By Daniel Schearf
Bangkok
27 August 2009
A spokesman for the Burmese government in exile has urged Washington not to hastily ease sanctions against Burma's military government. The exile government and rights groups support U.S. engagement with Burma, but they also want pressure for change.
A spokesman for the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, Zin Linn, says U.S. sanctions should stay in place until opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is released and Burma's rulers agree to talks with the opposition.
"All the sanctions made by the U.S. and EU will hurt directly to the military junta, the generals, and only their cronies," he said. "Not hurt to the ordinary peoples, because all the economic business, all the big industries are in the hands of the generals and their relatives. No other, ordinary people have a chance, or they have no rights to participate in the economic sectors."
U.S. Sen. Jim Webb, D-Va.,speaks during a news conference in Hanoi, Vietnam, 19 Aug 2009
Senator Jim Webb
Zin Linn was responding to U.S. Senator Jim Webb's call for reducing sanctions and further engaging Burma's rulers.
In an opinion article published this week in the New York Times newspaper, Webb said the sanctions had only entrenched the Burmese generals and isolated the country.
Benjamin Zawacki, a Burma researcher for Amnesty International, says isolating a military government that is all too willing to isolate itself is counter-productive. He says regional engagement is the only way that changes are going to come.
"Further engagement and further pressure are not mutually exclusive policies or tactics," said Zawacki. "And, so it needs more of both of those things."
Zin Linn says he agrees the sanctions have not brought change. But he says Washington must continue to pressure Burma's rulers to release Aung San Suu Kyi and other key opposition figures if they want to see democracy in the country.
Webb says sanctions also allow China, which does not support the measures, to dramatically increase its economic and political influence with Burma, which he called a "dangerous strategic imbalance."
Senator Webb earlier this month became the most senior U.S. politician to visit Burma in a decade.
He met with Burma's reclusive military leader Than Shwe and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. He also secured the release of American John Yettaw, who was sentenced to seven years hard labor for visiting Aung San Suu Kyi without official permission.
The military government extended her house arrest by 18 months for allowing the uninvited guest to stay two days.
The military has held Aung San Suu Kyi for 14 of the past 20 years, drawing condemnation by much of the international community, including the United States and the United Nations.
The National League for Democracy, which Aung San Suu Kyi leads, won Burma's last election, in 1990, but was never allowed to take office. Many of those elected were forced to flee the country and they have formed the government in exile.
http://www.voanews. com/english/ 2009-08-27- voa14.cfm
Saturday, August 29, 2009
Burmese Exile Government Urges Washington to Stay Firm on Sanctions
Thursday, August 27, 2009
No Turning Back-US-BURMA RELATIONSHIP
No Turning Back
By AUNG ZAW Thursday, August 27, 2009
It’s no secret that the regime in Burma wants to repair its frosty relationship with America. It would especially like to see the lifting of US sanctions, which have an impact not only on the general population, but are also hampering the junta leaders’ ambition to build a modern armed forces.
Historically, there is little reason for the two countries to regard each other as enemies. Despite the US-backed occupation of northern Shan State by the Chinese Kuomintang in the 1950s, Burmese military commanders have never felt the same hostility toward the US that they reserve for Burma’s former colonial masters, the British.
Burma’s current rulers have not forgotten that their predecessor, Gen Ne Win, was a guest in the White House just a few years after seizing power. At the time, the US was keen to get a foothold in a country on China’s doorstep. Ironically, when Ne Win killed unarmed students in 1970s, it was Beijing, not Washington, that expressed outrage.
Fearing Communist China’s growing influence in the region, the US had no qualms about forming close military ties with Burma. For decades, top officers in the Burmese armed forces attended West Point and the Command and General Staff College, while key members of Burma’s most feared spy agency were trained by the CIA.
Washington was also generous with its military hardware. Until the late 1980s, Burma’s army and air force employed US jet fighters, helicopters and M-16 assault rifles. Bell helicopters supplied by the US to help Burma wage a war on drugs were also used in operations against ethnic insurgents. And when Burmese riot police fired on students in 1988, they were armed with American-made M-16s.
But it was at this point that US-Burma relations rapidly deteriorated. After decades of ignoring Burma’s poor human rights record and political repression, Washington suddenly became a staunch champion of the country’s brutally suppressed pro-democracy movement and an outspoken critic of the junta that seized power in 1988.
Now, after two decades of treating Burma’s rulers like pariahs, Washington is reviewing its policy toward the country as part of President Barack Obama’s new, less confrontational approach to dealing with the world’s dictators. Even as he tells “those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent” that they are “on the wrong side of history,” Obama says that he is ready to offer his hand to those who are “willing to unclench their fist.”
The Burmese generals were quick to read this as a sign that the US was likely to soften its stance toward them, and were only too happy to share Obama’s conciliatory message with the people of Burma in state-run media—except for the part about the need for dictators to “unclench their fist” if they want to enjoy better relations with the US, which was deemed too “sensitive” by the junta’s censors.
In August, the generals finally got their chance to show the world that they, too, were ready to extend their hand in friendship. The highly publicized visit of US Sen Jim Webb was lauded in the state-run press as “a success for both sides as well as the first step to promotion of the relations between the two countries.”
A commentary in The New Light of Myanmar, a regime mouthpiece, noted that Webb did not act like a typical “neocolonialist” or “loud-mouthed bully.” However, it cautiously added that Webb’s visit was just “the first step toward marching to a 1,000-mile destination.”
What was most remarkable about this encounter was how starkly Webb’s reception contrasted with that of UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, who traveled to Naypyidaw in June but was denied a meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi. The difference signaled the junta’s eagerness to cut a deal with Washington.
The immediate outcome of Webb’s visit was the release of John Yettaw, the American who had been sentenced to seven years in prison for illegally entering Suu Kyi’s residential compound in May. Meanwhile, Suu Kyi and her two live-in aides are now serving a further 18 months under house arrest because of Yettaw’s actions.
To the junta’s way of thinking, all of this makes perfectly good sense. Just as Suu Kyi’s trial and conviction were obviously politically motivated, Yettaw’s release was clearly a political gambit intended to improve the regime’s chances of repairing ties with the US.
But the regime is going to have to go a lot further if it expects the Obama administration to meet it halfway. Following Webb’s visit, the White House issued a statement welcoming the junta’s gesture, but also urging “the Burmese leadership in this spirit to release all the political prisoners it is holding in detention or in house arrest, including Aung San Suu Kyi.”
Clearly, then, Webb’s visit was not the breakthrough that he and other champions of engagement with the regime hoped it would be. If Burma’s rulers think they can simply return to the “good old days” when Washington didn’t care how dictators behaved, as long as they were friendly to America’s interests, they are mistaken. Until it makes real changes in its behavior, the junta’s dream of rapprochement with the US will remain a “1,000-mile destination.”
Wednesday, August 26, 2009
Kokang capital falls: “Not shoot first” policy under fire
According to the latest information, Peng and troops loyal to him are still holding positions northeast of Laogai and at Qingsuihe (Chinshwehaw) aka Nampha on the southern border with Wa.
As the new base at Kunghsa is just 4km from Laogai, the Burma Army could have mounted an attack if it chose to. “But they have yet to do it, probably because it is too uncomfortably near the Chinese border,” said a source from the border. “The Burma Army has instead brought in other Kokang rivals of Peng to deal with him. Apart from Bai Souqian (his former deputy), there are now Kokang militias loyal to the Burma Army from Kunlong, Hopang and even his archenemy Yang Mouliang. If there is going to be any shooting, the Burma Army can now tell the Chinese it’s a fight among the Kokangs, the Burma Army has nothing to do with it.”
On the other side of the border, China has set up a temporary holding center for the refugees from Burma, according to the same source. “They are giving them a blanket and a mat each, besides food,” he said.
Meanwhile, the United Wa State Army (UWSA) is reportedly holding an emergency meeting with its Kokang ally this morning at Namteuk, south of Qingshihe.
The two townsBao Ai Roong
are separated by the Namting and connected by a bridge over it. “The fall of Qingsuihe,” admitted a Wa source, “could greatly threaten the safety of Namteuk and restrict our movements.”
Namteuk is the headquarters of the UWSA’s 318th Division, commanded by Bao Ai Roong, the Wa supreme leader’s nephew.
The fall of Laogai without a shot being fired has brought into question the practicality of the “Not Shooting First” policy of the Peace and Democracy Front (PDF), whose members include Kokang, Wa and Mongla. “We should also have spelled out what movements by the Burma Army would be deemed as hostile acts,” said a Shan ceasefire officer. “Now, because we have said that we won’t shoot first, the Burma Army is being allowed to beef up its forces around us.”
The Kokang debacle could be repeated elsewhere, he warned, if the alliance continued to hold on the policy.
Kokang, since 1989, had been under the control of Peng Jiasheng. The Burmese authorities, now that an arrest warrant for him has been issued, is reportedly encouraging Peng’s rival groups to set up a new leadership.
U.S. Senator Edward Kennedy dies at age 77
By Scott Malone Scott Malone – 1 hr 5 mins ago
BOSTON (Reuters) – U.S. Senator Edward Kennedy, a towering figure in the Democratic Party who took the helm of one of America's most fabled political families after two older brothers were assassinated, died at age 77, his family said.
"Edward M. Kennedy, the husband, father, grandfather, brother and uncle we loved so deeply, died late Tuesday night at home in Hyannis Port (Massachusetts)," the Kennedy family said in a statement early Wednesday.
One of the most influential and longest-serving senators in U.S. history -- a liberal standard-bearer who was also known as a consummate congressional dealmaker -- Kennedy had been battling brain cancer, which was diagnosed in May 2008.
His death marked the twilight of a political dynasty and dealt a blow to Democrats as they seek to answer President Barack Obama's call for an overhaul of the healthcare system.
Kennedy made healthcare reform his signature cause. He recently urged Massachusetts lawmakers to change state law so the governor, if necessary, could quickly fill a Senate vacancy as the chamber debates the contentious healthcare issue.
Senate Democratic leader Harry Reid said in a statement, "As we mourn his loss, we rededicate ourselves to the causes for which he so dutifully dedicated his life."
Known as "Teddy," he was the brother of President John Kennedy, assassinated in 1963, Senator Robert Kennedy, fatally shot while campaigning for the 1968 Democratic presidential nomination, and Joe Kennedy, a pilot killed in World War Two.
When he first took the Senate seat previously held by John Kennedy in 1962, he was seen as something of a political lightweight who owed his ascent to his famous name.
Yet during his nearly half century in the chamber, Kennedy became known as one of Washington's most effective senators, crafting legislation by working with lawmakers and presidents of both parties, and finding unlikely allies.
At the same time, he held fast to liberal causes deemed anachronistic by the centrist "New Democrats," and was a lightning rod for conservative ire.
He helped enact measures to protect civil and labor rights, expand healthcare, upgrade schools, increase student aid and contain the spread of nuclear weapons.
"There's a lot to do," Kennedy told Reuters in 2006. "I think most of all it's the injustice that I continue to see and the opportunity to have some impact on it."
After Robert Kennedy's death, Edward was expected to waste little time in vying for the presidency. But in 1969, a young woman drowned after a car Kennedy was driving plunged off a bridge on the Massachusetts resort island of Chappaquiddick after a night of partying.
Kennedy's image took a major hit after it emerged he had failed to report the accident to authorities. He pleaded guilty to leaving the scene and received a suspended sentence.
Kennedy eventually ran for his party's presidential nomination in 1980 but lost to then-President Jimmy Carter.
His presidential ambitions thwarted, Kennedy devoted himself to his Senate career.
