rifles
fought as part of the Chindits under General Orde Wingate from 1943-1945. Later in the war, the Americans created
American-Kachin Rangers who also fought against the Japanese. Many others fought with the British Special
Operations Executive. The Burma Independence Army under the command of Aung San and the Arakan National
Army fought with the Japanese from 1942-1944, but switched allegiance to the Allied side in 1945.
In 1947, Aung San became Deputy Chairman of the Executive Council of Burma, a transitional government. But in
July 1947, political rivals assassinated Aung San and several cabinet members.[27]
Democratic republic (1948-1962)
The Colonial Flag (1937-
1948)
Sao Shwe Thaik
On 4 January 1948, the nation became an independent republic, named the Union of
Burma , with Sao Shwe Thaik as its first President and U Nu as its first Prime Minister.
Unlike most other former British colonies and overseas territories, it did not become a
member of the Commonwealth. A bicameral parliament was formed, consisting of a
Chamber of Deputies and a Chamber of Nationalities.[28]
The geographical area Burma encompasses today can be traced to the Panglong
Agreement, which combined Burma Proper, which consisted of Lower Burma and
Upper Burma, and the Frontier Areas, which had been administered separately by the
British.[4]
In 1961, U Thant, then the Union of Burma's Permanent Representative to the United
Nations and former Secretary to the Prime Minister, was elected Secretary-General of
the United Nations; he was the first non-Westerner to head any international
Borugramneizsaet itoon w aonrdk wato uthlde sUeNrv we haesn U hNe Sweacsre Staercyr-eGtaernye-Grael nfeorra tle wn ayse aar ys.o[u29n]g A Amuonngg S tahne
Suu Kyi.
Rule by military junta (1962-present)
Democratic rule ended in 1962 when General Ne Win led a military coup d'état. He ruled for nearly 26 years and
pursued policies under the rubric of the Burmese Way to Socialism. Between 1962 and 1974, Burma was ruled by a
revolutionary council headed by the general, and almost all aspects of society (business, media, production) were
nGaetnioenraall iNzeed W orin b aronudg mhta nuyn dteorp ggoevneerrnamlse rnets icgonnetdro flr (oimnc ltuhdei nmgi ltihtaer yB oayn dS ctoooukts )c.i[v2il1ia] nIn p aonst se fafonrdt, tfor ocmon 1s9o7lid4a, tien sptiotwuteerd,
elections in a one party system. Between 1974 and 1988, Burma was effectively ruled by General Ne Win through
the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP).[30]
Almost from the beginning there were sporadic protests against the military rule, many of which were organized by
students, and these were almost always violently suppressed by the government. On July 7, 1962 the government
banrotik-eg ouvpe rdnemmeonnts ptrraottieosntss aatt Rthaen gfuonoenr aUln oivf eUrs Tithya kniltl.in Sgt u1d5e snttu pdreonttess.t[s2 1i]n I1n9 17957, 41,9 t7h6e amnidli t1a9ry7 7v iwoleernet lqy usiuckplpyr essed
suppressed by overwhelming force.[30]
In 1988, unrest over economic mismanagement and political oppression by the government led to widespread prodemocracy
demonstrations throughout the country known as the 8888 Uprising. Security forces killed thousands of
demonstrators, and General Saw Maung staged a coup d'état and formed the State Law and Order Restoration
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Council (SLORC). In 1989, SLORC declared martial law after widespread protests. The military government finalized
plans for People's Assembly elections on 31 May 1989.[31]
SLORC changed the country's official English name from the "Union of Burma" to the "Union of Myanmar" in 1989.
This continues to be a topic of confusion for many people since the mainstream media calls the nation Myanmar but
so many others call it Burma. In most cases the nation is called Burma to make a political statement. By not
acknowledging the name Myanmar, one refuses to acknowledge the legitimacy of the military junta as well. This is
not just among human rights groups but many governments such as the United States, Great Britian and France,
legally refer to the nation as Burma. Some suggest the point made by advocates of democracy doesn't matter
anyways since the name Burma was given to the country by the colonial British. Also, since the founding of the first
democratic government the name Myanmar appeared on the nations currency. But since the military junta did not
officially rename the english word for the nations from Burma to Myanmar until 1989, it is very easy to make the
argument that it should not be recognized.
In May 1990, the government held free elections for the first time in almost 30 years. The National League for
Democracy (NLD), the party of Aung San Suu Kyi, won 392 out of a total 489 seats, but the election results were
annulled by SLORC, which refused to step down.[32] Led by Than Shwe since 1992, the military cease-fire agreements with most ethnic guerrilla groups. In 1992, SLORC unveiled plans to crea tree gai mneew h acos nmstaitduet ion
through the National Convention, which began 9 January 1993. In 1997, the State Law and Order Restoration
Council was renamed the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC).
On 23 June 1997, Myanmar was admitted into the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The National
Convention continues to convene and adjourn. Many major political parties, particularly the NLD, have been absent
or excluded, and little progress has been made. On 27 March 2006, the military junta, which had moved the national
capital from Yangon to a site near Pyinmana in November 2005, officially named it Naypyidaw, meaning "city of the
kings".[33]
In November 2006, the International Labour Organization announced it will be seeking - at the International Court of
fJourscteicde .l[a3b4o] u-r " otof iptsro csieticzuetnes mbye mthbee mrs iloitfa trhye. Arucclionrgd iMnyga tnom thare jIunnttear nfoatri ocnriaml eLsa baogra iOnrsgt ahnuizmaatinointy ("I LoOve)r, athne e csotinmtiantueodu s
800,000 people are subject to forced labour in Myanmar.[35]
2007 protests and consequences
The August 2007 demonstrations were led by well-known dissidents, such as Min Ko Naing (with the nom de guerre
Conqueror of Kings), Su Su Nway (now in hiding) and others. The military quickly cracked down and still has not
allowed the International Red Cross to visit Min Ko Naing and others who are reportedly in Insein Prison after being
severely tortured. Reports have surfaced of at least one death, of activist Win Shwe, under interrogation.[36]
On 19 September 2007, several hundred (possibly 2000 or more) monks staged a protest march in the city of Sittwe.
[37] Larger protests in Rangoon and elsewhere ensued over the following days. Security became increasingly heavy
handed, resulting in a number of deaths and injuries.[38] By 28 September, internet access had been cut[39] and
j5o uOrcntaolbisetrs, wBuerrem reespeu ttiemdely. Swoaurrnceeds nino tM tyoa rnempoarrt s oanid p orno t6e sOtsc.t[o40b]e Irn ttheartn etht ea cincteesrsn ewta sse reemstso rteod b be yw aotr kleinagst fmroimdn 2ig2h:t0 0o f
to 05:00 local time.
On October 13, 2007, the military junta of Burma made people march in a government rally, reportedly paying some
participants 1000 kyat (approximately $0.80) each. Junta officials also approached local factories and demanded they
provide 50 workers each; if they didn't, they were to be fined.[41]
On 7 February 2008, SPDC announced that a referendum for the Constitution would be held, and Elections by 2010.
The Burmese constitutional referendum, 2008 was held on May 10 and promised a "discipline-flourishing democracy"
for the country in the future.
Various global corporations have been criticized for profiting from the dictatorship by financing Burma's military
junta.[42]
World governments remain divided on how to deal with the military junta. Calls for further sanctions by United
Kingdom, United States, and France are opposed by neighboring countries; in particular, China has stated its belief
that "sanctions or pressure will not help to solve the issue".[43]
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Cyclone Nargis
On May 3, 2008, Cyclone Nargis devastated the country when winds of up to 215kph (135 mph)[44] touched land in
the densely populated, rice-farming delta of the Irrawaddy Division.[45]
Recent reports estimate that more than 130,000 people are dead or missing from Cyclone Nargis that hit the
country's Irrawaddy delta. Damage totaled to 10 billion dollars (USD); it was the worst natural disaster in Burman
history. Shari Villarosa, who leads the U.S. Embassy in Yangon, said the number of dead could eventually exceed
140,800 because of illnesses and injury. [46][47] Adds the World Food Programme, "Some villages have been almost
totally eradicated and vast rice-growing areas are wiped out."[48]
The United Nations projects that as many as 1 million were left homeless; and the World Health Organization "has
Breucremivae'sd irseoplaotritosn oisft mreaglaimriea cooumtbprelicaaktse idn rtehceo vweorrys te-faffofretcst ebdy adreelaay."in[4g9 ]t hYee te innt rtyh eo fc Uritnicitaeld d Nayasti ofonlslo pwlainnge st hdise ldiviesarisntge r,
medicine, food, and other supplies into the Southeast Asian nation. Similarly, the junta continues to reject the United
States offer to provide much-needed assistance,[49] although on May 13, the first U.S. military transport plane was
allowed to land, bringing 14 tons of medical supplies, mosquito nets and blankets.[50] The government's failure to
Tpehrem Bitu remntersye f oFro rlaeriggne -Mscianliest rinyt estrrneastsioenda ilt sr eclaiepfa ebfifloitryt sin w haasn ddelisncgr itbheed abfyte trhmea Uthn iotef dth Nea ctyiocnlosn aes a"nudn pinresicsetedde nttheadt. "it[ 5w1]a s
not ready to accept large-scale foreign assistance.[52]
AP news stories state that foreign aid provided to disaster victims was modified to make it look like it came from the
military regime, and state-run television continuously ran images of Gen. Than Shwe ceremonially handing out
disaster relief.[53]
More than a week after the disaster, only one out of 10 people who were homeless, injured or threatened by disease
and hunger had received some kind of aid. The governmental regime only began to allow UN/international aid into
the country for relief efforts after a meeting of heads of States in Singapore, headed by Singapore, who is the
current chair of the ASEAN group. [54]
According to British Foreign Secretary David Miliband, "A natural disaster is turning into a humanitarian catastrophe
of genuinely epic proportions in significant part because of the malign neglect of the regime."[55]
Donor nations, meeting in Burma, pressed the government hold to its promise and allow foreign aid workers access
to several communities in which foreigners are not allowed, thus increasing the rate of receipt of aid to millions who
where most affected by the cyclone. The United Nations secretary general, Ban Ki Moon, said that the government
was "moving fast in the right direction." By opening greater access to foreign aid, this will help the nation avoid a
"second disaster" of disease.[56]
On May 27, 2008, to complicate world opinion and in contrast to numerous and varied accounts from international
relief organizations, the Burma junta praised U.N. aid.[57]
List of historical capitals

Amarapura

Ava

Bagan

Bago

Mandalay

Mrauk U

Naypyidaw

Rangoon (Yangon)