A 2009 survey by The Hill, a Capitol Hill publication, found that Senate Republicans believed Kennedy was the chamber's easiest Democrat to work with and most bipartisan.
Republican Senator John McCain called Kennedy "the single most effective member of the Senate if you want to get results."
In January 2008, Kennedy endorsed Obama, who was serving his first term as a senator, for the Democratic presidential nomination. Many saw the endorsement -- Obama went on to win the nomination and the White House -- as the passing of the political torch to a new generation.
'LION' BATTLED ON
Kennedy had been largely sidelined in Congress since becoming ill. The "Lion of the Senate" began to use a cane and often looked tired and drained as he mixed work with treatment.
Yet colleagues and staff said he remained determined to fulfill what he called "the cause of my life," providing health insurance to all Americans. He helped draft legislation to overhaul the $2.5 trillion U.S. healthcare system.
Kennedy's interest in healthcare dated from his son's bout with cancer in the 1970s. More recently, he cited his own illness as he made a case for reform.
"I've benefited from the best of medicine, but I've also witnessed the frustration and outrage of patients and doctors alike as they face the challenges of a system that shortchanges millions of Americans," he wrote in a May 28, 2009, issue of the Boston Globe.
His charisma as "the last of the Kennedy brothers" was such that draft-Teddy drives were a feature of U.S. presidential election years from 1968 through the 1980s.
But he never fully escaped the cloud of the Chappaquiddick accident. A decades-long argument arose about whether he tried to cover up his involvement by leaving the scene while Mary Jo Kopechne's body remained submerged and whether police helped sweep such questions under the rug. All involved denied any cover-up.
Later crises involving younger Kennedys, notably the 1991 Palm Beach rape trial of his nephew, William Kennedy Smith, caught a bloated and weary-looking Uncle Ted in a media glare. Reports of heavy drinking and womanizing led to a public apology for "the faults in the conduct of my private life."
Kennedy was remarried soon after that to Victoria Reggie, a 38-year-old lawyer with two young children from her first marriage. He poured renewed energy into the Senate, where he would become the third-longest serving senator in history.
Even his Republican foes recognized Kennedy's dedication as he worked to protect civil rights, give federal help to the poor, contain the spread of nuclear weapons, raise the minimum wage, expand health coverage and improve America's schools.
FAMILY STANDARDS
Born on February 22, 1932, Edward Moore Kennedy was the last of four sons and five daughters born to millionaire businessman Joseph Kennedy, who would later be ambassador to Britain, and his wife, Rose.
The Boston Irish family combined the competitive spirit of nouveau riche immigrants with acquired polish and natural charm. The sons were expected to mature into presidential timber and were groomed for that starting with the oldest, Joseph Jr., a bomber pilot who died in World War Two.
"I think about my brothers every day," Kennedy told Reuters. "They set high standards. Sometimes you measure up, sometimes you don't."
Like his brothers, Kennedy was known for his oratory, delivered in a booming voice at rallies, congressional hearings and in the Senate.
He drew praise from liberals, labor and civil rights groups and scorn from conservatives, big business and anti-abortion and pro-gun activists. His image was often used by Republicans in ads as a money-raising tool.
Tragedies dogged Kennedy throughout his life. They included a 1964 plane crash that damaged his spine and left him with persistent pain; bone cancer that cost son Teddy a leg; first wife Joan's battles with alcoholism that contributed to their divorce, and drug problems involving nephews, one of whom died of an overdose. His nephew, John Kennedy Jr., died in July 1999 when his small plane crashed into the ocean near Cape Cod.
In May 2008, Edward Kennedy collapsed at his Cape Cod home and was flown to hospital in Boston, where he was diagnosed with a malignant brain tumor. Brain cancer kills half its victims within a year.
Kennedy's illness kept him from attending the funeral of his sister, Eunice Kennedy Shriver, a leading advocate of the mentally disabled, who died on August 11 at the age of 88.
(Additional reporting by Thomas Ferraro; Editing by Peter Cooney)
Tuesday, August 25, 2009
第13回 ビルマ市民フォーラム総会のご案内
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
第13回 ビルマ市民フォーラム総会のご案内
<9月12日（土） 18時～/ 東京・池袋>
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
『アウンサンスーチー氏へ有罪判決！―最新のビルマ情勢報告（仮題）』
「日本政府の対ビルマ政策を振り返る （仮題）」
・・・・根本 敬（上智大学教授、ビルマ市民フォーラム運営委員）
「アウンサンスーチー氏へ有罪判決
事件の経緯と国際社会の反応について（仮題）」
・・・・秋元 由紀（ビルマ情報ネットワーク ディレクター、米国弁護士）
----------------------------------------------------
★会員・非会員をとわず、どたなでもご参加いただけます。（申込不要）
（ビルマ情勢等に伴い報告の題目・内容は、変更する場合がありますが、
何卒ご了承ください。）
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
◆日時＝2009年9月12日（土） 午後6時～午後8時30分
＊午後5時45分開場
◆会場＝ 池袋・ECOとしま（豊島区立生活産業プラザ）
８階 多目的ホール
*所在： 豊島区東池袋1-20-15、Tel 03-5992-7011
*交通： 池袋駅東口徒歩5分
地図：http://www.city.toshima.lg.jp/shisetsu/shisetsu_community/005133.html
◆資料代＝ 200円（会員）・500円（非会員）
◆定 員＝ 80名 （事前申込み不要／先着順）
---------------------------------------------
8月11日、アウンサンスーチーさんへの禁固3年の有罪判決（直後に
1年半の自宅軟禁に減刑）は、ビルマの民主化を求める世界各国から
多くの批判の声があがりました。
アウンサンスーチー氏は、過去19年間のうち13年間を自宅軟禁下に
置かれてきましたが、今回の有罪判決は、この状態をさらに長引かせ、
アウンサンスーチー氏の自由を奪い続けるまったく不当なものです。
軍政は来年2010年に、一方的に起草した新憲法に基づいた総選挙の
実施を計画していますが、これは総選挙での『勝利』を確実にするため、
国民の支持を集めるアウンサンスーチー氏の拘束を続けたいという
思惑が働いたのは明らかです。
一方で、この間、ビルマ東部ではカレン民族やシャン民族が住む地域に
おいてビルマ軍による軍事攻撃が行われ、新たに数千もの人々が家を
失っています。
2010年の総選挙を前に、ビルマの平和と民主化に向けて、今、日本を
含む国際社会にはどのような対応が求められているのでしょうか？
今回は、前回のPFB例会に引続き、お2人のビルマ専門家を招いて
最新のビルマ情勢を報告していただきます。
前半には根本敬教授よりこれまでの日本政府の対ビルマ政策を振り返り、
後半は秋元由紀さんよりアウンサンスーチーさんの起訴・有罪判決の
経緯と各国の反応、米国議員訪問の効果、そして日本を含む国際社会の
今後の対応につき、お話しいただきます。
初めての方でもぜひご参加ください。
---------------------------------------------
＊20時半～21時までPFB総会(活動報告・会計報告ほか)を行います。
PFBの活動にご関心のある方はぜひご参加ください。
＊参加者に在日のビルマ人のみなさんもいらっしゃいますので、ビルマ語の
逐次通訳が入ります。ご了承ください。
---------------------------------------------
【スピーカー プロフィール】
---------------------------------------------
●秋元 由紀 （あきもと ゆき）
ビルマ情報ネットワークのディレクターとしてビルマ民主化問題に関する情報提供、
調査、提言を行う。2008年夏には参議院ODA調査派遣団のビルマ難民キャンプ視察な
どに同行した。特定非営利活動法人メコン・ウォッチでもビルマへの開発援助につい
て調査や政策提言を継続中。著書にPost-Nargis Analysis: The Other Side of the
Story (Burma Medical Association et al., 2008)、Opportunities and Pitfalls:
Preparing for Burma’s Economic Transitions (Open Society Institute, 2006)、
「ビルマ（ミャンマー）の開発と人権・環境問題」（季刊「公共研究」第2巻第1号、
2005年）。米国弁護士。
ビルマ情報ネットワーク http://www.burmainfo.org/
きょうのビルマのニュース http://d.hatena.ne.jp/burmainfo/
●根本 敬 （ねもと けい）
1957年生まれ。上智大学外国語学部教授。専門はビルマ近現
代史研究。著書に『アウンサン：封印された独立ビルマの夢』（1996年、岩波書
店）、『ビルマ軍事政権とアウンサンスーチー』（田辺寿夫と共著、2003年、角川新
書）、「（第6章）アウンサンスーチー：真理の追究」（共著『現代世界の女性リー
ダーたち』所収、2008年、ミネルヴァ書房）ほか、論文多数。ＮＨＫはじめテレビ・
ラジオのニュース解説（ビルマ関係）も随時担当。
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
★PFBでは、日本人と在日ビルマ人を対象に、時々のビルマ情勢や
在日ビルマ難民の抱える問題などをテーマに、隔月で例会を実施して
おります。会員・非会員を問わず、どなたでもご参加いただけます。
初めての方でもぜひお気軽にご参加ください。
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◇ ビルマ市民フォーラム事務局 ◇
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
〒160-0004
東京都新宿区四谷一丁目18番地6 四谷プラザビル4階
いずみ橋法律事務所内
電話03-5312-4817（直）／ FAX 03-5312-4543
E-mail： pfb@izumibashi-law.net
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━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
Monday, August 24, 2009
ビルマ市民フォーラム メールマガジン 2009/8/24
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
ビルマ市民フォーラム メールマガジン 2009/8/24
People's Forum on Burma
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
ビルマ情報ネットワーク（BurmaInfo）からのメール2009年8月21日【0932号】を転送
させていただきます。
（重複の際は何卒ご容赦ください。）
ＰＦＢ事務局 宮澤
http://www1.jca.apc.org/pfb/
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
ビルマ情報ネットワークの「今週のビルマのニュース」をお送りします。
「今週のビルマのニュース」バックナンバー
http://www.burmainfo.org/news/this_week.php?mode=3
「きょうのビルマのニュース」もご利用ください。
http://www.burmainfo.org/news/today.php?mode=2
ビルマ情報ネットワーク （www.burmainfo.org）
秋元由紀
========================================
今週のビルマのニュース Eメール版
2009年8月21日【0932号】
========================================
【外務省、親軍政団体の幹部を日本に招待】
・ビルマ軍政の翼賛団体「連邦連帯開発協会」（USDA）
トップらが外務省の招きで20日から来日している。来日して
いるのは同協会のテイウー事務局長（農業灌漑大臣も兼任）らで、
民主化系メディア「ミジマ」によれば20日には鎌倉見物をした。
来週には民主党の国会議員や外務大臣と会見する予定
（19日付ミジマ、21日付イラワディ）。
・同協会は軍政にきわめて近い「市民団体」で会員数は
公称2400万人。2003年5月のアウンサンスーチー氏襲撃事件
への関与が指摘されたほか、2007年9月の抗議行動に際しても
会員がデモ参加者を殴打、逮捕したとの報告があった。日常的に
民主化運動家の脅迫や拘束に関与しているとされる。
協会幹部は欧米の対ビルマ制裁対象者となっており、米国やEUに
原則として入国できない。
【米有力議員がビルマを訪問、軍政トップと会談】
・米国議会上院外交委員会のアジア・太平洋小委員会で
委員長を務めるジム・ウェッブ議員（民主党）が14日、米議員
としては10年以上ぶりにビルマを訪問した。15日には米要人
として初めて軍政トップ・タンシュエ将軍と会談した。
同日アウンサンスーチー氏とも会談した（15日APほか）。
・軍政国営紙はウェッブ氏の訪問を「米国との関係改善の第一歩」
だとして歓迎した（18日同紙）。しかし今回の訪問で得をしたのは
軍政だけだという批判や、制裁を解除するのはあまりに時期尚早だ
という意見が目立つ（17日ウォールストリート・ジャーナル、
19日ニューヨーク・タイムズほか）。
【制裁についての見解をめぐりスーチー氏が反論】
・ウェッブ議員は対ビルマ制裁に批判的なことで知られている。
議員は16日にバンコクで記者会見し、前日のアウンサンスーチー氏
との会談で「スーチー氏が、制裁の解除に反対ではないという明確な
印象を持った」と述べた。これに対し16日にスーチー氏と面会した
弁護士のニャンウィン氏は「制裁についての見解は2007年から変
わっていない」とするスーチー氏の談話を伝えた（18日イラワディほか）。
【イェトー氏は帰国 「後悔していない」と語る】
・ウェッブ議員の訪問を受け、軍政はアウンサンスーチー氏宅に
侵入したために有罪判決を受けていた米国人男性イェトー氏の
出国を認めた。氏は国外追放処分となり、16日にビルマを出国、
18日に米国に戻った。帰途APに対し「（スーチー氏の家に行ったこと
について）後悔していない。またやれと言われれば百回でもやる」と
述べた（20日APほか）。
【ビルマへの政府開発援助（ODA）約束状況など】
新たな発表はなし
【注目の報告書】
・国際危機グループ(ICG)「Towards the Elections」
…2010年総選挙の展望と国際社会への勧告（英語）。
http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=6280&l=1
・カレンニー開発調査グループ「軍政下のダム開発」（日本語版）
…バルーチャウン水力発電所建設の実態とサルウィン河ダム建設
計画の問題点について、日本語で詳述した初の報告書。
http://www.burmainfo.org/article/article.php?mode=0&articleid=489
【イベント情報】
・在日ビルマ人共同行動実行委員会ほか
ビルマ軍政に対しアウンサンスーチーさんと全ての政治囚の
釈放と民主化勢力との対話を要請するアピール行動
（在日ビルマ大使館前、17～21日15～16時）
・「アウンサンスーチーさんの釈放を！」
全ての政治囚の釈放を求めるデモ行進
在日ビルマ人民主化活動家の皆さん
（恵比寿公園集合、23日14時～）
・第13回ビルマ市民フォーラム総会
最新のビルマ情勢報告（仮題）
報告者 根本敬氏・秋元由紀氏
（池袋・ECOとしま8階、9月12日18時～）
・映画「花と兵隊」公開中（渋谷シアター・イメージフォーラム）
【もっと詳しい情報は】
「きょうのビルマのニュース」
http://www.burmainfo.org/news/today.php?mode=2
ビルマ情報ネットワーク
http://www.burmainfo.org/
【お問い合わせ】
ビルマ情報ネットワーク 秋元由紀
====================================
今週のビルマのニュース Eメール版
2009年8月21日【0932号】
作成： ビルマ情報ネットワーク
協力： ビルマ市民フォーラム
====================================
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配布元 ビルマ情報ネットワーク（BurmaInfo） http://www.burmainfo.org
連絡先 listmaster@burmainfo.org
バックナンバー http://groups.yahoo.co.jp/group/burmainfo/
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▽転載について
・ビルマ情報ネットワーク（BurmaInfo）のメールマガジンの転載・再配布は、必ず出典を明記したうえで行ってください。
・不特定多数に配付する印刷物や、新聞、雑誌、機関紙（誌）などに掲載の際は、必ずご連絡ください。
――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――
▽メーリングリストの参加・退会・アドレス変更について
以下のＵＲＬをご覧ください。
http://www.burmainfo.org/about/mailmagazine.php
※原則として手動での変更手続は行っておりませんが、どうしても解決できない
問題があるときや、疑問点がある場合は管理者宛にご連絡ください。
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Sunday, August 23, 2009
DAMMING OF A MIGHTY RIVER
DAMMING OF A MIGHTY RIVER
The Tasang and Hutyi dam projects may force the Karenni people to relocate from their homes and lose their heritage
Writer: By Pongsit Pangsrivongse
Published: 23/08/2009 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: Brunch
The mighty Salween River stretches from the high plains of the Tibetan Plateau to the Andaman Sea. In Burma, it runs through the Mon and Shan States where it is the lifeblood of the indigenous people, nourishing the land and feeding the countless ethnic groups living there. Though their customs, languages and traditions vary, one thing unites them all - their reliance on the powerful Salween River. The fact that the fruitful river has always been full of fish enforces a sense of security for them. However, their sustainable lifestyle is reaching a precarious chapter, according to concerns echoed in the seminar on the construction of Tasang and Hutyi Dams. The recent seminar was arranged by local anti-dam groups, including Towards Ecological Recovery and Regional Alliance (Terra), Salween Watch, Healthy Public Policy Foundation (HPPF) and guest speakers such as Htoo Paw, a representative of the Karenni Human Rights Group.
According to the dam-protesting organiser, the construction of the Tasang and Hutyi Dams close to Tak province on the Thai-Burmese border will be a dire consequence to the ecology of the river and villagers who depend on its resources.
But the seminar did not touch only the environmental side.
Despite the fact that the project is purely civil construction, it has slowly unveiled the conflict between the junta and the indigenous people highlighted recently when the Karen National Union (KNU) was attacked by troops from the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) and the ruling junta's State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), according to Htoo Paw.
This invasion reportedly forced more than 4,000 Karennis out of their homes, thus adding to the ever growing number of desperate refugees attempting to seek asylum in Thailand.
What perhaps is more painful for the locals than losing their homes and their land is losing their heritage and their source of income and life staple. With the flooding of the land they have lived on for centuries, members of these tight-knit communities will be dispersed. Many of them will no longer be able to rely on the waters for fish.
SOON A THING OF THE PAST: Fish from the Salween River being sold at a local market.
The fear is real. According to Dr Nirand Pitakwatchara, a member of National Human Right Commission, some of the dam projects spelt doom for communities living around the project. "This is a lesson that should have been learned from the controversial Pak Moon Dam where the presence of a reservoir resulted in the decimation of fish species," said Dr Nirand, also a former Thai senator.
The implications extend beyond the rights of the indigenous people.
Forced relocation has already led to exponential migration into Thailand. Salween Watch, a Chiang Mai-based non-governmental organisation, estimated about 60,000 Burmese ethnic villagers will be displaced by the Tasang Dam alone.
With their land turned into a colossal lake covering 500,000 rai (80,000 hectares) and faced with the threat of the junta, they will have nowhere to turn but Tak province in Thailand, adding more to security problems.
Social stability aside, the two projects should also be revised in terms of investment worth. The two dams were the realisation of power plants under Thailand's Power Development Plan (PDP).
According to Suphakit Nuntavorakarn, economic researcher at Healthy Public Policy Foundation (HPPF), both projects should be revised or scrapped as the demand for energy has been lowered since the economic contraction.
Since 2003, according to an estimate by the HPPF, the electricity surplus has been around 1,000 megawatt (MW) each year. A building facility for one megawatt of electricity costs 30 million baht; around 30 billion baht was invested on unused electricity. Last year, the economic crisis resulted in an overestimation of electricity needed, resulting in an absurd surplus of 4,333MW.
It is not that the government did not recognise this over projection and risk of investment.
In February, the energy ministry revised the new PDP for 2009 to 2024. Plans to import electricity from neighbouring countries decreased to 5,036MW, from 13,244MW. The Hutgyi and Tasang Dams' construction should have been dropped along with the reductions in the import of electricity.
In these uncertain economic times it would be unwise to dispense funds so recklessly. Such an irrational investment will certainly not justify the catastrophic consequences of this dam, which will demolish the invaluable cultural heritage and dignity of the people so bonded to this great river, concluded the participants.
How are you helping to reduce your carbon footprint? Share your eco-friendly activities, or comments, or disapprovals and email outlook@bangkokpost .co.th. Remember to type 'Earth Alert' in the subject box. http://www.bangkokp ost.com/life/ family/22562/ damming-of- a-mighty- river
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Liquor distillery fire kills five near Yangon
Posted : Sun, 23 Aug 2009 09:11:40 GMT
Author : DPA
Print this article email this article Comment on this article
Yangon - A fire at a liquor distillery on the outskirts of Yangon killed at least five people and injured eight others, witnesses said Sunday. The fire raged through the Myanmar Winery Distillery Company Limited, situated about 50 kilometres north of Yangon, all Saturday night, leaving four employees dead who could be identified and one unidentified body.
Eight people were injured in the blaze, five of whom were admitted to Yangon General Hospital, and three others at Hlegu Hospital.
Some 47 fire trucks were sent to control the flames, which destroyed at least one of the vehicles before the fire was put out, a witness said.
The distillery, producer of a local liquor, was owned by five Myanmar nationals.