Sagaing

Shwebo
Bagan
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Thaton
Government and politics
Burma is governed by a strict military dictatorship. The current head of state is Senior General Than Shwe, who
holds the posts of "Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council" and "Commander in Chief of the Defense
Services" as well as the Minister of Defence. General Khin Nyunt was prime minister until 19 October 2004, when he
was replaced by General Soe Win, after the purge of Military Intelligence sections within the Burma armed forces.
The current Prime Minister is General Thein Sein, who took over upon the death of General Soe Win on October 2nd,
2007. The majority of ministry and cabinet posts are held by military officers, with the exceptions being the Ministry
of Health, the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Labour, and the Ministry of National Planning and Economic
Development, posts which are held by civilians.[58]
Elected delegates in the 1990 People's Assembly election formed the National Coalition Government of the Union of
BWuinrm, aa f(iNrsCt GcUouBs),in a o gf oAvuenrngm Seannt -Sinu-ue xKiylei, shinacs eh Deledc tehmeb peor s1it9io9n0 ,o wf pitrhim thee m minisisstioenr ooff trhees tNorCinGgU Bd esminoccer aitcsy i.n[5c9e]p Dtior.n S. eTinh e
NCGUB has been outlawed by the military government.
Major political parties in the country are the National League for Democracy and the Shan Nationalities League for
Democracy, although their activities are heavily regulated and suppressed by the military government. Many other
parties, often representing ethnic minorities, exist. The military government allows little room for political
organizations and has outlawed many political parties and underground student organizations. The military
supported the National Unity Party in the 1990 elections and, more recently, an organization named the Union
Solidarity and Development Association.[60]
Several human rights organizations, including Human Rights Watch and Amnesty
International, and the American Association for the Advancement of Science have
crelapiomretedd t hoant htuhmeraen i sr ingoh tisn daebpuesnesd ebnyt tjhued imciailirtya riny gBouvrmeran.m Tehnet .m[6i1li]t[a6r2y] Tgohveeyr hnamveen t
restricts Internet access through software-based censorship that limits the material
citizens can access on-line.[63][64] Forced labour, human trafficking, and child labour
aarne i ncsotmrummoenn.t[6 o5f] cTohnet rmoli,li tinarcylu idsi nagls os ynsotetomriaotuics rfaopr ersa manpda ntat kuinseg ooff sseexxu salal vveiosl eansc e as
porters for the military. A strong women's pro-democracy movement has formed in
exile, largely along the Thai border and in Chiang Mai. There is a growing
international movement to defend women's human rights issues.[66]
In 1988, the army violently repressed protests against economic mismanagement
and political oppression. On 8 August 1988, the military opened fire on
demonstrators in what is known as 8888 Uprising and imposed martial law.
However, the 1988 protests paved way for the 1990 People's Assembly elections. The election results were
subsequently annulled by Senior General Saw Maung's government. The National League for Democracy, led by
Aung San Suu Kyi, won over 60% of the vote and over 80% of parliamentary seats in the 1990 election, the first
held in 30 years. The military-backed National Unity Party won less than 2% of the seats. Aung San Suu Kyi has
earned international recognition as an activist for the return of democratic rule, winning the Nobel Peace Prize in
1991. The ruling regime has repeatedly placed her under house arrest. Despite a direct appeal by former UN
Secretary General Kofi Annan to Senior General Than Shwe and pressure by the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations (ASEAN), the military junta extended Aung San Suu Kyi's house arrest another year on 27 May 2006 under
the 1975 State Protection Act, which grants the government the right to detain any persons on the grounds of
pthreo tUecntiitnegd pKeinagcde oamnd. Bsutarmbilait'sy sinit uthaeti ocno uwnatsry r.e[6f7e]r[r6e8d] Ttoh eth jeu nUtNa fSaecceusr iitnyc rCeoausnincgil fporre sthsuer fei rfsrto tmim teh ein U Dneitceedm Sbteart e2s0 a0n5d
for an informal consultation. In September 2006, ten of the United Nations Security Council's 15 members voted to
place Myanmar on the council's formal agenda.[69] On Independence Day, 4 January 2007, the government released
4S0ec preotliatricya-lG perniseoranle Brsa,n u Knid-emro ao ng eunregreadl athmen neasttiyo,n ianl wgohvicehr n2m,8e3n1t ptori sforenee rasl l wpeorleit icrealle parsiesodn.[e7r0s], Oinnc l8u dJainngu aAruyn 2g0 S0a7n, USuNu
Kyi.[71] Three days later, on 11 January, five additional prisoners were released from prison.[70]
ASEAN has also stated its frustration with the Union of Myanmar's government. It has formed the ASEAN Inter-
Government propaganda
poster states: "Tatmadaw and
the people, cooperate and
crush all those harming the
union."
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Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus to address the lack of democratisation in the country.[72] Dramatic country's political situation remains unlikely, due to support from major regional powers such as Ind ciah,a nRgues siina ,t haen d,
in particular, China.[73][74]
In the annual ASEAN Summit in January 2007, held in Cebu, Philippines, member countries failed to find common
ground on the issue of Burma's lack of political reform.[75] During the summit, ASEAN foreign ministers asked Burma
ctoo nmteankde tghraeta tBeurr pmrao'gsr hesusm oann irtsig rhotas dismsuapes t oawrea rthde d ceomuonctrrayc'sy oawnnd dnoamtioensatilc r aefcfoanircsi,l iawthioilne. [o7t6h] eSrosm coen mteenmd btehra tc oitusn ptroioers
human rights record is an international issue.[76]
According to Human Rights Defenders and Promoters (HRDP), on April 18, 2007, several of its members (Myint Aye,
Maung Maung Lay, Tin Maung Oo and Yin Kyi) were met by approximately a hundred people led by a local official, U
Nyunt Oo, and beaten up. Due to the attack, Myint Hlaing and Maung Maung Lay were badly injured and
subsequently hospitalized. The HRDP believes that this attack was condoned by the authorities and vows to take
legal action. Human Rights Defenders and Promoters was formed in 2002 to raise awareness among the people of
Burma about their human rights.
Burma's army-drafted constitution was overwhelmingly approved (by 92.4% of the 22 million voters with alleged
voter turnout of 99%) on May 10 in the first phase of a two-stage referendum amid Cyclone Nargis. It was the first
national vote since the 1990 election. Multi-party elections in 2010 would end 5 decades of military rule, as the new
charter gives the military an automatic 25% of seats in parliament. NLD spokesman Nyan Win, inter alia, criticized
the referendum: "This referendum was full of cheating and fraud across the country; In some villages, authorities
awnodu lpdo bllainrg A sutnagti oSna no fSfiuciua lKs ytii,c kfreodm t hpeu bblaicll ootfsf icthee. m5 smelivllieosn a cnitdiz deinds nwoitl l levto tteh eM vaoyt e2r4s idno Y aannygtohnin agn."d[ 7t7h]e T Ihrera cwoandsdtiytu tion
delta, worst hit by Cyclone Nargis.[78]
Divisions and states
The country is divided into seven states (pyine ) and seven divisions (yin ).[79]
Divisions (တိုင္း) are predominantly Bamar. States ( ), in essence, are
divisions which are home to particular ethnic minorities. The administrative
divisions are further subdivided into districts, which are further subdivided into
townships, wards, and villages.
Divisions