Copyright, respective author or news agency
http://www.earthtim es.org/articles/ show/282499, liquor-distiller y-fire-kills- five-near- yangon.html
Friday, August 21, 2009
Fw: [BurmaInfo] 親軍政市民団体「連邦連帯開発協会」トップ、外務省の招きで訪日か
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ビルマ市民フォーラム メールマガジン 2009/8/21
People's Forum on Burma
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ビルマ情報ネットワーク（BurmaInfo）からのメールを転送させていただき
ます。
（重複の際は何卒ご容赦ください。）
ＰＦＢ事務局 宮澤
http://www1.jca.apc.org/pfb/
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「親軍政市民団体『連邦連帯開発協会』トップ、外務省の招きで訪日」
（8月19日、ミジマ）を、ビルマ情報ネットワークのウェブサイトに掲載しました。
「親軍政市民団体『連邦連帯開発協会』トップ、外務省の招きで訪日」
2009年8月19日、ミジマ
http://www.burmainfo.org/article/article.php?mode=1&articleid=491
原文（英語）
http://www.mizzima.com/news/regional/2647-usda-secretary-to-visit-japan.html
連邦連帯開発協会は軍政の大衆翼賛組織で、2003年5月のスーチー氏
襲撃事件への関与が指摘されています。2007年8～9月の抗議行動に
際しても、協会員がデモ参加者を殴打、逮捕しているとの報告がありました。
同協会幹部は米国の対ビルマ制裁（ビザ発禁・資産凍結）対象者となっています。
ビルマ情報ネットワーク（http://www.burmainfo.org）
秋元由紀
========================================
親軍政市民団体「連邦連帯開発協会」トップ、外務省の招きで訪日
2009年8月19日水曜日
ミジマ
ネム・デヴィーズ記者
ニューデリー（ミジマ） －親軍事政権の市民団体「連邦連帯開発協会」(USDA)書記
長を団長とする一行は8月19日夕方、日本への親善訪問に出発する。
代表団は一週間にわたって日本に滞在するが、これは日本の中曽根弘文外相の招きに
よるものだ。団長はテイウーUSDA書記長だ。氏は農業灌漑省大臣を兼務する。ティン
トゥウー農業局長のほか、軍保安局（Military Affairs Security: MAS）［注：軍政
の諜報機関］職員などが同行する。
代表団は19日夕にタイ航空機でバンコクに向かい、20日朝に全日本航空機で東京に到
着する。 代表団の日本での宿泊先は東京のホテルニューオータニだ。
20日には、東京の北部［ママ］の観光名所、鎌倉大仏を訪れる。
8月23日と24日には野党議員と、また25日には外務大臣との会見が予定されている。
同日夕には農林水産副大臣とも会見する。
今回の訪問は親善訪問とされているものの、野党・民主党への軍政側のロビイングの
一環ともなるのではないかと見られている。同党は8月30日の衆議院総選挙での勝利
が予想されている。
親軍事政権組織である連邦連帯開発協会（USDA）代表団はこれまでにも、中国とヴェ
トナムを公式訪問している。
連邦連帯開発協会は10月に、軍政がへき地に構える行政首都ネピドーに建設したばか
りの本部ビルで、全国大会の開催を予定している。
同協会幹部筋によると、現軍事政権は10月の全国大会開催前に、2010年総選挙用の選
挙法を発表する可能性が高い。この全国大会は、軍事政権の計画を全面的に支持する
ものとなることが予想される。
（日本語訳：ビルマ情報ネットワーク）
========================================
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配布元 ビルマ情報ネットワーク（BurmaInfo） http://www.burmainfo.org
連絡先 listmaster@burmainfo.org
バックナンバー http://groups.yahoo.co.jp/group/burmainfo/
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▽転載について
・ビルマ情報ネットワーク（BurmaInfo）のメールマガジンの転載・再配布は、必ず出典を明記したうえで行ってください。
・不特定多数に配付する印刷物や、新聞、雑誌、機関紙（誌）などに掲載の際は、必ずご連絡ください。
――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――
▽メーリングリストの参加・退会・アドレス変更について
以下のＵＲＬをご覧ください。
http://www.burmainfo.org/about/mailmagazine.php
※原則として手動での変更手続は行っておりませんが、どうしても解決できない
問題があるときや、疑問点がある場合は管理者宛にご連絡ください。
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
တရားကိုနတ္ေစာင့္၏။သို ့ေသာ္
တရားကိုနတ္ေစာင့္၏။ သို ့ေသာ္
အရွင္ သံဝရာလကၤာရ
ဓမၼပိယဆရာေတာ္
ေလာက၌ ဘယ္သူေတြက ဓမၼဝါဒီ၊ ဘယ္သူေတြက အဓမၼဝါဒီ၊ ဘယ္သူကျဖင့္ တရားတယ္၊
ဘယ္သူကေတာ့ျဖင့္ မတရားဘူး စသည္ျဖင့္ ဓမၼနွင့္ အဓမၼ၊ တရားနွင့္ မတရား ခဲြျခားသတ္
မွတ္ေျပာေနႀက၏။ ယင္းဓမၼ အဓမၼနွင့္ စပ္၍ အဂုၤတၱရနိကာယ္၊ ဒသကနိပါတ္၌ သုတၦန္ သုံး
ပုဒ္မၽွ် ရိွ၏။
အခါတစ္ပါး ဘုရားရွင္က “ရဟန္းတို ့ဓမၼနွင့္ အဓမၼ ခဲြျခားသိရမယ္၊ ေကာင္းက်ိဳးနွင့္
ဆိုးက်ိဳး ခဲြျခားသိရမယ္၊ ခဲြျခားသိျပီးရင္ ဓမၼနည္းလမ္းအတိုင္း က်င့္ရမယ္၊ ေကာင္းက်ိဳးရိွတာ
ကို က်င့္ရမယ္” ဟု မိန္ ့ႀကားျပီး ကႏၶကုဋိ ေက်ာင္းေတာ္သို ့ဝင္ႀကေတာ္မူသည္။
ရဟန္းေတာ္မ်ားလည္းဓမၼ နွင့္ အဓမၼခဲြျခားသိရေအာင္ အရွင္အာနႏၵာကို သြားေရာက္
ေမးေလွ်ာက္ေသာအခါ အရွင္ အာနႏၵာက ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္းခဲြျခားျပေတာ္မူခဲ့သည္။
အဓမၼဟူသည္ မိစၦာဒိဌိ အယူမွားျခင္း၊ အျမင္မွားျခင္း၊ အျမင္မွန္မရျခင္း ၊
မိစၦာသကၤပ၌ အေတြးအေခၚအယူအဆ မွားျခင္း၊ မိစၦာဝါစာ အေျပာမွားျခင္း၊
အမွားေျပာျခင္းည ၊ အမွန္မေျပာျခင္း၊ မိစၦာကမၼႏၱ အလုပ္မွားျခင္း၊ အမွားလုပ္ျခင္း၊ အမွန္မလုပ္
ျခင္း၊ မိစၦာဇီဝ သူတစ္ပါးအား တစ္စုံတစ္ရာ ထိခိုက္နစ္နာေစမႈမကင္းေသာ အသက္ေမြးျခင္း၊
မိစၦာဝါယမ မေကာင္းမႈဘက္၌အားစိုက္ျခင္း၊ မိစၦာသတိ မဟုတ္တာေတြ သတိရေနျခင္း၊
မိစၦာသမာဓိ မဟုုတ္တာေတြ စိတ္ေရာက္ေနျခင္း၊ မိစၦာဥာဏ အသိေတြမွားေနျခင္း၊
မိစၦာဝိမုတၱိ ထြက္ေပါက္မွားေနျခင္းတို ့ျဖစ္သည္။
ဓမၼဟူသည္ သမာဒိဌိ -အယူမွန္ျခင္း၊ အျမင္မွန္ျခင္း၊ သမၼာသကၤပ၌- အယူအဆ
အေတြးအေခၚ မွန္ကန္ျခင္း၊ သမၼာဝါစာ- အမွန္ေျပာျခင္း၊ သမၼာအာဇီဝ- ရိုးရိုးသားသား
အသက္ေမြးျခင္း၊ သမၼဝါယမ- ေကာင္းသည့္ဘက္၌ အားစိုက္ျခင္း၊ သမၼာသတိ- ေကာင္းတာ
ေတြကို သတိရေနျခင္း၊ သမၼာသမာဓိ- ေကာင္းမႈေတြအေပၚ စိတ္ေရာက္ေနျခင္း၊
သမၼာဥာဏ- မွန္မွန္ကန္ကန္ သိျခင္၊ သမၼာဝိမုတိၱ- မွန္ကန္ေသာ ထြက္ေပါက္ရိွျခင္းတို ့ျဖစ္သည္။
တရားကို နတ္ေစာင့္သည္ဟု ဆိုစကားရိွ၏။ အမွန္က နတ္က ေစာင့္တာမဟုတ္၊ တရား
ေစာင့္သူကို တရားကျပန္ေစာင့္ျခင္းျဖစ္၏။ တရားကိုပင္ နတ္ဟု တင္စားေခၚႀက၏။ တရားေတာ္
ျမတ္ က်င့္သုံးသူမွာ တရားေတာ္ကေစာင့္ျမဲေသခ်ာ၊ တရားေတာ္က ေအးျမခ်မ္းသာ ေဆာင္ယူေပး
ကင္းေဝးပါယ္ဒုကၡ ဟုဆို၏။ ဘုရားေဟာ ျဖစ္၏။
တရားေစာင့္သူကို တရားကျပန္ေစာင့္၏။ မိမိက တရားေစာင့္လွ်င္ တရားက ခ်မ္းသာကို
ေဆာင္ေပးသည္။ တရားေစာင့္သူသည္ ဒုဂၢတိသို ့ မက်ေရာက္နိုင္ေတာ့။ ဤသို ့ ဘုရားေဟာခဲ့သည္။
ဘုရားေဟာဟူသည္ ဘုရားက အာမခံခ်က္ေပးျခင္းပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။ တရားေစာင့္သူကို တရားကျပန္
ေစာင့္ျခင္း သို ့မဟုတ္ တရားကို နတ္ေစာင့္ျခင္းဟူသည္ ကမၼနိယာမ ပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ ကမၼ နိယာမဟူ
သည္ ကံကိုျပဳထားလွ်င္ ထိုကံ အက်ိဳးေပးျမဲျဖစ္သည္။ အက်ိဳးေပးကို ေပးရမည္ဟု အဓိပၸါယ္ရသည္။
"သမၼာအာဇီဝနွင့္ ရွာရေဖြရတာ မလြယ္ဘူးဘုရား" ဟု လုပ္ငန္းရွင္သူေဌးမႀကီး တစ္ဦးက
ေလွ်ာက္ဖူးသည္။ အဓိပၸါယ္က မိစၦာဇီဝနဲ ့ရွာမွ လြယ္တယ္ေပါ ့။ မ်က္ျမင္လက္ေတြ ့မွာလည္း ္မေတာ္
မတရား ဝိသမ သမားေတြက ေအာင္ျမင္ ေနႀကတာ၊ ႀကီးပြားေနႀကတာ၊ ခ်မ္းသာေနႀကတာကို ေတြ ့
ရေတာ့ ရိုးရိုးသားသား သမၼာအာဇီဝ သမားတို ့က ေျပာေပလိမ့္မည္။ သမၼာအာဇီဝသမားတို ့နားလည္
ထားရမွာက မိစၦာကေအာင္ျမင္၊ သမၼာက က်ရံႈး ၊ မိစၦာက အဆင္ေျပ ၊ သမၼာကအဆင္မေျပ၊ မိစၦာက
အလုပ္ျဖစ္၊ သမၼာက အလုပ္မျဖစ္၊ ထို အခိုက္အတန္ ့ေလးကိုႀကည့္ျပီး ကမၼနိယာမအေပၚ ယုံမွား
သံသယ မျဖစ္လိုက္ပါနွင့္။ နတ္ေတြ အိပ္ေပ်ာ္ေနႀကျပီလားလို ့လဲ မခနဲ ့လိုက္ပါနွင့္။ တရားဟူသည္
ေသသြားျပီေလာဟု ကစၥာနီ အဖြားႀကီးလို မေရရြတ္လိုက္ပါနွင့္။ တရားကလည္း သူတစ္ဦးတည္း
ေစာင့္လို ့ ရတာမ်ိဳးမဟုတ္ပါ။
ကံဟု မူလ သမၺဳဒၶတို ့ ေဟာျပသည္မွုာ အရင္းသာရွင့္ ၊ ဥစၥာေဘာဂ ဇီဝိတနွင့္ သူခပြားရန္
ဤလူ ့ဌာန္၌ ဥာဏ္ဝီရိယ ပေယာဂတည္း၊ ကာလေဒသ ပဂၢလကို နိႈင္းဆအပ္တုံ၊ ကံကို ယုံ၍
မီးပုံအတြင္း မဆင္းထိုက္စြာ၊ က်ားရဲရာလည္း ႀကမၼာအေႀကာင္း မယိုးေကာင္းဟု သူေဟာင္း
ေရွးက ဆိုကုန္ႀက၏။ လုံ ့လမထူ ဥာဏ္မကူဘဲ အယူတေစာင္း ကံတစ္ေႀကာငး္မွ် မေကာင္းလည္းကံ
ေကာင္းလည္းကံဟု ကံကိုခ်ည္းကို မကိုးရာဘူး။ ပညာဥာဏ္ျဖင့္ သင့္၊ မသင့္ကို အခြင့္ရႈ၍ အျပဳလုံ ့လ
ရိွအပ္စြတည့္။(မဃေဒဝ)
ေကာင္းမႈ ျပဳသူ ေကာင္းက်ိဳးရဖို ့ေသခ်ာ၏။ မေကာင္းမႈ ျပဳသူ မေကာင္းက်ိဳးရဖို ့ ေသခ်ာ၏။
သို ့ရာတြင္ ခ်က္ျခင္း လက္ငင္းေတာ့ မဟုတ္။ အခ်ိန္ကာလ တစ္ခုအထိေတာ့ ေစာင့္ဆိုင္းရမည္။
အေႀကာင္းကား ထိုကံသည္ နာနာကၡဏိက ကံျဖစ္ေသာေႀကာင့္ ျဖစ္သည္။
ေကာင္းမႈ ျပဳသူသည္ ထိုေကာင္းမႈက မရင့္က်က္ေသးမီအတြင္း အျခားမေကာင္းက်ိဳးတို ့ကို
ေတြ ့ရနိုင္ေသး၏။ မိမိ ေကာင္းမႈက ရင့္က်က္ျပီ ဆိုလွ်င္ေတာ့ ေကာင္းက်ိဳးရေလေတာ့၏။ ထို ့အတူ
မေကာင္းမႈျပဳသူသည္ ထိုမေကာင္းမႈ မရင့္က်က္ေသးမီအတြင္ အျခားေကာင္းက်ိဳးတို ့ကို ေတြေနရ
ဦးမည္။ မိမိမေကာင္းမႈက ရင့္က်က္သြားလွ်င္ေတာ့ မေကာင္းက်ိဳးတို ့ကိုေသခ်ာေပါက္ေတြ ့ရေပးမည္။
ဤကားဘုရားေဟာ ျဖစ္၏။
မစၦာသမားက ေအာင္ျမင္ႀကီးပြားေနတာ ထိုမိစၦာက မရင့္က်က္ေသးလို ့၊ အက်ိဳးမေပးေသးလို ့
သာျဖစ္သည္။ သမၼာသမားက အဆင္မေျပျဖစ္ေနတာ ထိုသမၼာက မရင့္က်က္ေသးလို ့၊ အက်ိဳးမေပးေသး
လို ့သာျဖစ္သည္။ တစ္ေန ့ေန ့မွာေတာ့ ကိုယ္စိုက္ပ်ိဳးသည့္အပင္ ကိုယ္သာရိပ္သိမ္းရလိမ္ ့မည္။
အသီးမွည့္တစ္လုံးဒ ဘဝျဖစ္စဥ္ကို ႀကည့္လိုက္ေတာ့ ဖူးျပီးမွပြင့္၊ ပြင့္ျပီးမွ ကင္း၊ ကင္းျပီးမွသီး၊
သီးျပီးမွရင့္၊ ရင့္ျပီးမွ မွည့္လို ့ ရ၏။ ကံတရားတို ့လည္း ထိုနည္းတူပင္ျဖစ္၏။ ကံက တျဖည္းျဖည္းနွင့္ရင့္၊
ရင့္ ျပီးမွ က်က္၊ ရင့္က်က္ျပီးမွသာ အက်ိဳးေပးနိုင္၏။ ႀကားကာလ အခ်ိန္ကာလတစ္ခုေတာ့ ေစာင့္ရ၏။
သို ့ေသာ္ ထိုအခ်ိန္ကာလက အတိအက် သတ္မွတ္၍ေတာ့ မရ။
ဗုဒၶဘာသာေတြက ကံသမားေတြ ဆိုေတာ့ ဘာဘဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ကံတစ္ခုတည္းကို သာ ပုံခ်ခ်င္ႀက၏။
ကံ တစ္ခုတည္း ပုံခ်လို ့မရ။ ကံကလည္း သူအက်ိဳးေပးခ်င္တိုင္း ေပးလို ့ရတာမဟုတ္။ ကံက ကာလာ
ေဒသ ပဂၢလတို ့ အေနအထားကိုလည္း ႀကည့္ရေသး၏။ ကာလ ဂတိ ဥပဓိ ပေယာဂ တို ့ သမၸတိ၊ ဝိပၸတိၱျဖစ္၊
မျဖစ္ကိုလည္း ႀကည့္ရေသးသည္။ ကံက ေကာင္းေနေသာ္လည္း ကာလေဒသ ပုဂၢလက မေကာင္းခဲ့လွ်င္
ကာလဂတိ ဥပဓိ ပေယာဂတို ့က ဝိပတၱျဖစ္ေနလွ်င္ ေကာင္းက်ိဳးေပးလို ့မရေပ။
သစ္ေကာင္းတစ္ပင္ ျဖစ္ဖို ့ရာတြင္ မ်ိဳးေစ့ေကာင္းရံုနွင့္ မလုံေလာက္၊ ေရလည္းေကာင္းမွ ေျမလည္း
ေကာင္းမွ၊ ဓာတ္ေျမႀသဇာ၊ ေဆးဝါးတို ့လည္း ရရိွမွ အထူးသျဖင့္ေတာ့ ဥယ်ာဥ္မွဴးလည္း ေကာင္းပါမွ သစ္ေကာင္း
တစ္ပင္ ျဖစ္နိုင္သည္။ မ်ိဳးေစ့ စသည္ က်န္တာေတြ ေကာင္းေသာ္လည္း ဥယ်ာဥ္မွဴးက မသိ၊ မတတ္၊မကၽြမ္း၊
မလိမၼာလွ်င္ သစ္ေကာင္းတစ္ပင္ ရဖို ့ မျဖစ္နိုင္ေပ၊ ကံနွင့္ ကံအက်ိဳးဆိုတာလည္း ထိုနည္းတူစြာသာလွ်င္ ျဖစ္၏။
ေကာင္းမႈ ကံတစ္ခု ေကာင္းက်ိဳးေပးဖို ့အတြက္ ေခတ္ကာလ အေျခအေန ေကာင္းဖို ့ လိုသည္။ ကံနွင့္
စပ္ဆိုင္သူတို ့ ေနထိုင္ရာ ေဒသအေျခအေနလည္း ေကာင္းဖို ့လိုသည္။
ထိုကာလေဒသ ပုဂၢၢလ တို ့က ဝိုင္းေကာင္းေပးမွ ကံကလည္းေကာင္းလို ့ရသည္။
ကံေကာင္းနိုင္ဖို ့အတြက္ ျဖစ္ရာဘဝ ဂတိအေျခအေနကလည္း ေကာင္းဖို ့ လိုသည္။ ကာယကံရွင္၏
ဥပဓိ၊ သို ့မဟုတ္ ကာယကံရွင္ေနထိုင္ရာ ပတ္ဝန္းက်င္ ပထဝီျပင္၏ ဥပဓိကလည္း ေကာင္းဖို ့လိုသည္။
ကာလ ဂတိ ဥပဓိ တို ့သမၸတၱိ ျဖစ္ေနမွ ကံကလည္း ေကာင္းလို ့ရသည္။
ေနာက္ဆုံးတစ္ခ်က္ အေရးတႀကီး ေကာင္းဖို ့ လိုအပ္တာက ပေယာဂျဖစ္သည္။ မန္လည္ ဆရာေတာ္က
"ဥစၥာ ေဘာဂ ဇီဝိတနွင့္ သူခပြားရန္ ဤလူ ့ဌာန္၌ ဥာဏ္ဝီရိယ ပေယာဂတည္း" ဟု ဆိုခဲ့၏။ ဤပေယာဂ ဟူသည္
စုန္းပူး နတ္ပူး စေသာ ပေယာဂမ်ိဳးမဟုတ္ မိမိ၏ ကာယကံ ဝစီကံ မေနာကံ တို ့ကို ဆုိလိုသည္။
ေျပာတာဆိုတာ၊ လုပ္တာကိုင္တာ၊ ေတြးတာေခၚတာ၊ အဆင့္အတန္းရိွရမည္။ ေျပာတတ္ ဆိုတတ္ ရိွရမည္။
လုပ္တတ္ ကိုင္တတ္ ရိွရမည္။ အေတြးအေခၚအယူအဆ ေကာင္းရမည္။ အရည္အခ်င္းဟု ဆိုလွ်င္ ရသည္။ ကံသုံးပါး
အဆင့္ရိွလွ်င္ အရည္အခ်င္းရိွလွ်င္ ပေယာဂ သမၸတိၱ ျဖစ္သည္။ ပေယာဂ သမၸတိၱ ျဖစ္လွ်င္ ကံကလည္းေကာင္းလို ့
ရသည္။
စက္ေလးပါးနွင့္ ႀကည့္လွ်င္ ေလးခ်က္ညီမွ ကံေကာင္းနိုင္သည္၊ ေရွးကံေကာင္းရမည္၊ အမီွကံေကာင္းရမည္၊
ေနရာေကာင္းရမည္၊ မိမိကို္ယ္၌ ကလည္းဥာဏ္နွင့္ ဝီရိယ ေကာင္းရမည္။ ရာခိုင္နႈန္းခဲြေသာ္ ေရွးကံေကာင္းဖို ့ ၂၅ ရာ
ခိုင္နႈန္း၊ ပစၥဳပၸန္ကံေကာင္းဖို ့ ၂၅ ရာခိုင္နႈန္း၊ ေနရာေဒသေကာင္းဖို ့ ၂၅ ရာခိုင္နႈန္း၊ အမွီ ေကာင္းဖို ့ ၂၅ ရာခိုင္နႈန္း ၊
ထိုသို ့အသီးသီးတာဝန္ရိွႀကသည္။
ျခံဳ၍ ဆိုရလွ်င္ တရားကိုနတ္ေစာင့္သည္မွာ ေသခ်ာပါ္၏။ သို ့ေသာ္ နတ္(ကံ) တစ္ခုတည္းေစာင့္လို ့ေတာ့မရ၊
က်န္သည့္ ကာလ ေဒသ ပုဂၢလ ဂတိ ဥပဓိ ပေယာဂေတြ ဝိုင္းဝန္းေစာင့္ပါမွ ျဖစ္သည္။
၂၀၀၉ ႏိုင္ငံေရး စစ္တမ္း - ၇
၂၀၀၉ ႏိုင္ငံေရး စစ္တမ္း - ၇
ေဆာင္းပါး ဘိုဘိုေက်ာ္ၿငိမ္း တနလၤာေန႔၊ ၾသဂုတ္လ 17 ရက္ 2009 ခုႏွစ္ 20
နာရီ 25 မိနစ္
ွဗ်ဴဟာကိုေဖၚထုတ္ျခင္း
နက္နက္နဲနဲ ေတြးၾကည့္ရင္ ဗ်ဴဟာဆိုတာ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး တိုက္ပြဲတခု၊