Ayeyarwady Division

Bago Division

Magway Division

Mandalay Division

Sagaing Division

Tanintharyi Division

Yangon Division
States

Chin State

Kachin State

Kayin (Karen) State

Kayah (Karenni) State

Mon State

Rakhine (Arakan) State
The 14 states and divisions of
Burma.
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Shan State
Administrative divisions
Number of Districts, Townships, Cities/Towns, Wards, Village Groups and Villages in Burma as of December 31, 2001
[80]
Foreign relations and military
The country's foreign relations, particularly with Western nations, have been strained. The United States has placed
a ban on new investments by U.S. firms, an import ban, and an arms embargo on the Union of Myanmar, as well as
frozen military assets in the United States because of the military regime's ongoing human rights abuses, the
ongoing detention of Nobel Peace Prize recipient Aung San Suu Kyi, and refusal to honor the election results of the
1990 People's Assembly election.[81] Similarly, the European Union has placed sanctions on Burma, including an
Uar.mS.s a enmd bEaurrgoop,e caens sgaotvioenrn omf etrnatd sea npcretifoenres nacgeasi,n astn dth seu mspileitnasriyo ng oovf earlnl maiedn wt,i tcho uthpele edx wceitpht ibonoy ocfo thtusm anandi toatrhiaenr daiirde.c[8t 2]
pressure on corporations by western supporters of the democracy movement, have resulted in the withdrawal from
the country of most U.S. and many European companies. However, several Western companies remain due to
loopholes in the sanctions. Asian corporations have generally remained willing to continue investing in the country
and to initiate new investments, particularly in natural resource extraction.
The country has close relations with neighboring India and People's Republic of China with several Indian and
Chinese companies operating in the country. There remains active debate as to the extent to which the American-led
sanctions have had adverse effects on the civilian population or on the military rulers.[83][84]
The country's armed forces are known as the Tatmadaw, which numbers 488,000. The Tatmadaw comprises the
Army, the Navy, and the Air Force. The country ranked twelfth in the world for its number of active troops in service.
[11] The military is very influential in the country, with top cabinet and ministry posts held by military officers. Official figures for military spending are not available. Estimates vary widely because of uncertain exchange rates, but
No. State/Division District Township City/Town Wards Village Groups Villages
1 Kachin State 3 18 20 116 606 2630
2 Kayah State 2 7 7 29 79 624
3 Kayin State 3 7 10 46 376 2092
4 Chin State 2 9 9 29 475 1355
5 Sagaing Division 8 37 37 171 1769 6095
6 Taninthayi Division 3 10 10 63 265 1255
7 Bago Division 4 28 33 246 1424 6498
8 Magway Division 5 25 26 160 1543 4774
9 Mandalay Division 7 31 29 259 1611 5472
10 Mon State 2 10 11 69 381 1199
11 Rakhine State 4 17 17 120 1041 3871
12 Yangon Division 4 45 20 685 634 2119
13 Shan State 11 54 54 336 1626 15513
14 Ayeyawady Division 5 26 29 219 1912 11651
Total 63 324 312 2548 13742 65148
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military spending is very high.[85] The country imports most of its weapons from Russia, Ukraine, China and India.
The country is building a research nuclear reactor near May Myo (Pyin Oo Lwin) with help from Russia. It is one of
the signatories of the nuclear non-proliferation pact since 1992 and a member of the International Atomic Energy
Agency (IAEA) since 1957. The military junta had informed the IAEA in September 2000 of its intention to construct
the reactor. The research reactor outbuilding frame was built by ELE steel industries limited of Yangon and water
from Anisakhan/BE water fall will be used for the reactor cavity cooling system.
ASEAN will not defend the country in any international forum following the military regime's refusal to restore
democracy. In April 2007, the Malaysian Foreign Ministry parliamentary secretary Ahmad Shabery Cheek said
Malaysia and other ASEAN members had decided not to defend Burma if the country's issue was raised for discussion
at any international conference. "Now Myanmar has to defend itself if it is bombarded in any international forum," he
said when winding up a debate at committee stage for the Foreign Ministry. He was replying to queries from
opposition leader Lim Kit Siang on the next course of action to be taken by Malaysia and ASEAN with the military
junta. Lim had said Malaysia must play a proactive role in pursuing regional initiatives to bring about a change in
Burma and support efforts to bring the situation in Burma to the UN Security Council's attention.[86]
Drug trade
The country is a corner of the Golden Triangle of opium production. Neither Burma, Vietnam, Laos or Thailand had
any history of opium production until colonial times, yet from then until very recently, most of the world's heroin
came from the Golden Triangle, including Burma.
In 1996 the United States Embassy in Rangoon released a "Country Commercial Guide" states "Exports of opiates
alone appear to be worth about as much as all legal exports." It goes on to say that investments in infrastructure
and hotels are coming from major opiate-growing and opiate-exporting organizations and from those with close ties
to these organizations.[87]
A four-year investigation concluded that Burma's national company Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) was
"the main channel for laundering the revenues of heroin produced and exported under the control of the Burmese
army." In a business deal signed with the French oil giant Total in 1992, and later joined by Unocal, MOGE received
a payment of $15 million. "Despite the fact that MOGE has no assets besides the limited installments of its foreign
partners and makes no profit, and that the Burmese state never had the capacity to allocate any currency credit to
MOGE, the Singapore bank accounts of this company have seen the transfer of hundreds of millions of US dollars,"
reports Casanier. According to a confidential MOGE file reviewed by the investigators, funds exceeding $60 million
and originating from Burma's most renowned drug lord, Khun Sa, were channeled through the company. "Drug
money is irrigating every economic activity in Burma, and big foreign partners are also seen by the SLORC as big
shields for money laundering."[87] Banks in Rangoon offered money laundering for a 40% commission.[88]
The main player in the country's drug market is the United Wa State Army, ethnic fighters who control areas along
the country's eastern border with Thailand, part of the infamous Golden Triangle. The Wa army, an ally of Burma's
ruling military junta, was once the militant arm of the Beijing-backed Burmese Communist Party. Burma has been a
significant cog in the transnational drug trade since World War II.[89][90]
Poppy cultivation in the country decreased more than 80 percent from 1998 to 2006 following an eradication
campaign in the Golden Triangle. Officials with the United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime say opium poppy
farming is now expanding. The number of hectares used to grow the crops in has bounced back 29 percent this
year. A United Nations report cites corruption, poverty and a lack of government control as causes for the jump.[91]
United Nations
In 1961, U Thant, then Burma's Permanent Representative to the United Nations and former Secretary to the Prime
Minister, was elected Secretary-General of the United Nations; he was the first non-Westerner to head any
itnhtee rUnNa twiohneanl ohreg awnaizsa Stieocnr eatnadry w-Goeunlde rsael rwvea sa st hUeN y oSuencrge tAaurny-gG Seanne rSaul ufo Kr ytie.n years.[29] Among the Burmese to work at
Until 2005, the United Nations General Assembly annually adopted a detailed resolution about the situation in Burma
by consensus.[92][92][93][94][95] But in 2006 a divided United Nations General Assembly voted through a resolution
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that strongly called upon the government of Burma to end its systematic violations of human rights.[96]
In January 2007, Russia and China vetoed a draft resolution before the United Nations Security Council[97] the government of Myanmar to respect human rights and begin a democratic transition. South Africa also v coatelldin g on
against the resolution, arguing that since there were no peace and security concerns raised by its neighbours, the
question did not belong in the Security Council when there were other more appropriate bodies to represent it,
adding, "Ironically, should the Security Council adopt [this resolution] ... the Human Rights Council would not be able
to address the situation in Myanmar while the Council remains seized with the matter."[98] The issue had been
tfoor rceesdo lounttioon tsh)e c alagimenindga tahgaati nthste tohuet fvlootwe sf roofm R uBsusrima aa nodf rtehfeu gCeheinsa, [d9r9u] gbsy, tHhIeV -UAnIiDteSd, aSntadt eost h(evre tdois peoawseesr tahprpealietesn oendl y
international peace and security.[100]
The following September after the uprisings began and the human rights situation deteriorated, the Secretary-
General dispatched his special envoy for the region, Ibrahim Gambari, to meet with the government.[101] After
stheiesi nmge metoinsgt ,p tahreti easm inbvaosslvaeddo,r hsea irde ttuhrant etdh et oc oNuenwtr Yy o"rink daenedd b[rhieafse edx tpheer iSeenccuerdi]ty a C doauunnctiiln agb cohuat lhleins gveis. itH.[o1w02e]v Deru,r wineg
have been able to restore stability. The situation has now returned to normalcy. Currently, people all over the
country are holding peaceful rallies within the bounds of the law to welcome the successful conclusion of the national
convention, which has laid down the fundamental principles for a new constitution, and to demonstrate their
aversion to recent provocative demonstrations.[103]
On 11 October the Security Council met and issued a statement and reaffirmed its "strong and unwavering support
tfohre tSheec Suerictyre Ctaoruyn-Gciel nine rNaol'vs egmoboder o, fGfiacmesb mariis asidomn"it,t eesdp tehcaiat lnlyo t htiem weforarkm bey h Iabdr abheimen Gsaemt bbya rtih[1e0 4G]o (vDeurnrimnge nat bforire fainngy toof
the moves that he had been negotiating for.)[105]
Throughout this period the World Food Program has continued to organize shipments from the Mandalay Division to
the famine-struck areas to the north.[106]
Human rights
Human rights violations
TInh ea UpSre lsiss treedl eiallisceit onfa Drceocteicms,b heru m16a,n 2 r0ig0h5t sth aeb UusSe Ss taanted Dpeoplitairctaml erenpt rseasyssio Un Na sin sveorlivoeums epnrot binle mBusr mthaa ti st hees sUeNnt inael.e[1d0s7 t]o
address.[107]
In a landmark legal case, some human rights groups have sued the Unocal corporation, previously known as Union
Oil of California and now part of the Chevron Corporation. They charge that since the early 1990s, Unocal has joined
hands with dictators in Burma to turn thousands of citizens there into virtual slaves under brutality. Unocal, before
being purchased, stated that they had no knowledge or connection to these alleged actions although it continued
working in Burma. This was a landmark case as this might be the first time that anybody has sued an American
corporation in a U.S. court on the grounds that the company violated human rights in another country.[108][109]
Karen minority
Evidence has been gathered suggesting that the Burmese regime has marked certain ethnic minorities such as the
Karen for extermination or 'Burmisation'.[110] This has received little attention from the international community,
however, since it has been more subtle and indirect than the mass killings in places like Rwanda.[111]
State-sanctioned sex crimes
Through minority regions, women and children of perceived enemy groups have been subject to mass rape
campaigns by the military. This has been going on for decades but only in the last few years have more and more
women been speaking out and thousands of first hand acounts have been documented by various exiled women's
Rgrigohutpss .F o[1u1n2d] aAt i2o0n0 a2s sreespsoerdt "sLuiccehn icnen ctoid eRnatpse i"n aSuhtahno rSetda tbey. tThhee yS hraenp oWrtoemd ethna'st A"8c3ti opne rNceetnwt oorfk t hane dr atphees S whaenre H uman
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committed by officers and that women who dared speak up were fined, detained, tortured or even killed." [113] 2007 report "Unsafe State" documents cases of rape by the military in Chin State, western Burma. These finding Tsh, e
when displayed on a map, clearly show that incidences of rape occur in dense clusters closest to army camps or
anywhere there is heavy troop presence. [114]
Economy
The country is one of the poorest nations in southeastern Asia, suffering from
decades of stagnation, mismanagement and isolation. Burma's GDP grows at an
average rate of 2.9% annually – the lowest rate of economic growth in the
Greater Mekong Subregion.[11]
Under British administration and until the early 1960s, Burma was the wealthiest
country in Southeast Asia. It was once the world's largest exporter of rice. During
British administration, Burma supplied oil through the Burmah Oil Company.
Burma also had a wealth of natural and labor resources. It produced 75% of the
world's teak and had a highly literate population.[2] The country was believed to
be on the fast track to development.[2]
After a parliamentary government was formed in 1948, Prime Minister U Nu
attempted to make Burma a welfare state. His administration adopted the Two-
Yweaasr fEoclloonwoemd ibc yD aenv eelocopnmoemnitc P slcahne, mweh iccahl lweda st hae f aBiulurrmee.[s1e1 5W] Tayh et o1 9S6o2ci acloisump ,d a'é tat
plan to nationalize all industries, with the exception of agriculture. In 1989, the
government began decentralizing economic control. It has since liberalised
creemrtaaiinn sheecatvoirlys roef gtuhlea teecdo.n Tohmeyy. [h1a1v6e] Lrueccreanttilvye b ineednu setxripelso iotef dg ebmy sf,o roeili gann d forestry
corporations and governments which have partnered with the local government
to gain access to Burma's natural resources.
PBruivrmatae wenatse drpersiisgensa atered oaf tleeans ct od-eovwenloepde odr cionudnirtercyt liyn o1w98n7e.d[ 1b1y7 ]
the Tatmadaw. In recent years, both China and India have
attempted to strengthen ties with the government for
economic benefit. Many nations, including the United States
and Canada, and the European Union, have imposed
investment and trade sanctions on Burma. Foreign investment
comes primarily from China, Singapore, South Korea, India,
and Thailand.[118]
Modern economy
Today, the country lacks adequate infrastructure. Goods travel
primarily across the Thai border, where most illegal drugs are
exported and along the Ayeyarwady River. Railroads are old
and rudimentary, with few repairs since their construction in
tahree claotme mnionne ttehernotuhg cheonuttu trhye.[ 1c1o9u] nHtrigyh iwncaluysd ianrge inno Yramnaglloyn u. nBpuarvmead ,i se axlcseop tth ien wthoer lmd'as jsoer ccoitnieds l.a[1rg19e]s tE nperorgdyu csehro ortfa ges
opium, accounting for 8% of entire world production and is a major source of illegal drugs, including amphetamines.
[120] Other industries include agricultural goods, textiles, wood products, construction materials, gems, metals, oil and natural gas.
The major agricultural product is rice which covers about 60% of the country's total cultivated land area. Rice
accounts for 97% of total food grain production by weight. Through collaboration with the International Rice
Research Institute (IRRI), 52 modern rice varieties were released in the country between 1966 and 1997, helping
increase national rice production to 14 million tons in 1987 and to 19 million tons in 1996. By 1988, modern varieties
were planted on half of the country's ricelands, including 98 percent of the irrigated areas.[121]
The Sakura Tower in Yangon is
virtually vacant due to a lack of
major foreign investment.
Locals in Amarapura, Mandalay Division
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The lack of an educated workforce skilled in modern technology contributes to the growing problems of the
economy.[122]
Inflation is a serious problem for the economy. In April 2007, the National League for Democracy organized a twoday
workshop on the economy. The workshop concluded that skyrocketing inflation was impeding economic growth.
"Basic commodity prices have increased from 30 to 60 percent since the military regime promoted a salary increase
for government workers in April 2006," said Soe Win, the moderator of the workshop. "Inflation is also correlated
with corruption." Myint Thein, an NLD spokesperson, added: "Inflation is the critical source of the current economic
crisis."[123] The corruption watchdog organization Transparency International in its 2007 Corruption Perceptions
Index released on September 26, 2007 ranked Burma the most corrupt country in the world, tied with Somalia.[124]
Valley of Rubies
The Union of Myanmar's rulers depend on sales of precious stones such as sapphires, pearls and jade to fund their
regime. Rubies are the biggest earner; 90% of the world's rubies come from the country, whose red stones are
prized for their purity and hue. Thailand buys the majority of the country's gems. Burma's "Valley of Rubies ", the
mountainous Mogok area, 200 km (125 miles) north of Mandalay, is noted for its rare pigeon's blood rubies and blue
sapphires.[125]
Tourism
Since 1992, the government has encouraged tourism in the country. However, fewer than 750,000 tourists enter the
country annually.[126]
Aung San Suu Kyi has requested that international tourists not visit Burma. The junta's forced labour programmes
were focused around tourist destinations which have been heavily criticised for their human rights records.
Tourism has been promoted by a minority of advocacy groups as a method of providing economic benefit to
Burmese civilians, and to avoid isolating the country from the rest of the world. "We believe that small-scale,
responsible tourism can create more benefits than harm. So long as tourists are fully aware of the situation and take
steps to maximise their positive impact and minimise the negatives, we feel their visit can be beneficial overall.
Responsible tourists can help Burma primarily by bringing money to local communities and small businesses, and by
raising awareness of the situation worldwide," states Voices for Burma, a pro-democracy advocate group.[127]
Humanitarian aid
In April 2007, the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) identified financial and other restrictions that the
military government places on international humanitarian assistance. The GAO report, entitled "Assistance Programs
Constrained in Burma", outlined the specific efforts of the government to hinder the humanitarian work of
international organizations, including restrictions on the free movement of international staff within the country. The
report notes that the regime has tightened its control over assistance work since former Prime Minister Khin Nyunt
was purged in October 2004. The military junta passed guidelines in February 2006, which formalized these
restrictive policies. According to the report, the guidelines require that programs run by humanitarian groups
"enhance and safeguard the national interest" and that international organizations coordinate with state agents and
select their Burmese staff from government-prepared lists of individuals. United Nations officials have declared these
restrictions unacceptable.
2007 economic protests
The military junta detained eight people on Sunday, April 22, 2007 who took part in a rare demonstration in a
Yangon suburb amid a growing military crackdown on protesters. A group of about ten protesters carrying placards
and chanting slogans staged the protest Sunday morning in Yangon's Thingangyun township, calling for lower prices
and improved health, education and better utility services. The protest ended peacefully after about 70 minutes, but