စစ္ပြဲတပြဲရဲ႕ အ႐ႈံးအႏိုင္ကို အဆံု
ျဖတ္ေပးႏိုင္တာမို႔ အေရးပါတဲ့ က႑မွာ
ပါဝင္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ လူအမ်ားက ဗ်ဴဟာဆိုတာ တြင္တြင္ ေျပာခ်င္ၾကတယ္။
ဒါေပမဲ့ ဗ်ဴဟာဆိုတာကို နားလည္တဲ့အပိုင္းမွာ (အျမင္)ေပၚမွာ မူတည္ၿပီး
ကြဲျပားျခားနားႏိုင္ၾကပါတယ္။ အျမင္ဆိုတာကလည္း ေလ့လာအား၊ ဘဝအေတြ႔အၾကံဳနဲ႔
9
5ညာအေျခခံေပၚ မူတည္တယ္လို႔ ယံုၾကည္မိတာမို႔ အျမင္ကိုေပးတဲ့ (ဉာဏ္ပညာ)
အပိုင္းကို အရင္ေဆြးေႏြးပါရေစ။ ဒုတိယပိုင္းအေနနဲ႔ ေအာင္ျမင္ခဲ့တဲ့
ဗ်ဳဟာေတြ ဘာေၾကာင့္ ေအာင္ျမင္ရသလဲ၊ မေအာင္ျမင္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဗ်ဴဟာေတြ ဘာေၾကာင့္
မေအာင္ျမင္ရသလဲ ဆိုတာေတြ ဆက္ေဆြးၿပီးမွ၊ E1်ေနာ္ျမင္တဲ့ ဗ်ဴဟာကို ေနာက္ဆံုး
ေဆြးေႏြးတင္ျပပါရေစ။ အျမင္နဲ႔ အသိဉာဏ္ကို အခ်ိန္ယူ အက်ယ္ခ်ဲ႕
ေဆြးေႏြးလိုပါတယ္။
လူတိုင္းလူတိုင္းမွာ ေမြးကတည္းက ဗီဇ အေျခခံေလးေတြ ကြာျခားမႈ ရွိၾကပါတယ္။
ကိစၥတခု အေပၚယံေၾကာ ေတြးတဲ့ လူရွိသလို ကိစၥတခုကို အခ်ိန္ယူေ9
C့လာၿပီးမွ
ႏႈိက္ႏႈိက္ခြ်တ္ခြ်တ္၊ ေလးေလးနက္နက္ စဥ္းစားတဲ့လူမ်ဳိး ရွိၾကပါတယ္။
တခ်ဳိ႕က ဉာဏ္ေကာင္းတယ္၊ တခ်ဳိ႕က ဉာဏ္ထိုင္းတယ္၊ တခ်ဳိ႕က အလြတ္က်က္တာကို
အားသန္တယ္၊ တခ်ဳိ႕က ေဝဖန္ပိုင္းျခားမႈမွာ အားသန္တယ္၊ တခ်ဳိ႕က ေျပာသမွ်
ယံုလြယ္တယ္၊ တခ်ဳိ႕က ကိုယ္
ဟာကိုယ္ နားလည္လက္ခံၿပီးမွ ယံုခ်င္တယ္၊ တခ်ဳိ႕က
ဂဏန္းသခ်ၤာမွာ ေတာ္တယ္၊ တခ်ဳိ႕က ဘာသာစကားမွာ အားသန္တယ္၊ လူအမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိး၊
ဗီဇ အဖံုဖံုလို႔ ေျပာရမယ္ထင္တယ္။
ဒီေမြးရာပါ ဗီဇေလးေတြကို အေျခခံၿပီး က်ေနာ္တို႔ အမ်ားစုဟာ အတန္းပညာကို
သင္ၾကားၾကတယ္။ အတန္းပညာE1ွာလည္း အေျခခံ အထက္တန္းေက်ာင္းအဆင့္၊ ေကာလိပ္အဆင့္
(Intermediate) ၊ တကၠသိုလ္ဘြဲ႔အဆင့္ ဘြဲ႔လြန္အဆင့္ (Master) ၊ ပါရဂူ (Ph
D) အဆင့္ ဆိုတဲ့ ပညာအရည္အခ်င္း အဆင့္ဆင့္ ရွိျပန္တယ္။
ပညာရွာတဲ့အရြယ္ၿပီးေတာ့ ဥစၥာရွာတဲ့အရြယ္မွာ အလုပ္လုပ္ၾကရင္း
ဥစၥာရွာၾကတာေပါ့၊ ဒီ ဥစၥာရွာတဲ့အရြယ=E
1 အလုပ္လုပ္ၾကရင္းမွာ ဘဝလက္ေတြ႔
အေတြ႔အၾကံဳကို ရရွိၾကပါတယ္။ ဒီအေျခခံျဖစ္တဲ့ ပညာနဲ႔ လက္ေတြ႔ဘဝ
အေတြ႔အၾကံဳကို ေပါင္းမွ မိမိရပ္တည္ရတဲ့ ဘဝအေျခခံအေပၚ မူတည္ၿပီး၊ ဒီဘဝ
ဗဟုသုတအေပၚ အေျခခံၿပီး၊ အျမင္နဲ႔ ခံယူခ်က္ဆိုတာကို တည္ေဆာက္ၾကရပါတယ္။
အျမင္နဲ႔ ခံယူ
်က္ဟာလည္း အခ်ိန္နဲ႔ လက္ေတြ႔ အေတြ႔အၾကံဳ Real Life Expirer
ေပၚ မူတည္ၿပီး ေျပာင္းလဲတတ္ပါတယ္။ တခါတရံ ငယ္ငယ္က အျမင္နဲ႔
အေတြ႔အၾကံဳရလာတဲ့ လူၾကီးအရြယ္အျမင္ ကြာျခားႏုိင္ပါတယ္။
မ်က္မျမင္ ၆ ေယာက္ဟာ မိမိကိုင္တြယ္မိရာ ဆင္ရဲ႕ဲခႏၶာကိုယ္
အစိတ္အပိုင္းကိုမီၿပီး ဆင္ေကာင9ၾကီးကို ပံုသ႑ာန္ဖြဲ႔ၾကသလို၊ က်ေနာ္တို႔
လူသားေတြဟာ မိမိတို႔ရဲ႕ အသိဉာဏ္ပညာနဲ႔ အေတြ႔အၾကံဳေပၚမွာ အေျခခံၿပီး
မိမိတို႔ရဲ႕ အျမင္ကို ေဖာ္ထုတ္ၾကတာမို႔ အေျခခံမတူရင္ အျမင္မတူညီႏိုင္ၾကပါ။
ပန္းခ်ီကားတခ်ပ္ကို တၿပိဳင္တည္းၾကည့္ရင္ေတာင္ မိမိတို႔ရဲ႕ အသိ8
0ာဏ္ပညာ
အေျခခံေပၚမူတည္ၿပီး ခံစားခ်က္ခ်င္း မတူႏိုင္သလို အဓိပၸာယ္ေဖာ္တာျခင္းလည္း
တဦးနဲ႔တဦး ကြာျခားႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ေဆာင္းပါးတပုဒ္၊
တင္ျပခ်က္တခုကို အသိဉာဏ္ပညာနဲ႔ အေတြ႔အၾကံဳ အေျခခံေပၚမူတည္ၿပီး
Understanding နဲ႔ အဓိပၸာယ္ေဖာ္ေဆာင္မႈ Interpretation ျခင္း
ကြာျခ
းႏိုင္ၾကပါတယ္။
က်ေနာ္ အရင္က တင္ျပခဲ့ဖူးသလို ေျမေအာက္လိႈဏ္ေခါင္းထဲက အျမင္နဲ႔ လမ္းေပၚက
အျမင္၊ သစ္ပင္ေပၚက အျမင္၊ ဆယ္ထပ္တိုက္ေပၚက အျမင္၊ ေလယာဥ္ေပၚက အျမင္၊
အာကာသက အျမင္ခ်င္း မတူႏိုင္ၾကပါ။ ”႐ႈျမင္တဲ့ေနရာ” ခ်င္း မတူရင္ ” အျမင္”
ခ်င္း မတူညီႏုိင္ၾက0လို၊ အေျခခံ ”အျမင္” ခ်င္း မတူရင္ ”အျမင္” ခ်င္း
ကြာျခားႏုိင္ပါတယ္။ အေျခခံဆိုတဲ့ ေနရာမွာ ”အသိဉာဏ္” ကို ေဖာ္ထုတ္ေပးတာ
အရင္းျမစ္ sources (၂) ခု ရွိပါတယ္။ ”ပညာ” နဲ႔ ”အေတြ႔အၾကံဳ” ပါ။ အတန္းပညာ
(သို႔) စာအုပ္ထဲကပညာ (Book Knowledge) ရွိေပမယ့္ (လက္ေတြ႔) မပါရင္
အဓိပၸာယ္ (မရွိ) ဘူးလို=E
1ေတာင္ ေျပာလုိ႔ရပါတယ္။ ဥပမာ - စာအုပ္ဖတ္္ၿပီး
ကားေမာင္းတတ္တယ္ ထင္ေနတဲ့ လူလိုေပါ့။ အတန္းပညာ မျပည့္စံုေပမယ့္ (လက္ေတြ႔)
နဲ႔ အသိဉာဏ္ရၿပီး ေအာင္ျမင္႐ံုမက ကမၻာမွာ ထိပ္တန္းေရာက္ေနတဲ့သူေတြ
အမ်ားၾကီး ရွိပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ပညာရွိတခ်ဳိ႕က အသိဉာဏ္ပညာရွိမႈ (Wisdom) ဟE1
အေတြ႔အၾကံဳကေန လာတယ္လို႔ ဆိုၾကတာေပါ့။
*မရွိသင့္ပါ*
အာဏာရွင္စနစ္နဲ႔ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ကြာျခားခ်က္မွာလည္း အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ေအာက္မွာ
ေျပာတာ၊ ယံုခုိင္းတာလုပ္ ဆိုတဲ့ ယံုၾကည္မႈကို ေခါင္းထဲ႐ိုက္သြင္းၿပီး
ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္မွာ Critical Thinking လို႔ေခၚတဲ့ အေတြးအေခၚတခု၊
အျမင8
0တခုကို ေဝဖန္ပိုင္းျခားစိတ္ျဖာၿပီးမွ လက္ခံယံုၾကည္မႈကို အားေပးပါတယ္။
ဒါေၾကာင့္ ငါ့(အျမင္)က အမွန္-ငါ့အျမင္နဲ႔လြဲရင္ (ရန္သူ)၊ ငါနဲ႔
အျမင္မတူသူေတြဟာ သစၥာေဖာက္ တိုက္ခိုက္ထား ဆုိတာေတြဟာ Critical Thinking
ကို နားမလည္သူေတြပါပဲ။
အျမင္မတူႏိုင္ဘူးဆိုတာ အျမင္မတူရင္ေတ
င္ ေဝဖန္သံုးသပ္တင္ျပႏိုင္ရပါမယ္။
ဒီအခ်က္၊ ဒီအခ်က္ေတြေၾကာင့္ အျမင္မတူတာ၊ ကြာဟခ်က္က ဘာဆိုတာ
သံုးသပ္တင္ျပႏိုင္ရပါမယ္။ ”အျမင္” ကို မၾကိဳက္တာနဲ႔ ”လူ” ကို မၾကိဳက္၊
လူကို မၾကိဳက္တာနဲ႔ အျမင္ကို မၾကိဳက္၊ လူနဲ႔ အျမင္ကို မၾကိဳက္တာနဲ႔
(ေနရာမေပးနဲ႔) တို8
0္ခိုက္ထား ဆိုတာေတြဟာ အာဏာရွင္စနစ္က ေပါက္ဖြားလာတဲ့
”မဆလ” စိတ္ဓာတ္ျဖစ္ၿပီး က်ေနာ္တို႔ အားလံုးအေနနဲ႔ အမ်ားဆိုသလို
အေမြခံရရွိထားၾကတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
တကယ္ေတာ့ က်ေနာ့္အျမင္ကို တင္ျပရရင္ ဘာသာေရးနယ္ပယ္ အျပင္ဘက္မွာ Absolute
Truth ဆိုတဲ့ (လံုးဝ) အမွန္ဆိုတာ ရွားပါတယ္
Relative Truth ဆိုတဲ့
ႏိႈင္းယွဥ္ခ်က္ (အမွန္) တရားကပဲ ပိုရွင္သန္ႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ Relative
Truth နယ္ပယ္မွာ ဘာေၾကာင့္ ငါ့ (အျမင္) ကပဲ အမွန္ျဖစ္ရမွာလဲ။
ေနာက္တေခတ္ လူငယ္ေလးေတြ စဥ္းစားႏိုင္ဖို႔ က်ေနာ့္ရဲ႕ ဘဝအေတြ႔အၾကံဳနဲ႔
ယွဥ္ၿပီး ေဆြးေႏြးပါရေစ။
*ပညာ* *
ပညာရွာတဲ့ ပထမအရြ0္မွာ က်ေနာ္တို႔အားလံုး တတ္စြမ္းသမွ်နဲ႔ အေျခအေနေပးသမွ်
ပညာရွာၾကရတာေပါ့။ မသိရင္ ဘြဲ႔ေလးတခုရလာၿပီ ဆိုၿပီးေတာ့
ဘဝင္ေလးၾကြလာစရာေပါ့။ တကယ္တမ္းသိရင္ ပါရဂူ Ph.D Level မွာေတာင္
ေက်ာင္းဆုိတာ လိုအပ္မယ့္ အေျခခံကိရိယာ Tools ကိုပဲ သင္ေပးလိုက္တာပါ။ Ph.D
အဆင့္မွာေတာင္ အB
1ျခခံသုေသသန Research လုပတတ္္ေအာင္ Dissertation Thesis
ေရးခိုင္းလုိက္တာပါ။ တကယ့္ပညာက အလုပ္ထဲေရာက္မွ တကယ္လုပ္ရင္း
လိုအပ္လို႔ျဖစ္ေစ၊ စိတ္ဝင္စားလို႔ျဖစ္ေစ မိမိဘာသာ ေလ့လာမႈနဲ႔
လက္ေတြ႔စမ္းသပ္ လုပ္ကိုင္မႈကမွ တတ္လာရပါတယ္။ အလုပ္မရွိရင္ ကိုယ္တတ္ထားတဲ့
ပညာကို စမ္းသပ္ခြင့္ A
pply လုပ္ခြင့္မရွိရင္ စာေတြ ဘယ္ေလာက္ဖတ္ဖတ္
မၿပီးျပည့္စံုႏုိင္ပါ။ လုပ္သက္ေလးရလာမွ စာေတြ႔ကို လက္ေတြ႔က
ျဖည့္ဆည္းေပးသြားၿပီး Confidence လို႔ေခၚတဲ့ မိမိကိုယ္ကို မိမိယံုၾကည္မႈ
ရလာပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ အတိုခ်ဳံးေျပာရရင္ (၁) အတန္းပညာ၊ (၂) လက္ေတြ႔
(အလုပ္မွ) ပညာ၊ (၃) ဆည္းပူ
ပညာ ဒီ ၃ ခု ေပါင္းမွ - ပညာအျပင္ (ဉာဏ္) နဲ႔
(အသိ) အဂၤလိပ္လို Experience & Knowledge Wisdom ရလာတယ္။ ဒီက ရလဒ္ အေျခခံ
Experience & Knowledge Wisdom ရဲ႕ အတိမ္အနက္ကို မူတည္ၿပီး “အျမင္” ကို
ရလာပါတယ္။
*အျမင္*
စစ္တပ္တခုမွာ တပ္ၾကပ္အရာခံ ဗိုလ္ Non-commissioned Officer (NCO) နဲ႔
စစ္ဗိုလ္ Commissioned Office ကြာျခားသလို တိုးတက္ၿပီး ႏုိင္ငံေတြမွာ Blue
Collar နဲ႔ White Collar အCုပ္သမားခ်င္း ကြာျခားၾကျပန္တယ္။ စစ္တပ္တခုမွာ
NCO ေတြဟာ အလြန္အေရးပါေပမယ့္ တာဝန္ယူရတဲ့ အဆင့္က်ေတာ့ မတူၾကပါ။ တပ္စု၊
တပ္စိပ္၊ တပ္ခြဲေတြအတြင္းမွာ NCO ေတြဟာ အေရးပါေပမယ့္ တပ္ခြဲတပ္ရင္းေတြကို
ဦးစီးၿပီး အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ရတာက ဗိုလ္ၾကီး၊ ဗိုလ္မႉး၊ ဒုဗိုလ္ၾကီးေတြ9
5ဲ
လက္ရွိျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္မွာ ဗိုလ္မႉးၾကီးျဖစ္မွ တပ္ရင္း (၂)၊ တပ္ရင္း (၃)
ကို ကိုင္တိုက္ရတဲ့ ဗ်ဴဟာမႉး ျဖစ္တယ္။ ဗိုလ္မႉးခ်ဳပ္ျဖစ္မွ
တပ္မမႉးျဖစ္တာကိုး။ တပ္မမႉးရဲ႕ အဆင့္ - တပ္မမႉးရဲ႕ တာဝန္ - တပ္မမႉးရဲ႕
အျမင္ဟာ - တပ္ၾကပ္အရာခံဗိုလ္ေတြရဲ႕ (အျမင္) နဲ႔ မတူေတာ့
ူးေပါ့။ ထမ္းရတဲ့
တာဝန္ခ်င္းမွ မတူတာဘဲ။
ထိုနည္း၎ပဲ အရပ္သားဘက္မွာလည္း Blue-collar အလုပ္သမားဆိုတာ
လက္ေတြ႔တတ္ကြ်မ္းမႈမွာ လိုအပ္အေရးပါေပမဲ့ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးဘက္မွာ တာဝန္ယူရတဲ့
White-collar အလုပ္သမားတေယာက္နဲ႔ (အျမင္) ခ်င္း မတူၾကေတာ့ဘူးေပါ့။
အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမွာလည္း အဆင့္တာ
န္ယူရတဲ့အေပၚ မူတည္ၿပီး (အျမင္) ခ်င္း
ကြာႏုိင္တာပဲေပါ့။ ဒီေနရာမွာ အထူးသတိျပဳေစခ်င္တာက တေယာက္က
တေယာက္ထက္္သာတယ္လို႔ မဆိုလို၊ ခြဲျခားလိုျခင္း မဟုတ္။ ရာထူးအဆင့္ -
တာဝန္ယူရမႈ အေပၚမူတည္ၿပီး (အျမင္) ကြဲႏုိင္တာကို ဆိုျခင္းသာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
က်ေနာ့္ လက္ေတြ႔=2
0- အေတြ႔အၾကဳံႏွင့္ ယွဥ္ၿပီး ဥပမာ ေပးပါရေစ။ အေမရိကားမွာ -
အင္ဂ်င္နီယာတေယာက္ဟာ လက္ေတြ႔ အေတြ႔အၾကဳံနဲ႔ အရည္အခ်င္းေပၚမူတည္ၿပီး -
အင္ဂ်င္နီယာ, Sr. Engineer, Principal နဲ႔ ေနာက္ဆံုး Architect ဆိုတဲ့
အဆင့္ေတြ ရွိပါတယ္။ Architect အဆင့္ေရာက္ရင္ End-to-End , System အစက
အဆုံးအထိ Design လုပ္ရပါတယ္။ Design Engineer ဆိုတာက Component
တစိတ္တပ0ုင္းပဲ Design လုပ္ရပါတယ္။ တခ်ဳိ႕ကေတာ့ အဆင့္ျမင့္လာရင္
Consultant အဆင့္ေပးပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာ အင္ဂ်င္နီယာ Technical ဘက္မွာ
ေနခ်င္ရင္ေပါ့။ Technical မွာပဲ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးဘက္ လိုက္ခ်င္ရင္ Engineering
မန္ေနဂ်ာ၊ Consultant မန္ေနဂ်ာေတြ ျဖစ္လာႏုိင္တာေပါ့။
က်ေနာ္ အလုပ္ဝင္ဝင္ျခင္း Entry level job မွာ အင္ဂ်င္နီယာ၊ အဲဒီကတဆင
့္
Consultant ၊ ဒီကမွ Consultant manager ဆိုၿပီး တဆင့္တဆင့္
ရာထူးတက္လာခဲ့ၿပီး ၁ဝ ႏွစ္ေလာက္ အေတြ႔အၾကဳံရေတာ့ HP မွာ Architect
ရာထူးကို ရခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ပထမေေတာ့ ရာထူးေလးရလာေတာ့ ကိုယ့္ကိုယ့္ကို
အထင္ၾကီးၿပီး ဘဝင္ျမင့္မဲ့မိတာေပါ့။ အခက္ခဲဆံုး ဒီဇိုင္းတာဝန္ယူရတဲ့
အင္ဂ်င္နီယာၾကီး ျဖစ္ၿပီ8
0ိုး။ ကံေကာင္းခ်င္ေတာ့ က်ေနာ္ အရင္ကလုပ္ခဲ့တဲ့
ကုမၸဏီတုန္းက ၿပိဳင္ဘက္ - က်ေနာ္တို႔ ဆက္သြယ္ေရးက႑ရဲ႕ အစိတ္အပိုင္းတခုမွာ
ထိပ္တန္းက ရွိေနတဲ့ ကုမၸဏီရဲ႕ အရာရွိၾကီးတေယာက္ ဖိတ္ေခၚတာနဲ႔
သြားေတြ႔ခဲ့တယ္။ ဘဝင္ကေလးနဲ႔ ေခါင္းတေထာင္ေထာင္ ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ က်ေနာ္က =0
D
ရဲရဲေတာက္ ေျပာရဲလို႔ ထင္ပါရဲ႕ ငါရာထူးတက္ၿပီ၊ မင္း ငါ့ေနရာကို ယူ၊
ငါ့လက္ေအာက္မွာ လုပ္၊ မင္း လုပ္ႏုိင္မလားလို႔ ကမ္းလွမ္းလာတယ္။
ဘဝင္ကေလးနဲ႔မို႔ ငါးခူၿပဳံးၿပံဳးၿပီး စိတ္ထဲမွာေတာ့ မင္းေတာင္လုပ္ႏုိင္တာ
ငါလည္း ရတာေပါ့လို႔ ထင္လံုးၾကီးခဲ့တယ္။ ကြာ
ာက အရင္က
အင္ဂ်င္နီယားလုပ္ငန္းပဲ တာဝန္ယူရတာ။ Product ထုတ္ကုန္တခုလံုး
တာဝန္ယူရတဲ့အခါ တခါမွ မကြ်မ္းခဲ့တဲ့ Manufacturing ဆိုတာပါလာတယ္။ ဆက္တိုက္
Supply Chain ဆိုတာ ပါလာတယ္။
ေလယာဥ္ ကုမၸဏီတခုဟာ ဓာတ္ဆီေစ်း အတက္အက်ကို ခံႏိုင္ဖို႔ ဓာတ္ဆီကို Hedge
လုပ္ရသလို က်ေနာ္တို႔ဆီမွာ တႏွစ္လံုးE1ံုးမယ့္ Logic Chip ေတြကို
ၾကိဳဝယ္ရတယ္။ Documentation က ဘာေတြ ေဖာ္ျပရသလဲ? ဆိုၿပီး ေမးလာတယ္။
Marketing က ေစ်းသတ္မွတ္ဖို႔ Marketing Program ေတြ လုပ္ဖို႔
ေတာင္းဆိုလာၿပီး Sales က ပစၥည္းေတြ ဘယ္ေတာ့ ပို႔မွာလဲ? ဝယ္သူေတြ
သိခ်င္ေနၿပီ၊ လူ လႊတ္ပါဦးတဲ့။ PR က သတင္းဂ်ာနယ္ေတြနဲ႔ ေတြ႔ပါဦးနဲ႔
အရူးမီးဝိုင္းသလိ
ဖင္မႏုိင္ဘဲ ပဲၾကီးဟင္း ေသာက္မိသလို ခံစားရတယ္။
အေမရိကန္က ကုမၸဏီအမ်ားအျဖင့္က (လူ)ကို ေရြးၿပီး တာဝန္ေပး၊
လႊတ္ေပးလိုက္တာပဲ။ မႏိုင္ရင္ အလုပ္ထုတ္ခံရမွာေပါ့။ က်ေနာ္မွာ အားသာခ်က္တခု
ရွိတာက မတတ္ရင္ မတတ္ဘူးေျပာဖို႔ ဝန္မေလးဘူး - မႏိုင္ရင္ မႏုိင္ဘူး၊