plainclothes police took away eight demonstrators as some 100 onlookers watched. The protesters carried placards
with slogans such as "Down with consumer prices." Some of those detained were the same protesters who took part
in a downtown Yangon protest on February 22, 2007. That protest was one of the first such demonstrations in
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recent years to challenge the junta's economic mismanagement rather than its legal right to rule. The protesters
detained in the February rally had said they were released after signing an acknowledgment of police orders that
they should not hold any future public demonstrations without first obtaining official permission.[128]
The military government stated its intention to crack down on these human rights activists, according to an April 23,
2007, report in the country's official press. The announcement, which comprised a full page of the official
newspaper, followed calls by human rights advocacy groups, including London-based Amnesty International, for
authorities to investigate recent violent attacks on rights activists in the country.
Two members of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters, Maung Maung Lay, 37, and Myint Naing, 40, were
hospitalized with head injuries following attacks by more than 50 people while the two were working in Hinthada
township, Irrawaddy Division in mid-April. On Sunday, April 22, 2007, eight people were arrested by plainclothes
police, members of the pro-junta Union Solidarity and Development Association, and the Pyithu Swan Arr Shin (a
paramilitary group) while demonstrating peacefully in a Rangoon suburb. The eight protesters were calling for lower
commodity prices, better health-care and improved utility services. Htin Kyaw, 44, one of the eight who also took
part in an earlier demonstration in late February in downtown Yangon, was beaten by a mob, according to sources at
the scene of the protest.
Reports from opposition activists have emerged in recent weeks saying that authorities have directed the police and
other government proxy groups to deal harshly with any sign of unrest in Yangon. "This proves that there is no rule
of law [in Burma]," the 88 Generation Students group said in a statement issued today.[Mon 23 April 2007] "We
seriously urge the authorities to prevent violence in the future and to guarantee the safety of every citizen."[129]
As of 22 September 2007, the Buddhist monks have withdrawn spiritual services from all military personnel in a
symbolic move that is seen as very powerful in such a deeply religious country as Burma. The military rulers seem at
a loss as to how to deal with the demonstrations by the monks as using violence against monks would incense and
enrage the people of Burma even further, almost certainly prompting massive civil unrest and perhaps violence.
However, the longer the junta allows the protests to continue, the weaker the regime looks. The danger is that
eventually the military government will be forced to act rashly and doing so will provoke the citizenry even more.
Some international news agencies are referring to the uprising as a Saffron Revolution.
2007 anti-government protests
Anti-government protests started on August 15, 2007, and have been ongoing. Thousands of Buddhist monks
started leading protests on September 18, and were joined by Buddhist nuns on September 23. On September 24,
20,000 monks and nuns led 30,000 people in a protest march from the golden Shwedagon Pagoda in Yangon, past
the offices of the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party. Comedian Zaganar and star Kyaw Thu
brought food and water to the monks. On September 22, monks marched to greet Aung San Suu Kyi, a peace
activist who has been under house arrest since 1990.[130][131]
On September 25, 2,000 people defied threats from the Union
of Myanmar's junta and marched to Shwedagon Pagoda amid
army trucks and warning of Brigadier-General Thura Myint
fMoalluowngin ngo mt toor nviinogla, tvea Briuodudsh pisrto m"riunleens ta pnrdo treesgtuelrast iwonesre." [a1r3r2e]s Ttehde
and troops barricaded Shwedagon Pagoda and attacked the
700 people within. Despite this, 5,000 monks continued to
protest in Yangon. At least four deaths were reported after
security forces fired on the crowds in Yangon. The junta
announced that ten people had died in the crackdown on 27
September 2007 but foreign diplomatic sources in Yangon said
more than ten Buddhist monks and demonstrators were dead.
Later a badly-beaten Buddhist monk's body was found in
Yangon River. A photo was released on an Internet site run by
a Norway-based group of exiled journalists. On September 27,
security forces began raiding monasteries and arresting monks
throughout the country. The security forces also fired on the
nearly 50,000 people protesting in Yangon, killing nine people.
[133][134][135]
Protesters in Yangon with a banner that reads nonviolence:
national movement in Burmese, in the
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Internet access within the nation has been suspended,
reportedly in an attempt to dampen international awareness of
the situation.[136] It has also been reported that troops have
been specifically targeting people with cameras.[137] junta's violent response to peaceful protests has prom Tphtee d international condemnation and calls for an immediate
halt to the violence. In particular, Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda has demanded an explanation for the
killing of Nagai. Ibrahim Gambari, the United Nations special envoy to Burma, has arrived in Naypyidaw and has met
with junta leaders and Aung San Suu Kyi.[138] Despite increasingly strong calls for peace, the junta continued to
attack monks and raid monasteries through October 1.[139]
By October 2, 2007, thousands of monks were unaccounted for and their whereabouts unknown. Many monasteries
are being patrolled by government troops.[140] There are eyewitness accounts of injured protesters being burned
alive by the military regime in a crematorium on the outskirts of Rangoon.[141]
On October 31, 2007 the monks started to protest again. 200 monks marched in Pakokku.[142][143]
On November 29, 2007 the Junta has shut down a Yangon monastery which served as a hospice for HIV/AIDS
patients.
The Burmese state media says that all but 91 of the nearly 3,000 arrested in the crackdown were released. The
United Nations special envoy Ibrahim Gambari criticised the closing of the monastery, yet was assured that the
crackdown would stop. He expects to return to Burma in December.[144]
Demographics
rBouurgmha ehsatism aa tpeosp buelactaiounse o tfh aeb loaustt 5p5a rmtiailll iocenn.[s1u4s5,] cCounrdreunctt epdo pbuy lathtieo nM finigisutrreys oafr e
Home and Religious Affairs under the control of the military junta, was taken in
11998331.. [T14h6e]r Ne oa rteru osvtwero 6rt0h0y, 0n0a0ti orengwisidteer ceedn msuigs rhaanst bweoernke trask ferno min BBuurrmmaa isni nce
Thailand, and millions more work illegally. Burmese migrant workers account for
8705% in hoaf bTithaaniltasn pde'sr msqiugararen tk wiloomrkeetrrse. [(11497]4 /Bsuqr mmai) ,h oans ea opfo tphuel alotiwone sdt einns Sitoyu othf east
Asia. Refugee camps exist along Indian, Bangladeshi and Thai borders while
several thousand are in Malaysia. Conservative estimates state that there are
over 295,800 refugees from Burma, with the majority being Rohingya, Kayin,
and Karenni.[148]
Burma is home to four major linguistic
families: Sino-Tibetan, Tai-Kadai, Austro-
ATisbiaettiacn, alanndg Iunadgoe-sE uarroep meaonst.[ 1w4i9d]e Slyin sop-oken.
They include Burmese, Karen, Kachin, Chin,
and Chinese. The primary Tai-Kadai language is Shan. Mon, Palaung, and Wa are
the major Austroasiatic languages spoken in Burma. The two major Indo-
European languages are Pali, the liturgical language of Theravada Buddhism, and
English.[150]
According to the UNESCO Institute of Statistics, Burma's official literacy rate as of
2fo0r0 l0e awsat sd e8v9e.9lo%pe.[d1 5c1o]u Hnitsrtyo rsitcaatlulys, bByu rtmhea UhNas i nh aodrd heirg hto l irteecraecivye r daetebst. rTeoli eqf,u alify
Burma lowered its official literacy rate from 78.6% to 18.7% in 1987.[152]
Burma is ethnically diverse. The government recognizes 135 distinct ethnic
groups. While it is extremely difficult to verify this statement, there are at least
108 different ethnolinguistic groups in Burma, consisting mainly of distinct
Tibeto-Burman peoples, but with sizable populations of Daic, Hmong-Mien, and
Austroasiatic (Mon-Khmer) peoples.[153] The Bamar form an estimated 68% of
background is Shwedagon Pagoda
A block of flats in downtown
Yangon, facing Bogyoke Market.
Much of Yangon's urban
population resides in denselypopulated
flats.
A girl from the Padaung minority,
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the population.[9] 10% of the population are Shan.[9] The Kayin make up 7% of
the population.[9] The Rakhine people constitute 4% of the population. Overseas
Chinese form approximately 3% of the population.[154][9] Mon, who form 2% of
the population, are ethno-linguistically related to the Khmer.[9] Overseas Indians
comprise 2%.[9] The remainder are Kachin, Chin, Anglo-Indians minorities. Included in this group are the Anglo-Burmese. Once faonrmd iontgh ear laertghen iac nd influential community, the
Anglo-Burmese left the country in steady streams from 1958 onwards, principally to Australia and the U.K.. Today, it
is estimated that only 52,000 Anglo-Burmese remain in the country.
89% of the country's population are Buddhist, according to a report on abc World News Tonight in May 2008.
Culture
A diverse range of indigenous cultures exist in Burma, the majority culture is
primarily Buddhist and Bamar. Bamar culture has been influenced by the cultures
of neighbouring countries. This is manifested in its language, cuisine, music,
dance and theatre. The arts, particularly literature, have historically been
influenced by the local form of Theravada Buddhism. Considered the national
epic of Burma, the Yama Zatdaw, an adaptation of Ramayana, has been
iins fpluraenctciecedd g areloantlgy wbyit hT hnaait, wMoorns,h aipn dw hInicdhia inn vvoelvrseiso nesla obfo trhaete p rliatyu.a[l1s5 5to] Bpurodpdihtiiastme
one from a pantheon of 37 nats.[156][157]
In a traditional village, the monastery is the centre of cultural life. Monks are
venerated and supported by the lay people. A novitiation ceremony called
shinbyu is the most important coming of age events for a boy when he enters
tbhee a m noonvaicsete (rbye fgoirn nae srh foorrt Bpuedridohdi somf )t imbeef.o[1re5 8t]h Ael la bgoey osf otfw Beundtyd hainstd ftaom biley an emeodn tko
after the age of twenty. It is compulsory for all boys of Buddhism. The duration
can be as little as one week. Girls have ear-piercing ceremonies ( ) at the
same time.[158] Burmese culture is most evident in villages where local festivals
are held throughout the year, the most important being the pagoda festival.[159]
[160] Many villages have a guardian nat, and superstition and taboos are commonplace.
British colonial rule also introduced Western elements of culture to Burma.
Burma's educational system is modelled after that of the United Kingdom. Colonial architectural influences are most
evident in major cities such as Yangon.[161] Many ethnic minorities, particularly the Karen in the southeast, and the
Kachin and Chin who populate the north and northwest, practice Christianity.[162]
Language
Burmese, the mother tongue of the Bamar and official language of Burma, is
rceolnasteisdti ntog Toifb ceitracnu laarn da ntdo stheem Ci-hciirnceuslea rl alentgteurasg, ews.h[i1c5h0 ]w Iet ries awdraitptetend i nf rao msc trhipet
Mon script, which in turn was developed from a southern Indian script in the
700s. The earliest known inscriptions in the Burmese script date from the 1000s.
It is also used to write Pali, the sacred language of Theravada Buddhism, as
well as several ethnic minority languages, including Shan, several Karen
dialects, and Kayah (Karenni), with the addition of specialised characters and
diacritics for each language.[163] The Burmese language incorporates
twraiddeitsiporneaalldy usstraegses eodf thhoen oimripficosrt aanndce i so af geed-uocraietinotne.d I.[n1 5v9il]l aBguersm, esesec usloacr isectyh ohoalsin g
often takes place in monasteries. Secondary and tertiary education take place at
government schools.
one of the many ethnic groups
that make up Burma's population.
An ear-piercing ceremony at the
Mahamuni Pagoda in Mandalay is
one of the many coming-of-age
ceremonies in Burmese culture.
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Religion
Many religions are practiced in Burma and religious edifices and religious orders
have been in existence for many years and religious festivals can be held on a
grand scale. The Christian and Muslim populations do, however, face religious
persecution and it is hard, if not impossible, for non-Buddhists to join the army
pore rgseetc ugtoiovner annmde ntatr jgoebtsin, gth oef mcivaiilnia rnosu itse ptaor tsiucucclaerslys inno tthabe lec oinu nEtarys.t[e1r6n4 ]B Suurmcha ,
where over 3000 villages have been destroyed in the past ten years.[165][166]
[167]
Eighty-nine percent of the population embraces Buddhism (mostly Theravada), but other religions can be practised
freely. Four percent of the population practices Christianity; 4 percent, Islam; 1 percent, traditional animistic beliefs;
and 2 percent follow other religions, including Mahayana Buddhism, Hinduism, Chinese religions and the Bahá'í
oreffliigciiaoln s.[t1a6t8is]t[i1c6s9 ]u[n17d0e]r eHsotwimeavteer ,t haec cnoordni-nBgu dtod hai sUt .pSo. pSutalatteio Dne wpahrictmh ecnotu’sld 2 b0e0 6a sin htiegrhn aatsio 3n0a%l r.e lMiguiosulims f lreeaeddeorms report,
estimated that approximately 20 percent of the population was Muslim. [171]
Education
The educational system of Burma is operated by the government Ministry of
Education. Universities and professional institutes from upper Burma and
lower Burma are run by two separate entities, the Department of Higher
Education of Upper Burma and the Department of Higher Education of
Lower Burma. Headquarters are based in Yangon and Mandalay
respectively. The education system is based on the United Kingdom's
system, due to nearly a century of British and Christian presences in Burma. Nearly all schools are governmentoperated,
but there has been a recent increase in privately funded English language schools. Schooling is compulsory
until the end of elementary school, probably about 9 years old, while the compulsory schooling age is 15 or 16 at
international level.
There are 101 universities, 12 institutes, 9 degree colleges and 24 colleges in Burma, a total of 146 higher education
institutions.[172]
There are 10 Technical Training Schools, 23 nursing training schools, 1 sport academy and 20 midwifery schools.
There are 2047 Basic Education High Schools, 2605 Basic Education Middle Schools, 29944 Basic Education Primary
Schools and 5952 Post Primary Schools. 1692 multimedia classrooms exist within this system.
There is one international school which is acknowledged by WASC and College Board - Yangon International Educare
Center(YIEC) in Yangon.
Media
Members of the Buddhist
monkhood are venerated
throughout Burma, which is one
of the most predominantly
Theravada Buddhist countries in
the world.
Yangon University of Medicine 1
Yangon University of Computer Studies
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Due to Burma's political climate, there are not many media companies in relation to the country's population,
although a certain number exists. Some are privately owned, but all have to go through the censorship board.
Notes
1. ^ Mental culture in Burmese crisis politics: Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy (ILCAA Study of
Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa Monograph Series) (1999) by Gustaaf Houtman, pp 43–47, ISBN 978-
4872977486.
2. ^ a b c Steinberg, David L. (February 2002). Burma: The State of Myanmar . Georgetown University Press. ISBN.
3. ^ a b c Myint-U, Thant (2001). The Making of Modern Burma . ISBN 0-521-79914-7.
4. ^ a b Smith, Martin (1991). Burma -Insurgency and the Politics of Ethnicity . London and New Jersey: Zed Books, 42-43.
5. ^
6. ^ Should it be Burma or Myanmar?, BBC News
7. ^ "Burma and Divestiture". External relations . The Dominion (November 2005). Retrieved on 2007-10-01.
8. ^ "The EU's relations with Burma / Myanmar". External relations . European Union (November 2006). Retrieved on 2007-01-
11.
9. ^ a b c d e f g "Background Note: Burma". Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs . U.S. Department of State (August 2005).
Retrieved on 2006-07-07.
10. ^ "Country Profile: Burma". Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Retrieved on 2006-07-07.
11. ^ a b c d "Burma". The World Factbook . Central Intelligence Agency. Retrieved on 2007-01-13.,
12. ^ Encyclopædia Britannica, CD 2000 Deluxe Edition.
13. ^ "How to Say: Myanmar", BBC News Magazine Monitor (26 September 2007). Retrieved on 2007-10-01.
14. ^ "Dictionary Search". onelook.com. Retrieved on 2007-10-01.
15. ^ "The CMU Pronouncing Dictionary". Carnegie Mellon University. Retrieved on 2007-10-01.
16. ^ a b c Thein, Myat (2005). Economic Development of Myanmar . ISBN 9-8123-0211-5.
17. ^ (2000) in Dr. Patrick Hesp et al.: Geographica's World Reference . Random House Australia, 738, 741.
18. ^ a b Than, Mya (2005). Myanmar in ASEAN: Regional Co-operation Experience . ISBN 9-8123-0210-7.
19. ^ "Myanmar's Forest Law and Rules". BurmaLibrary.org. Retrieved on 2006-07-15.
20. ^ "Flora and Fauna" at Myanmars.net
21. ^ a b c d Myint-U, Thant (2006). The River of Lost Footsteps . ISBN 0-374-16342-1.
22. ^ "Profile: Union of Burma". US Department of State .
23. ^ George Aaron Broadwell. "Mon history". Dept. of Anthropology; University at Albany, Albany, NY. Retrieved on 2006-07-
11.
24. ^ An Account of An Embassy to the Kingdom of Ava by Michael Symes,1795 .
25. ^ Collis, Maurice (1945). Trials in Burma .
26. ^ Bechert, Heinz (1984). The World of Buddhism-Buddhist Monks and Nuns in Society and Culture . ISBN 978-0871969828.
27. ^ a b Houtman, Gustaaf (1999). Mental Culture in Burmese Crisis Politics: Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for
Democracy . ISBN 4-87297-748-3.
28. ^ "The Constitution of the Union of Burma". DVB (1947). Retrieved on 2006-07-07.
29. ^ a b Aung Zaw. "Can Another Asian Fill U Thant's Shoes?". The Irrawaddy September 2006. Retrieved on 2006-09-12.
30. ^ a b Fink, Christina (2001). Living Silence:Burma under Military Rule . ISBN 1-8564-9926-X.
31. ^ "PYITHU HLUTTAW ELECTION LAW". State Law and Order Restoration Council . iBiblio.org (1989-05-31). Retrieved on
2006-07-11.
32. ^ Khin Kyaw Han (2003-02-01). "1990 MULTI-PARTY DEMOCRACY GENERAL ELECTIONS". National League for Democracy .
iBiblio.org. Retrieved on 2006-07-11.
33. ^ "Burma's new capital stages parade", BBC News (2006-03-27). Retrieved on 2006-06-24.
34. ^ "ILO seeks to charge Myanmar junta with atrocities", Reuters (2006-11-16). Retrieved on 2006-11-17.
Burma - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia 21/27 ページ
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35. ^ ILO cracks the whip at Yangon
36. ^ "Burma activist 'dies in custody'", BBC News (2007-10-11). Retrieved on 2007-10-11.
37. ^ "Monks march for democracy in Myanmar", ITN (2007-09-19). Retrieved on 2007-09-19.
38. ^ "Accounts from inside Burma", BBC News (2007-09-24). Retrieved on 2007-09-28.
39. ^ "Internet access cut off in Burma", Guardian Unlimited (2007-09-28). Retrieved on 2007-09-28.
40. ^ "Don't cover protests, Military told Media", Indiainteracts (2007-09-28). Retrieved on 2007-09-28.
41. ^ Military junta forces villagers to march – CNN.com
42. ^ "Burma List 'shames' UK companies", BBC. Retrieved on 2007-09-26.
43. ^ "Burma party rejects junta's terms", BBC News (2007-10-09). Retrieved on 2007-10-09.
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External links

http://my.wikipedia.org/ Myanma Wikipedia Official Site ( Myanmarian Language )

BurmaNet News

http://www.burmadisaster.com/ Burma news including eyewitness accounts and pictures of the Burma cyclone
disaster.
Burma - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia 25/27 ページ
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myanmar.gov.mm

Online Burma/Myanmar Library: Classified and annotated links to more than 17,000 full-text documents on
Burma/Myanmar

Selection of documents pertinent to Burmese independence

Myanmar at the Open Directory Project

Mizzima News in English, New Delhi based News Organization formed by Burmese journalists in exile

News, information, journals, magazines related to Myanmar business and commerce

Myanmar Commerce Online Licence Services, Information Services website

Online "Myanmar e-Library"

News and information (in Burmese) on the country

Burma entry at The World Factbook

Myanmar travel guide from Wikitravel

MandalayGazette, California-based English online newspaper for Burmese in North America

Democratic Voice of Burma, Norway-based website

UK-based news website dedicated to the country

Thailand-based news website dedicated to Burma and Southeast Asia

Arakan Rohingya National Organisation

Arakan Rohingya co-operation council europe

The Revolt of the Monks

MRTV-3 Television website

Myanmar Television channels (flysat)

Women's Rights in Burma, A collection of documents and artcles on women's struggles

News report explaining how the 2008 cylcone happened

BBC, In pictures: Burmese aid crisis
Social organizations and NGOs

http://www.abcdnetwork.org.au/ forAustralia Burma Community Development Network

http://www.aucampaignforburma.org forAU CAMPAIGN FOR BURMA

http://www.burmaitcantwait.org/burmaitcantwait/ forUS CAMPAIGN FOR BURMA

http://www.foundationburma.org for Foundation for the People of Burma – administered by volunteers for
direct humanitarian aid

http://www.actionagainsthunger.org Ending Hunger - creating sustainable livelihoods

http://www.usda.org.mm for Union Solidarity and Development Association

http://www.mwaf.org.mm for Burmese Women's Affairs Federation

http://www.ccdac.gov.mm for The Central Committee for Drug Abuse Control

http://www.mcf.org.mm Burmese Computer Federation

http://www.mcpa.org.mm Burmese Computer Professionals Association

http://www.mcia.org.mm Burmese Computer Industry Association

http://www.mosamyanmar.org Burmese Overseas Seafarers Association

http://www.umfcci.com.mm Burmese Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry

http://www.mmcwa.org Burmese Maternal and Child Welfare Association
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http://www.gchope.org Giving Children Hope emergency disaster relief
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China using Olympics as 'pretext' for crackdown: Amnesty ,取締りのための口実としてオリンピックを使用して中国: 大赦

HONG KONG (AFP) - China is using the Beijing Olympics as a pretext to pursue -- and in some cases tighten -- a crackdown on human rights, notably ridding the capital of "undesirables," Amnesty International charged Monday. 香港(AFP) -中国は口実として追求するのに北京のオリンピックを使用している -- そして時としてきつく締めなさい -- 特に"の首都を除く人権の取締り、; 好ましくない人、" アムネスティ・インターナショナルは月曜日を満たした。

Reporting 11 days ahead of the August 8 opening ceremony, the rights group said that despite some minor reforms, authorities had stepped up repression of activists and lawyers to present a picture of stability and harmony.
8月8日の開会式に先んじる11日を報告して、人権団体はあるマイナーな改良言った、権限にもかかわらずそれを運動家および弁護士の抑圧を安定性およびハーモニーの映像を示すために向上した。

Amnesty urged the International Olympic Committee and political leaders to do far more to challenge China, warning of even more repressive measures once the spotlight on the Games has faded away.
大赦はゲームのスポットライトが衰退したら国際的なオリンピック委員会および政治指導者をずっと警告中国のさらにもっと鎮圧対策の警告にに挑戦するために多くをするようにせき立てた。

"Unless the authorities make a swift change of direction, the legacy of the Beijing Olympics will not be positive for human rights in China," it warned.
" 権限が速い方向の変更を行なわなければ、北京のオリンピックの遺産は中国の"の人権のために肯定的ではない; それは警告した。

"In fact, the crackdown on human rights defenders, journalists and lawyers has intensified because Beijing is hosting the Olympics."
" 実際は北京がOlympics."を催しているので、人権の擁護者の取締り、ジャーナリストおよび弁護士は激化した;

Amnesty's report, citing specific cases, said activists who had tied their cause to the Games had been singled out for the pre-Olympics "clean-up," while many others were being detained, imprisoned or placed under house arrest.
特定の場合を引用する大赦のレポートは運動家が前オリンピックの"のために結んだゲームへの彼らの原因選抜された言った; 一掃、" 多くの他が引き留められている間、自宅軟禁の下に投獄されるか、または置かれて。

"Authorities have used the Olympic Games as a pretext to continue and in some respects, intensify existing policies and practices that have led to serious and widespread violations of human rights," the report added.
" 権限は口実としてそしてある点で続くのにオリンピック大会を、激化させる深刻な、広まった人権侵害をもたらした練習および現在のポリシー、"を使用した; レポートは加えた。

It listed a series of recommendations urging China to:それは中国をせき立てる一連の推薦をリストした:

- release all prisoners of conscience;-良心のすべての囚人を解放しなさい;

- stop police arbitrarily detaining activists and dissenters;-任意に運動家および反対者を引き留めている警察を停止しなさい;

- impose a moratorium on the death penalty;-死刑に猶予を課しなさい;

- allow complete media freedom; and,完全な媒体の自由を許可しなさい; そして

- account for those killed or detained in Tibet.-チベットで殺されるか、または引き留められるそれらを説明しなさい。

"It is very disturbing that Chinese authorities have indulged in such a big crackdown on the activists," Mark Allison, China researcher for Amnesty, told AFP.
" それは非常に中国政府が運動家の非常に大きい取締りを楽しんだこと、"妨げている; MarkAllison、AFPを言われる大赦のための中国の研究者。

"These are people who represent many many more people in China."" これらはChina."の多くのもっとたくさんの人々を表す人々である;

Officials were also extending the use of punitive administrative detention, notably of activists and petitioners as well as beggars and peddlers, Amnesty said.
役人はまたこじきおよび行商人と同様、運動家そして請願者の刑罰の管理上の延滞の使用を拡張していたと、特に、大赦は言った。

In January, Beijing police launched a campaign against "illegal activities that tarnish the city's image and affect the social order," it noted.
1月では、北京の警察は"に対してキャンペーンを進水させた; 都市イメージを変色させ、社会の階層に影響を与える非合法活動、" それは注意した。

In May, authorities adopted a "re-education through labour" law to control various types of "offending behaviour."
5月では、権限は"を採用した; labour"を通した再教育; さまざまなタイプの"を制御する法律; おこるbehaviour."

In June, authorities in Shanghai sent notices to activists and petitioners ordering them to report to the police every week and barring them from leaving without permission or visiting Beijing until after the Games.
6月では、上海の権限は警察に毎週報告するためにそれらを発注しか、許可なしで去ることから禁止している運動家および請願者に通知をまたは訪問しているゲームの後までの北京を送った。

A clampdown on journalists has also intensified in recent months, Amnesty said, citing figures from the Foreign Correspondents Club of China showing as many as 230 cases of reporters being obstructed from interviews this year so far, compared to 180 cases in the whole of last year.
ジャーナリストの取締りはまたインタビューから今年今のところ妨げられているレポーターの230の例中国の提示の外国取引先クラブから最近の数か月の間に、大赦は言った、引用を計算する多数を去年の全体の180の場合と比較されて激化させた。

Internet controls have also been tightened up and many websites closed down for providing information deemed sensitive, the group noted.
インターネット制御はまた考えられる敏感な情報注意されるグループを提供するために閉まる多くのウェブサイトきつく締められ。

Amnesty said that journalists working from Beijing's Olympic press centre were unable to access the group's website, as well as those of the BBC, Germany's Deutsche Welle, Hong Kong newspaper Apple Daily, and Taiwan newspaper Liberty Times.
大赦は北京のオリンピックプレス・センターから働いているジャーナリストがBBCのそれらと同様、グループのウェブサイトに、ドイツDeutsche Welleアクセスしてのなかった毎日香港新聞Apple言い台湾自由の時間と新聞。

"This flies in the face of official Chinese promises to ensure 'complete media freedom' for the Games," said Allison.
" これは'を保障する公式の中国の約束に直面して飛ぶ; 媒体freedom'を完了しなさい; ゲームのため、" 言われたAllison。

Such tactics raised concerns that officials would seek to block broadcasts of anything deemed sensitive or inappropriate, despite public commitments by organisers not to cut coverage.
そのような作戦はオーガナイザーによって役人が敏感にまたは不適当に考えられた何でもの放送を妨げるように努める適用範囲を切らないために公共の責任にもかかわらず心配を上げた。

Amnesty said China's crackdown in Tibet earlier this year, and restrictions on reporting there, highlighted the authorities' ongoing censorship.
大赦はチベットの中国の取締りを今年初めに言い、そこに報告の制限は、権限の進行中の検閲を強調した。

It urged the IOC and the international community to express concerns publicly and press China to fulfil its obligations on human rights and dissent.
それはIOCおよび国際地域社会を人権および意見の相違の義務を達成するために心配および出版物中国を公に表現するようにせき立てた。

"The danger now becomes that after the Olympic Games, these patterns of serious human rights violations may continue or intensify with even less attention paid by the international community than has been the case so far," it said.
" 危険はオリンピック大会、違反が国際地域社会が支払うより少ない注意と続けるか、または激化するかもしれない深刻な人権のこれらのパターンの後で今"場合が今のところあったよりそれになる、; それは言った。

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US threatens if Burma rejects UN demands,米国はビルマが国連要求を拒絶すれば脅す

New York (dpa) - The United States said Thursday that it would seek to impose "stronger measures" if Burma's military regime continues to refuse to implement democratic reforms and release political prisoners, including opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
"を課すように努めることニューヨーク(DPA) -米国は木曜日を言った; より強いmeasures" ビルマの軍の政体が民主的な改良を実行し、政治犯を解放することを断り続ければ反対派勢力の指導者Aung San Suu Kyiを含んで。

US Ambassador Zalmay Khalilzad said following a UN Security Council meeting that UN special envoy for Burma Ibrahim Gambari must bring back "concrete results" from his scheduled mid-August visit to Burma.
Zalmay Khalilzad米国の大使はビルマイブラヒムGambariのための国連特使が"に思い出させなければならない国連安全保障理事会の会合の続を言った; 具体的なresults" 彼の予定された8月中旬の訪問からビルマへの。

"If they don't cooperate in a time-bound negotiation on the issue of the release of political prisoners, and if they try to buy time with the visit of Gambari, then there will be Security Council's focus on this issue," Khalilzad told reporters.
" 彼らがで協力しなかったら政治犯の解放の問題の交渉を時間区切、Gambariの訪問の時間を買うことを試みたらそこに保証Council'がありなさい; この問題のsの焦点、" Khalilzadはレポーターを告げた。

Khalilzad said that Gambari must bring back an "agreed road map" for political changes and ensure wide participation in the 2010 general elections in Burma, which has been ruled by the military for more than four decades.
KhalilzadはGambariが"を持ち帰らなければならないと言った; 一致した道のmap" 政治変更のために四十年以上のための軍隊によって支配されたビルマの2010回の総選挙の広い参加を保障すれば。

The military regime has been trying to prevent Suu Kyi, leader of the National League of Democracy, to take part in the elections on the grounds that she was married to a Briton, who died while she has been house for more than 10 years.
軍の政体は彼女が彼女が10年間以上家の間、死んだブリトン人に結婚していたという理由から選挙に加わるためにSuu Kyiのずっと民主主義の国民リーグのリーダーを防ぐことを試みている、

Khalilzad said that the US expects progress from Gambari's discussion with the military authorities, including a UN role in the democratic process in Burma.
Khalilzadは米国が軍の権限のGambariの議論からの進歩を期待すると、言ったビルマの民主的なプロセスに於いての国連役割を含んで。

"If there is no progress on the political track, we'll have to look at other measures to bear on the regime," Khalilzad said.
" 政治トラックに進歩がなければ、私達は政体、"に関係する他の手段を見なければならない; Khalilzadは言った。

Gambari's visit next month will be his fourth to Burma as UN envoy. He held discussions with the military authorities, Suu Kyi and political parties in the past but apparently obtained no significant political changes from authorities.
Gambariの訪問は国連公使としてビルマへ来月彼の四分の一である。 彼は軍の権限、Suu Kyiおよび政党との議論を以前保持しなかったが、外見上権限からの重要な政治変更を得た。

Khalilzad threatened "measures" rather than specifically sanctions, obviously to avoid a confrontation with Security Council members China and Russia, which oppose the imposition of sanctions. He insisted that the US would demand "stronger measures" if Suu Kyi and other political prisoners were not set free.
Khalilzadは"を脅した; measures" とりわけ認可よりもむしろ、明らかに認可の賦課に反対する安全保障理事会のメンバー中国およびロシアとの対立を避けるため。 彼は米国が"を要求することを主張した; より強いmeasures" Suu Kyiおよび他の政治犯が自由に置かれなかったら。

The US ambassador criticized the military regime for not allowing greater access and more relief supplies for victims of cyclone Nargis, which struck the impoverished country in early May, killing more than 100,000 people. Currently, an estimated 2.5 million people need assistance because of the destruction caused by the cyclone.
米国の大使は割り当てないための軍の政体を早い5月の困窮した国を打った100,000人以上殺しているの犠牲者のためのより大きいアクセスそしてより多くの救助の供給をサイクロンNargisの批判した。 現在、サイクロンによって引き起こされる破壊のために推定2.5百万人の必要性の援助。

He said that Burma's regime should now work with Gambari to move toward democracy.
彼はビルマの政体がGambariを民主主義の方に動くために今使用するべきであると言った。

UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon met Wednesday with a group of countries to discuss Gambari's upcoming visit. The group expressed "strong support" for Ban's efforts and raised their expectations about Gambari's visit.
Ban Ki-moon国連事務総長はGambariの次の訪問を論議するために国のグループとの水曜日に会った。 グループは"を表現した; 強いsupport" 禁止の努力のためおよびGambariの訪問についての予想上げられる。

The group called for "tangible progress on the issues of concern to the international community, particularly with regard to the resumption of dialogue between Suu Kyi and the government, the credibility of the electoral process and the regularization of engagement of the good offices of the secretary general."
グループは"を求めた; 選挙過程のSuu Kyiおよび政府、信頼性および事務総長の。"のよいオフィスの約束の調整間のダイアログの再開に関する国際地域社会にとって関心のある問題の有形進歩、特に;

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London's link to Burmese junta revealed,ビルマの会議へのロンドンリンクは明らかにした

Lloyd's insurers underwrite military dictatorship's aircraft and shipping, claims new campaign
ロイドの保険業者は軍の独裁制の航空機および船積みの要求の新しいキャンペーンを署名する

Nick Mathiason
The Observer, Sunday July 27 2008
Article history
The London insurance connection propping up the murderous Burmese military dictatorship can be revealed in a development that will acutely embarrass leading City figures.
殺人的なビルマの軍の独裁制を支えるロンドンの保険の関係は鋭く一流都市図を当惑させる開発で明らかにすることができる。


Three Lloyd's of London operators will be named as helping to insure the junta's state-owned airline Myanma Airways earlier this year. They are Kiln, Atrium and Catlin. All were contacted by The Observer and asked to explain their involvement but refused to comment.
ロンドンオペレータの3つロイドは会議国有航空会社のMyanmaの航空路の今年初めに保証を助力として名前を挙げられる。 それらは炉、アトリウムおよびCatlinである。 すべては観測者によって連絡され、が、介入を説明するように頼まれたりコメントするために断られた。

Other Lloyd's syndicates have shared the risk of insuring the junta's shipping interests. Without shipping and aviation insurance, the Burmese government would not be able to export gems, timber, clothing, oil and gas, which would lead to economic ruin for the generals running the oppressed south-east Asian nation.
ロイドの他のシンジケートは会議の船積みの興味を保証する危険を共有した。 船積みおよび航空保険なしで、ビルマの政府は圧迫された南東のアジア国家を動かしている大将のための経済的な台なしに導く宝石、材木、衣類、石油およびガスを輸出できない。

The London insurance involvement, to be exposed this week in a report by Burma Campaign UK, will acutely damage the reputation of the City. It is likely to trigger a wave of campaigns aiming to force Lloyd's of London to recommend that its members pull business from Burma. Campaigners are demanding a face-to-face meeting with Lloyd's chairman Lord Levene.
ロンドンの保険介入は、この週ビルマのキャンペーンイギリスによって露出されるためにレポートの、鋭く都市の評判を損なう。 本当らしいロンドンのロイドにメンバーがビルマからのビジネスを引っ張ることを推薦させる向けるキャンペーンの波を誘発することは。 運動家はロイドの議長の主とのLevene一対一の会談を要求している。

'The insurance industry is helping to fund the Burmese dictatorship. Insurance companies, including members of Lloyd's, are putting profits before ethics. They don't care that they're helping Burma's brutal regime fund the purchase of guns, bullets and tanks for their campaigns of repression and ethnic cleansing. In an age where companies like to claim they behave ethically, the truth is these companies are helping to finance a regime that rapes, tortures and kills civilians,' said Johnny Chatterton, Burma Campaign UK's campaign officer.
' 保険事業はビルマの独裁制に資金を供給するのを助けている。 Lloyd'のメンバーを含む保険会社、; sは倫理の前に、利益を置いている。 それらはビルマの残酷な政体の資金を抑圧および民族浄化のキャンペーンのための銃、弾丸およびタンクの購入助けていること気遣わない。 会社が要求するのを好む年齢では倫理的にする、真実はこれらの会社一般市民を強姦し、苦しめ、そして殺す政体、'の融資を助けているである; 言われたジョニーChattertonのビルマのキャンペーンUK' sのキャンペーン役人。

Lloyd's this weekend argued that its members were not breaking the law by insuring Burma's key infrastructure. While the US has imposed across-the-board sanctions on Burma, the European Union has taken a limited stance. EU sanctions cover gems and timber but not financial services. Despite pressure from the European parliament to extend sanctions, heads of state have failed to unanimously approve the measure.
ロイドはこの週末メンバーがBurma'のことを保証によって法律を壊していなかったことを論争した; sの主下部組織。 米国がビルマに一律の認可を課す間、欧州連合は限られたスタンスを取った。 EUの認可は宝石および材木金融サービスをカバーする。 認可を拡張するヨーロッパ議会からの圧力にもかかわらず国家首脳は満場一致で測定を承認し損った。

Last night, Lloyd's said: 'Unless there are official international sanctions in place, we do not instruct the market where it can and cannot write business.'
昨晩、ロイドは言った: ' 公式の国際的な認可がなければ、私達はbusiness.'を書き、ことができない市場に指示しない;

Lloyd's intransigence will put pressure on the UK government to intervene. Gordon Brown has in the past made plain his disapproval of any business trading with Burma. It is unclear whether the Foreign Office has raised the issue with senior Lloyd's officials.
ロイドの固執はイギリスの政府に介入する圧力を置く。 Gordon Brownは明白に作られる以前ビルマと交換するあらゆるビジネスの彼の不同意に持っている。 それは外務省が年長のロイドの問題を上げたかどうか明白でない役人。

The Burma Campaign report will expose eight other insurance companies. While Lloyd's is vital to the regime, much business goes to Singapore and Thailand. By Burmese law, all insurance has to goes through Myanma Insurance, in which the state is the sole shareholder. It is an imprisonable offence to get insurance through any other organisation.
ビルマのキャンペーンレポートは8人の他の保険会社を露出する。 ロイドが政体に重大な間、多くのビジネスはシンガポールおよびタイに行く。 ビルマの法律によって、すべての保険は州が唯一の株主であるMyanmaの保険によって行くなる。 それは他のどの構成によっても保険を得るimprisonable違反である。

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National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma ,ビルマの連合の国民の連合の政府

Press Release
July 25, 2008

NCGUB Applauds Initiative by MPs-elect To Bring Change in Burma
NCGUBは率先をMPs選ぶビルマの変更を持って来るために称賛する

The Special Adviser to the UN Secretary General, Mr Ibrahim Gambari, will be visiting Burma again in the upcoming weeks. In anticipation of the end-July talks on Burma in the United Nations and because of the expected visit of Mr Gambari, Members of Parliament-elect in Burma have sent a letter to Mr Ban Ki-Moon, urging the UN secretary-general to make sure that the United Nations was not "siding with the dictators" and forcing the people of Burma "into an untenable position".
連事務総長への顧問、イブラヒムGambari氏は、次の週以内にビルマを再度訪問する。 国際連合のそして氏のGambari期待された訪問のためにビルマの7月末の話を予想して、メンバーはの国際連合が"ではなかったことを確かめるように国連事務総長をせき立てている氏にBan Ki-moonビルマで送った手紙を議会選ぶ; dictators"との味方; そしてビルマの"の人々を強制する; 維持不能なposition"に;。


Given that people with dissenting voices are relentlessly hounded for persecution and arrest by the Burmese regime, the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB) wholeheartedly applauds courageous MPs-elect for trenchantly stating their position with regard to the role of the United Nations in achieving national reconciliation and democratization in Burma.
反対の声の人々がビルマの政体によって迫害および阻止のために無情に追跡されること与えられて、ビルマ(NCGUB)の連合の国民の連合の政府はビルマに於いての国際連合の役割に関して痛烈に国民の和解および民主化の達成の位置を示すために心をこめて勇気があるMPs選ぶ称賛する。

As an institution comprised of Members of Parliament-elect in exile, we, the NCGUB, express our solidarity with our colleagues inside Burma and stand as one with them in reiterating our firm position that we do not recognize the Burmese generals' illegitimate constitution which was passed through fraudulent practices. We also reaffirm that in the interests of the people who voted for us, we will not surrender our legitimacy by participating in political processes derived from that constitution.
メンバーでの構成される施設として流浪で、私達、NCGUB議会選び、ビルマの中の私達の同僚との私達の団結を表現し、そして私達のしっかりした位置を繰り返すことのそれらとの1として立てなさい私達がビルマgenerals'を確認しないこと; 詐欺的な練習によって渡された不法な憲法。 私達はまた私達のために投票した人々の利益のために、私達はその憲法ことをから得られた政治的措置に参加によって私達の合法性を手渡さないことを再確認する。

We also share our colleagues' concern about the lack of progress toward democracy and human rights despite the endeavors by the UN Special Adviser and fully support the call by the "Group of Friends of the Secretary-General on Myanmar" that Mr Gambari's next visit needs to yield "tangible progress on the issues of concern to the international community, particularly with regard to the resumption of dialogue between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the Government, the credibility of the electoral process and the regularization of engagement with the good offices of the Secretary-General".
私達はまた私達のcolleagues'を共有する; 民主主義の方の進行の遅れについての心配および国連顧問による努力にもかかわらず人権は"によっておよび十分に呼出しを支える; Myanmar"の事務総長の友人のグループ; Gambari'その氏; sの"をもたらす次の訪問の必要性; 選挙過程のDaw Aung San Suu Kyiおよび政府、信頼性および秘書General"のよいオフィスとの約束の調整間のダイアログの再開に関する国際地域社会にとって関心のある問題の有形進歩、特に;。

We, the NCGUB, believe that it is time for all the people of Burma to support the initiative of the MPs-elect and for the international community to give all-out support to the United Nations so that it can come up with measures that would not only bring an end to the Burmese generals' disregard for international opinion but also pave the way for a democratic future for the people of Burma.
_私達は、NCGUB、ビルマgenerals'にしか端を持って来ない手段を思い付くことができるようにそれが国際連合に全面的なサポートを与えるためにMPs選挙の率先を支えるビルマのすべての人々と国際地域社会の時間であることを信じる; 国際的な意見のための無視はまたしかしビルマの人々の民主的な未来のための道を開く。 ___________ _________ _________ _________ _________ _________ _________ _________ _________ _________ ______

The NCGUB is constituted and endorsed by representatives elected in the 1990 elections in Burma
NCGUBはビルマの1990年の選挙で選ばれる代表によって構成され、裏書きされる
Contact: Tel: 1-301-424-4810 Fax: 1-301-424-4812 E-mail: ncgub@ncgub. net

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Torture Survivor Campaigns for Freedom in Burma,苦悶の生存者はジェーンモールスによってビルマの自由のために運動をする

Aung Din survived the torture and years of imprisonment he received in Burma as punishment for his political views. On July 24 he spoke at the United Nations in New York City on behalf of political prisoners in his homeland and elsewhere in the world.
AungDinは彼が彼の政治的見解のための罰としてビルマで受け取った投獄の苦悶そして年を存続させた。 7月24日に彼は彼の故国と他の所で世界の政治犯に代わってニューヨークシティの国際連合で話した。

He was one of several political activists at a special panel discussion designed to underscore international promises made in the Declaration of Prisoners of Conscience issued in June. The declaration, sponsored by the United States and 63 other U.N. member states, calls for a high-priority global commitment to freeing prisoners of conscience.
彼は6月に出された良心の囚人の宣言でなされた国際的な約束に下線を引くように設計されている特別な公開討論会に何人かの政治運動家の1才だった。 米国および63の他のU.Nの加盟州によって後援される宣言は良心の囚人の解放に優先順位の高く全体的な責任を求める。

The panel discussion was moderated by Ambassador T. Vance McMahan, U.S. representative to the U.N. Economic and Social Council, who told the audience, "Persecution of human rights defenders occurs in many parts of the globe and requires the urgent attention of the international community as a whole."
公開討論会は大使によってT.バンスMcMahan、聴衆言ったU.Nの経済社会理事会への米国の代表、"を緩和された; 人権の擁護者の迫害は地球の多くの部分に起こり、国際地域社会の全体として。"の緊急な注意を要求する;

At the panel discussion, Aung Din said the Burmese regime is holding about 2,000 political detainees, including Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. He described the abuse he suffered for his dedication to freedom for his countrymen.
ノーベル平和賞受賞者Aung San Suu Kyiを含む公開討論会、ビルマの政体が約2,000人の政治犯を握っていることをAungDinは言った。 彼は彼が彼の舎田者のための自由に彼の献呈のために苦しんだ乱用を記述した。

Aung Din spent more than four years in prison - sometimes in solitary confinement, naked, in total darkness - after organizing and leading Burma's nationwide pro-democracy uprising in August 1988 as vice chairman of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions. ABFSU, the largest student organization in Burma, is outlawed by the ruling military junta.
AungDinは学生自治会のビルマすべての連合の副議長として- 8月1988日のビルマの全国的な民主化の反乱を組織し、導いた後…刑務所の4年以上-時々暗闇で、露出した独房監禁で過ごした。 ABFSUのビルマの最も大きい学生構成は支配する軍の会議によって、不法とされる。

He endured physical and psychological torture in the interrogation chambers run by military intelligence and in prisons - two years in the notorious Insein Prison in Rangoon, and another two years in Thayet Prison in central Burma.
彼は軍事情報によって動いた質問の部屋と刑務所-ラングーンのInseinの悪名高い刑務所の2年の物理的な、心理的な苦悶、および中央ビルマのThayetの刑務所のもう2年に耐えた。

In 1989, Amnesty International designated him a "Prisoner of Conscience," and its chapters worldwide campaigned for his release. He was released in July 1993 and fled Burma in 1995. After living in Singapore, where he received a master's degree in business administration, and Thailand, he came to the United States in 2001. Since his arrival in the United States, Aung Din has earned a master's degree from American University's School of International Service.
1989年に、アムネスティ・インターナショナルは彼を"と示した; 良心、"の囚人; そして世界的の章は彼の解放のために運動をした。 彼は1993年7月および1995年に逃げられたビルマで解放された。 彼がmaster'を受け取ったシンガポールの生存の後、; 経営管理のsの程度、およびタイ、彼は2001年に米国に来た。 米国の彼の到着以来、Aungの喧騒はmaster'を得た; アメリカUniversity'からのsの程度; 海外業務のsの学校。

In 2003, Aung Din co-founded the Washington-based U.S. Campaign for Burma, an umbrella group of Burmese dissidents in exile and American activists. He is also country representative of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners-Burma based at the Thai-Burma border.
2003年に、Aungの喧騒はビルマのためのワシントンを基盤とした米国のキャンペーン、流浪者およびアメリカの運動家のビルマの反対者の統括組織を共同出資した。 彼はまたタイビルマのボーダーで基づいて政治囚人ビルマのための援助連合の国の代表である。

He has been quoted in hundreds of articles, testified before the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee and the Congressional Human Rights Caucus, and traveled on speaking tours across the United States.
彼は何百もの記事で引用された、米国の上院の外交関係委員会および議会の人権の前に幹部会を開けば証明される、話すことで走行されて米国を渡って旅行する。

At the July 24 U.N. panel discussion, Aung Din said the Burmese regime continues to abuse prisoners horribly, many of them just ordinary people. "They are not criminals," he said. "Actually, they are the future of our country. Their lives should be used for building a better nation."
7月24日U.Nの公開討論会、ビルマの政体が囚人を恐ろしく乱用し続けることをAungDinは言ったそのほとんどちょうど普通の人々。 " 彼らは犯罪者、"ではない; 彼は言った。 " 実際には、それらは私達の国の未来である。 生命はよりよいnation."を造ることに使用するべきである;

In a statement issued June 10, State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said, "The United States believes that the ongoing detention of political prisoners, including National League for Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, and the conditions under which they are held, is appalling. ... The United States continues to urge the Burmese regime to release all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, and to begin a genuine dialogue with democratic and ethnic minority leaders on a transition to democracy."
声明出された6月10日の、国務省のスポークスマンSean McCormackは言った、" 米国は民主主義のリーダーAung San Suu Kyiのための国民リーグを含む政治犯の進行中の延滞、および保持される条件が、ぞっとするようであることを信じる。 …米国はすべての政治犯を、Aung San Suu Kyiを含んで解放し、democracy."への転移の民主的な、少数民族のリーダーとの本物ダイアログを始めるようにビルマの政体をせき立て続ける;

Source: U.S. Department of State
源: 米国国務省
judythpiazza@newsblaze.com

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NCUB-Credentails Challenge Statement

DEMOCRACY FORCES WILL CHALLENGE
THE CREDENTIALS OF THE MILITARY JUNTA
AND OBJECT ITS RIGHT TO REPRESENT BURMA IN THE
2008 UNITED NATIONSGENERAL ASSEMBLY
July 14, 2008
The democratic movement of Burma will be challenging the credentials of the Burmese military junta at the 2008 United Nations General Assembly session and object to its right to represent Burma at the United Nations. Since the endeavor is aimed at prompting reforms in the country as well as protecting the people of Burma from the ruthless suppression of the junta, we call upon the nations of the world to cooperate with us and to extend their active support for the effort.


For decades, the people of Burma have been peacefully endeavoring for political reforms in the country but the successive military regimes been resorting to murder, intimidation, and oppression to overcome these endeavors and maintain their power through brute force. The State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), formerly known as the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), is commonly recognized to be one of the most repressive and secretive governments in the world. The SPDC refused to honor the results of the last legitimate elections in 1990, when Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy won 80% of Parliamentary seats. Despite years of work by activists from both inside and outside Burma, efforts to foster a peaceful negotiated transition to a democratic civilian government have made little headway. To date, the junta’s leadership has failed to honor any promises made with respect to democratic change and has instead increased measures to silence pro-democracy groups.
Over the last year, the international community has witnessed numerous demonstrations of the brutal and callous tactics the SPDC uses to maintain power, including the ruthless crackdown on peaceful monks and citizens calling for democratic reform in the Saffron Revolution; the disregard for human suffering in refusing international assistance following Cyclone Nargis; the illegal extension of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s confinement; and the fraudulent constitutional referendum conducted just days after Cyclone Nargis, even before the government assessed the damage from the storm. The injustice of these latest crimes is compounded when viewed in light of the junta’s past atrocities, such as its violent repression of 1988 protests, its refusal to honor the 1990 elections, and its murder of NLD members in the 2003 Depayin massacre.
The most fundamental principle of democracy is that sovereignty rests with the people. Although the military junta has brutally oppressed the Burmese people and scoffed at the requests and demands of the international community, United Nations Member States have continued to extend the junta the privilege of illegally representing the people of Burma at the United Nations. Because the SPDC does not and cannot legitimately represent the state or people of Burma, it is now time to revoke its privilege of representing Burma to the United Nations.
The pro-democracy movement for Burma, united in coalition throughout the world, calls upon the Member States of the United Nations to stand up for the principles of democracy and human rights and reject the credentials of the SPDC’s delegation to the United Nations during the upcoming session of the General Assembly.
For additional information, please contact:
International Burmese Monks Organizations Sasana Moli - Ashin Pyinnya Vansa Tel: 718 426 3959
National Council of the Union of Burma Maung Maung Tel: 202 352 7884
Director, Credentials Challenge Project Ko Ko Lay Tel: 415 203 0541
Joint Action Committee of Burmese Community in Japan (JAC) Dr.Min Nyo Tel: 813-5296-3010

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Children and natural disaster

Posted on July 23, 2008 by Abdelilah Boukili
The death toll from last week’s earthquake in south-west China has risen to 40,075, officials have said.
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In a catastrophe, resulting from natural disasters or wars, children are the most vulnerable; especially, when they are orphaned and left without relatives to take care of them.



Concerning the situation in Burma and China, each should be considered differently. In Burma, the government is to a large extent responsible for the misery of children there. It refused all sorts of help from “unfriendly” donors, especially the West, which it regards with suspicion. The military junta there preferred to see people of all ages suffer rather than open its seclusive country to foreign aid workers. Perhaps their human actions will be contrasted with the brutal treatment of the military regime by the affected people.


China has the responsibility to take care of orphaned children because of its birth control policy that has reduced the members of each family. Each family has the right to only one child, which means orphaned children can’t have a grown-up brother or sister to turn to. This catastrophe is a test for the Popular Republic of China to show that it can really care for all its population, especially in hard times like these.


On the whole, children, orphaned or having witnessed horror, need support to overcome the trauma experienced in their tender years. They shouldn’t be left alone, the victims of an experience that can accompany them for the rest of their lives.


Children of this kind having become familless should be adopted by the whole society that should cater for them by sheltering them in decent homes, and providing them with special education to face life when adults. They can also be adopted by other families. For them, unlike adults, they don’t need just material aid to survive, but also psychological support to feel they have a new life for better after having experienced the worst.


It is also the responsibility of the international and local aid agencies to closely follow their needs. The natural disaster may be over. The land it destroyed can be rebuilt easily. But to rebuild a shattered life needs to be done piece by piece without neglecting any essential side.

Filed under: Uncategorized

« Who has the final say on a child’s medical treatment? When a reporter should be detached »

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Letter to donors on reconstruction after Cyclone Nargis

PrintSource: Human Rights Watch (HRW)

Date: 23 Jul 2008

Human Rights Watch remains deeply concerned about the dire plight of Burmese severely affected by Cyclone Nargis, which struck Burma’s Irrawaddy Delta on May 2-3, 2008. The United Nations estimates that the cyclone left at least 140,000 persons dead or missing and that approximately 2.4 million more were severely affected, many of whom are still in need of urgent and sustained humanitarian assistance.



Human Rights Watch recognizes the strong and committed role played by international relief agencies and organizations in responding to the crisis and the difficulties of operating in an environment where there is little infrastructure and many government barriers. We support the continued efforts by international and Burmese organizations and individuals to respond to the disaster.

The Burmese authorities’ reaction to the cyclone shocked the world. Instead of allowing humanitarian assistance to be delivered urgently to survivors, as did countries affected by the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, the Burmese military government prevented international humanitarian agencies from entering the delta during the crucial first weeks after the cyclone. An untold number of people died and suffered needlessly as the junta treated the cyclone as a national security problem instead of a natural disaster, demonstrating the shocking disregard that Burma’s ruling generals hold for the welfare of their own people.

While the government has improved its cooperation with aid agencies, the authorities continue to obstruct humanitarian relief efforts in various ways. More than two months after the cyclone, just 1.3 million out of the 2.4 million Burmese severely affected have received any form of international humanitarian assistance. While restrictions on international relief workers visiting affected areas have been eased, official permission to travel to the delta still takes many days and does not allow the full access required to reach all at risk.

From Relief to Reconstruction

Even when the immediate needs for food, temporary shelter, clean water, and medical assistance have been met, major efforts will be necessary to help people rebuild their lives and livelihoods. The cyclone swept away entire villages and hundreds of thousands of survivors have lost their homes. The United Nations estimates that between 77 to 85 percent of houses in Bogale and Lapputa townships were completely destroyed. Public infrastructure, including roads, bridges, schools, hospitals, and other essential services, have largely disappeared in many areas. The rice cultivation paddies of the Irrawaddy Delta have been inundated with salt water and require a massive rehabilitation effort. Livestock populations, including the water buffaloes used for rice cultivation, have been decimated. Rehabilitating the Irrawaddy Delta region will require a massive reconstruction effort, including the financial support of the international community.

The Tripartite Core Group (TCG)—comprising the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the United Nations and the Burmese ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC)—has completed its needs assessment of the affected areas and presented its formal findings at a meeting in Singapore on July 21. The total cost of relief and reconstruction was estimated at US$1 billion. On July 10 a Revised Flash Appeal for humanitarian assistance was raised from an initial US$201 million to US$481 million for relief operations lasting until April 2009. For the 13 UN agencies and 23 international humanitarian organizations involved in operations in the cyclone-affected areas, adequate funding is urgent and crucial to alleviate suffering and prepare the way for reconstruction.

Human Rights Watch has long supported humanitarian aid to Burma so long as it is provided in an accountable, transparent and principled manner. Unfortunately, the Burmese authorities have long refused to allow aid to be provided in this way.

As the donor and humanitarian community move towards considering support for major reconstruction efforts in the cyclone-affected regions of Burma, Human Rights Watch believes it is of utmost importance that clear principles be established for the provision of aid. Aid provided without respect for clear principles—as detailed below—and without careful monitoring, will invariably be misused and fail to meet the needs of cyclone victims.

The greatest obstacle faced by the international community in addressing the large-scale reconstruction needs of the Irrawaddy Delta is Burma’s abusive military leadership. The Burmese government has a long record of severe human rights violations against its own people, which have repeatedly been raised at the UN Security Council, the Human Rights Council (and its predecessor the Commission on Human Rights), and other international bodies. Many abuses previously reported will directly impact on the reconstruction effort, such as the widespread use of forced labor, documented by the International Labor Organization (ILO) and other independent international organizations.

In order to ensure that future reconstruction meets the needs of the affected population and does not contribute to further human rights abuses, donors should adopt the following basic principles when planning, funding and implementing reconstruction projects in Burma:

- Insist that the continuing humanitarian needs of the affected population are immediately addressed. Soon after the cyclone, the Burmese government claimed that the “emergency phase” of the crisis had been completed and that the focus should shift to long-term reconstruction. This view reflected not only the military leadership’s disregard for the welfare of the affected population, but its own political and financial interest in being the recipient of multi-million dollar donor-funded infrastructure development projects. As more than one million of those affected by the cyclone have still not been reached by international humanitarian agencies, the donor community should insist that the immediate humanitarian needs of the population be addressed before embarking on large-scale reconstruction efforts.

- Insist on unimpeded humanitarian access for local and international humanitarian organizations to the affected population and to determine reconstruction needs. Despite promises made nearly two months ago by the military junta to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, the government continues to place significant obstacles in the path of international humanitarian agencies and local volunteer organizations in meeting the needs of the affected population. Two months after the cyclone, international humanitarian efforts remain severely impeded and far less effective than after other large-scale disasters, such as the response to the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami and the May 2008 earthquake in Sichuan, China. While the government has granted 1,670 visas to aid workers from UN agencies, private nongovernmental organizations and ASEAN officials, many humanitarian relief professionals lose crucial time waiting for official permission to travel and are still prohibited from spending extended time in the delta. The authorities have also arbitrarily detained and harassed some local volunteers, such as the prominent comedian Zargana. The limited reach of international aid is almost entirely due to obstacles created by the government. The donor community should continue to insist on unimpeded access for humanitarian workers to the affected population, and make further assistance contingent on greater access and a removal of obstacles. The Burmese government has requested billions of dollars in reconstruction assistance but has provided almost no documentation to support its request. In order to accurately assess the reconstruction needs, countries considering pledges should insist on full and unimpeded access to affected areas to do their own independent assessments of reconstruction needs. The Post-Nargis Joint Assessment (PONJA) conducted by ASEAN, Burmese officials, and UN officials, is an important step towards an accurate assessment of the reconstruction needs, but further assessment efforts will be required.

- Ensure that all internationally funded reconstruction activities be conducted by independent humanitarian and development organizations, rather than by providing funding directly to the Burmese government, and that local participation be monitored by the donor. Many donors have long refused to provide aid directly to the government because of grave concerns over widespread human rights violations, corruption, and a lack of accountability and transparency in spending of donor funds. In recent years The Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, and Medecins Sans Frontieres (France) terminated their programs because of excessive government interference in aid activities. In light of these concerns, reconstruction funding should not go directly to the government, but should be conducted by qualified independent organizations that can be adequately monitored by the donor. Donors should insist that implementing organizations be freely allowed to recruit and hire local staff, and respond promptly should the authorities seek to intimidate or otherwise improperly interfere with local staff. Donors should take sufficient measures, including the creation of independent structures within Burma, to monitor aid to ensure that it is not diverted to the authorities.

- Monitor reconstruction efforts to deter previously documented human rights abuses, such as forced labor, forced relocation and land seizure. The Burmese government has a long history of human rights abuses carried out in pursuit of self-defined “development” projects. Villagers in Burma have had their land forcibly confiscated and have been conscripted for forced labor in road construction and development of biofuel and hardwood plantations. In the aftermath of the cyclone, the government has forcibly relocated thousands of displaced persons, at times placing them beyond the reach of humanitarian assistance. Donors should carefully design and monitor reconstruction projects to deter the government from using such abusive practices, particularly in the rehabilitation of infrastructure and the rice paddies, where the danger of forced labor practices are greatest. The donor community should ensure that international monitoring organizations like the ILO have sufficient capacity to monitor reconstruction projects.

- Consult with affected communities, ethnic minorities, religious communities, and a broad range of civil society groups when considering, designing, and implementing reconstruction projects. The Burmese government has a long history of disregarding the voices of civil society and the needs of the population in all facets of governance, and with development projects in particular. It considers independent views as a threat to its monolithic rule. Donors should set a strong and principled example in determining reconstruction needs by consulting a wide spectrum of individuals and groups, including local communities, ethnic minorities, religious communities, and a broad range of civil society actors, to ensure that reconstruction projects meet the needs of the affected populations. Such consultation requirements are now mainstreamed into projects of the World Bank and many other donors. While the government may object and try to limit contacts and communication between implementing agencies and local residents, donors should insist on the need for broad-based consultation.

- Do not award contracts for reconstruction projects to any Burmese company or individual under international sanctions, or with companies owned or controlled by the Burmese military. Donor states have placed a number of individuals and companies under international sanctions because of their direct role in supporting government repression and human rights abuses. The military junta has already put many of these individuals and companies in charge of major reconstruction projects in the Irrawaddy Delta. The donor community should not support any reconstruction efforts conducted by individuals or companies under international sanctions, and should not engage companies owned or controlled by the Burmese military in reconstruction projects.

- Provide humanitarian and reconstruction aid on the basis of need, and guard against government discrimination on the basis of ethnicity, religion, perceived political affiliation, or other basis. The Burmese government has a long record of discrimination against and marginalization of ethnic and religious minorities, independent religious authorities, and independent civil society groups, and of politicizing humanitarian and development assistance. Consider supporting small-scale, community-based reconstruction efforts in health, education, water and sanitation, agriculture, and other essential sectors that directly benefit the poorest and most affected, and not just “prestige” infrastructure projects that may not bring the same benefits to those most in need. Donors should ensure that the humanitarian and reconstruction needs of all affected communities are met on a nondiscriminatory basis.

- Before committing to reconstruction projects, require that the Burmese government, which has an estimated US$3.5 billion in foreign reserves and receives an estimated US$150 million in monthly gas exports revenues, formally commit to making a significant contribution to reconstruction efforts. While much of the Burmese population lives in dire poverty with meager access to education and health care, the country’s leadership has accumulated huge wealth through government economic enterprises. The United Nations Development Program (UNDP) calculates that one-third of the population lives below the poverty line, with much higher rates of absolute poverty in regional areas. And while the government is demanding huge reconstruction sums from foreign donors, its own accumulated wealth is given little consideration. The government’s foreign reserves and gas revenues are not allocated to address the basic needs of the population, causing Burma to be ranked 132 out of 177 in the latest UNDP Human Development Index. The government spends a paltry 1.1 percent of Gross Domestic Product on health and education, and Burma’s health care system is the second worst in the world after Sierra Leone. An estimated 75 percent of hospitals and clinics in cyclone affected areas were destroyed or damaged and urgently need to be replaced. At the same time, the SPDC spends enormous sums on an oversized military and wasteful projects, such as the construction of the new capital in Naypyidaw. Were the donor community to fully fund the reconstruction effort without addressing the government’s horrendous misallocation of resources, it risks being complicit in the government’s continuing disregard for the health, education, and other basic needs of the population.

- Use reconstruction projects to promote respect for human rights in Burma. Some donors have been reluctant to discuss human rights abuses or the lack of progress in political negotiations while meeting Burmese government officials or in donor coordination meetings, fearing that this would complicate discussions on relief and reconstruction. While this may have been sensible in the immediate aftermath of the cyclone, it is now critical to address the connection between the government’s dismal human rights record and its disregard for the Burmese people’s welfare following the cyclone. Cyclone Nargis was a natural disaster that became a man-made disaster. While donors rightly are focusing on a massive humanitarian and reconstruction effort in Burma, they must simultaneously engage with the Burmese government on its atrocious human rights record. These two aims not only are not mutually exclusive, but can and should be pursued in tandem if the aid effort is to reach its intended targets and goals.

Establish an Independent Monitoring Body

Finally, because of the complex and exceptional challenges faced by the donor community in funding, implementing, and monitoring humanitarian and reconstruction projects in Burma, donors should establish an “Independent Monitoring Body.” This body should be co-managed by the donor community and the United Nations to ensure the integrity of the reconstruction and humanitarian effort, and to provide transparency and accountability in the effort. Such a body would be tasked with implementing the basic principles of assistance set out above.

While the above list of basic principles is long, it reflects the enormous challenges to providing effective assistance in a country ruled for decades by a highly repressive and corrupt regime. In addressing the enormous humanitarian and reconstruction needs of the people affected by Cyclone Nargis, it is essential that the donor community ensure that international efforts contribute to greater respect for basic human rights and do not have the unintended consequence of contributing to the further consolidation of illegitimate military rule at the expense of the Burmese people.

We look forward to discussing these matters further at your convenience. Thank you for your consideration.

Yours sincerely,

Brad Adams
Executive Director
Asia division




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