လE1္ခံဖို႔ မေၾကာက္ဘူး။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ က်ေနာ္လို ရာထူးရွိတဲ့ အေတြ႔အၾကံဳရင့္တဲ့
လူကို ထမင္းစားဖိတ္ၿပီး အၾကံေတာင္းရတယ္ ဆရာတင္ရတယ္။ ဒီလူက
လမ္းျပေပးတာေၾကာင့္ က်ေနာ္ ႏုိင္ႏိုင္နင္းနင္း အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ႏုိင္ခဲ့တယ္။
မတတ္ရင္ တတ္တဲ့သူကို ေခၚရွင္းျပခိုင္းရတယ္။ လ8
0္လႊဲႏိုင္မယ့္ လူေတာ္ေတြကို
ေရြးခန္႔ရတယ္။ သူမ်ားေတြေျပာတာ နားေထာင္ရတယ္။ အကုန္တတ္စရာမလို။
မိမိသိသင့္တာကိုပဲ ေရြးေလ့လာရတယ္။ မဆိုင္တာကို အခ်ိန္ကုန္မခံနဲ႔
စသည္စသည္ျဖင့္ေပါ့။
ေလာကမွာ ဆရာလည္း လိုတယ္၊ ယံုရမယ့္ တပည့္လည္း လိုတယ္။ လက္ရွိအဆင့္ဟာ
ေ
ာက္တက္မယ့္ အဆင့္အတြက္ ျပင္ဆင္ျခင္းပဲဆိုတာ နားလည္လာတယ္။ အဓိက
ပညာရလိုက္ကေတာ့ ငါ ဘာမွမသိပါလား။ ငါဟာ ဘာမွ မဟုတ္ပါလားဆိုတဲ့ “သတိ” တရား
ရလာရပါတယ္။ တတ္ေလ၊ ဖတ္ေလ ငါ ဘာမွ မတတ္ေသးပါလား။ ေလ့လာစရာေတြ
မကုန္ႏုိင္ပါလားဆိုတာ သေဘာေပါက္လာရတယ္။ ဆရာဝန္ျဖစ္ေစ၊ E1င္ဂ်င္နီယာျဖစ္ေစ
ေနာက္ဆံုး စီးပြားေရးကို နားလည္ရမယ္ဆိုတာ သေဘာေပါက္လာတယ္။ P & L လို႔
ေခၚတဲ့ အရႈံးအျမတ္ကို တာဝန္ယူရရင္ စီးပြားေရး နားမလည္လို႔ မရေတာ့ပါ။
*အဆင့္မတူ - အျမင္မတူရင္ - ဗ်ဴဟာ မတူပါ * *
ဒီေနရာမွာ “အဆင့္”ဆိုတာ ခြဲျခားလိုတဲ့ ဆႏၵမဟုတ္ေၾကာင္း သတိ
ပဳေစလိုပါတယ္။
ရာထူးအဆင့္ မတူရင္ “အျမင္” မတူ၊ တာဝန္ယူရတာခ်င္း မတူတာေၾကာင့္ “အျမင္”
မတူရင္ (ဗ်ဴဟာ) မတူတာကို ဆိုလိုတာပါ။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ကုမၸဏီကို High-Tech
Company အဆင့္ျမင့္ အတတ္ပညာကုမၸဏီလို႔ ေခၚပါတယ္။ “အတတ္ပညာ” Technology ဟာ
အေရးၾကီးပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ့္အဆင့္ က်ေနာ့္တာဝန္ဟာ က်
နာ့္ Product ထုတ္ကုန္
က်ေနာ့္ေစ်းကြက္မွာ ထိပ္တန္းျဖစ္ေရး ျဖစ္တယ္။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ကုမၸဏီဟာ က်ေနာ္
Product အတြက္ သန္းနဲ႔ခ်ီၿပီး ရင္းႏွီးခဲ့ရတယ္။ ဒီ့အျပင္
သန္းေပါင္းေျမာက္ျမားစြာ ရင္းၿပီး ဒီအတတ္ပညာအတြက္ ကုမၸဏီတခုကို ဝယ္ခဲ့တယ္။
က်ေနာ့္အဆင့္၊ က်ေနာ့္တာဝန္၊ က်B
1နာ့္အျမင္က ၾကည့္ရင္ ေက်နပ္စရာေပါ့။
သန္းေပါင္းေျမာက္ျမားစြာ ရင္းၿပီးမွေတာ့ ကုမၸဏီက ဒီအတတ္ပညာ Technology ကို
ေက်နပ္စိတ္ခ်လို႔ ယူဆႏုိင္တာေပါ့။ က်ေနာ္ရဲ႕ ေဖာက္သည္ Customers
ေတြကိုလည္း ဒီအတုိင္း အာမခံေပးခဲ့တာပဲ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ရဲ႕
ေခါင္ခ်ဳပ္ဘိုးေတာ္ အဆင့္ကB
Eကည့္ရင္ - ဒီ Technology ကို အသိအမွတ္မျပဳရင္
ေဖာက္သည္ေတြက ဒီအတတ္ပညာ Technology ကို ၿပိဳင္ဘက္ေတြဆီက ဝယ္ရင္း
ၿပိဳင္ဘက္ေတြဝင္လာၿပီး အဓိကထုတ္ကုန္ Product ရဲ႕ အေရာင္းက်မွဆိုလို႔
ေငြအကုန္ခံၿပီး မိတ္မပ်က္ရေအာင္၊ ေဖာက္သည္ေတြ တျခားမေရာက္ေအာင္ “ကြက္လပ္”
ျဖည့္ထားတာ။
High-Tech ေစ်းကြက8
0မွာ Technology အသစ္ ထြက္ေပၚလာရင္ Technology ကို
တည္ေဆာက္ရင္း အားလံုးကို လိုက္နာရမယ့္ “စံ” Standard ကို ေဖာ္ထုတ္ရင္း
Product ကို တည္ေဆာက္ရတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဒီ Technology နဲ႔ ေနာက္ Technology
ၿပိဳင္ၾကရတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ကုမၸဏီဟာ ထိပ္တန္းမွာ ရွိတာေၾကာင့္ ဒီ
Technology ကို ေဖာ္ထုတ္ၾကတဲ့ Forum ေတြမွာ ၾသဇာရွိတယ္။
တေန႔ 8
0်ေနာ္တို႔ဘိုးေတာ္က က်ေနာ့္ Boss ကို ေခၚၿပီး၊ မင္းတို႔ Technology
ကို သတ္လိုက္လို႔ အမိန္႔ေပးတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ဘိုးေတာ္အဆင့္က်ေတာ့
က်ေနာ္တို႔ ကုမၸဏီကို ဘယ္ Technology နဲ႔ သြားမယ္၊ သြားသင့္တယ္။ ၿပိဳင္ဘက္
Technology ကို ဝင္မသံုးရင္၊ ဝင္မရင္းဘဲ ၾသဇာမရွိႏုိင္၊ ၾသဇာရွိမွ
ဖ်က္ပစ္ႏု=E
1င္တာပဲ။
၂ဝ ရာစုအစမွာ အေမရိကန္ၿမိဳ႕ၾကီးေတြမွာ လွ်ပ္စစ္ဓာတ္အားသံုးတဲ့ Tram လို႔
ေခၚတဲ့ ရထားေတြ ေခတ္စားလာတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ကားကုမၸဏီ ဘိုးေတာ္ေတြနဲ႔
ေရနံကုမၸဏီ ဘိုးေတာ္ေတြ ေပါင္းၿပီး ဖ်က္ပစ္လိုက္ၾကတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္
အေမရိကားမွာ Public Transport လို႔ ေခၚတဲ့ အမ်ားသံုး 8
0မ္းပန္းဆက္သြယ္ေရး
စနစ္က သိပ္ညံ့တယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဘယ္သြားသြား ကားရွိမွ ျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒါမွ
ကားေရာင္းရမယ္၊ ဓာတ္ဆီေရာင္းရမယ္ေပါ့။
၁၉၇ဝ ခုႏွစ္ေတြမွာ အာရပ္ေတြက ေရနံအေရာင္းပိတ္ၿပီး ႏုိင္ငံေရးအတြက္
အေမရိကားကို ညႇစ္ေတာ့ လူေတြက မျဖစ္ေခ်ဘူးဆိုၿပီး Alternative Energy လို႔
E1ခၚတဲ့ ေရနံထြက္ပစၥည္းမဟုတ္တဲ့ (ေလာင္စာ) ကို ရွာေဖြလာၾကတယ္။ တခါထဲ
ေရနံဆီကုမၸဏီၾကီးေတြက ဒီကုမၸဏီအငယ္ေလးေတြကို အတင္းလိုက္ဝယ္ၿပီး-
ေခ်မႈန္းပစ္လိုက္ၾကတာ အခု ၂ဝဝဝ ေက်ာ္မွာ - တ႐ုတ္နဲ႔ အိႏိၵယတို႔
တိုးတက္လာၿပီး ေလာင္စာမေလာက္မင ျဖစ္မွ အခု Alternative Energy
တျခားေလာင္=E
1ာကို အပူတျပင္း လိုက္ရွာေနၾကရတယ္။ အႏွစ္ ၃ဝ လႊမ္းမိုးထားတဲ့
ေရနံကုမၸဏီၾကီးေတြရဲ႕ ဗ်ဴဟာရဲ႕ ရလဒ္ေပါ့။
ကုမၸဏီတခုထဲမွာေတာင္ - က်ေနာ့္အဆင့္နဲ႔ ဘိုးေတာ္အဆင့္ မတူတာေၾကာင့္
(အျမင္) မတူဘဲ “ဗ်ဴဟာ” ပါ ကြဲထြက္သြားပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ့္ Boss ရယ္၊ က်ေနာ္ရယ္၊
Engineering Boss ရယ္ ဒီ ၃ B
1ယာက္ပဲ အသိေပးပါတယ္။ ကိုယ့္ခေလးကို ဖ်က္ခ်ဖို႔
မိဘက အဓမၼ အမိန္႔ေပးသလိုပဲ ခံစားရတယ္။ ၃ ညေလာက္ အိပ္မေပ်ာ္ခဲ့ပါ။ က်ေနာ့္
Boss က ေလာကမွာ (အစြဲ) မထားဖို႔၊ ဒီအတတ္ပညာၿပီးရင္ ေနာက္အတတ္ပညာဆိုတာ
လာမွာပဲ။ အေရးၾကီးတာ Technology ကို အေျချပဳ ၿပီးအစကအဆံုး Product
တခုလံုးကိုထုတ္လ0ပ္ႏိူင္တဲ့ နည္းပညာနဲ႔ အေတြ႔အၾကဳံ မင္းရၿပီ။ အဓိကက
ငါတို႔ကုမၸဏီ ေအာင္ျမင္ရင္ ငါတို႔ Stocks ေတြ ေစ်းတက္မယ္။ ငါတို႔
ခ်မ္းသာမႈ တိုးပြားမယ္။ စီးပြားေရး လုပ္တယ္၊ လုပ္ငန္းလုပ္တယ္ဆိုတာ
အရင္းရွင္နယ္ပယ္မွာ (အျမတ္) ရဖို႔ပဲလို႔ ႏွစ္သိမ့္ရွာတယ္။ တဖက္က
ကိုယ့္လူ
ေတြ၊ ကိုယ့္ေဖာက္သည္ေတြ စိတ္ဓာတ္မက်ေအာင္၊ ေဖာက္သည္မပ်က္ေအာင္
ၾကိဳးစားေနရေပမယ့္ တဖက္မွာ ေသဒဏ္ အေပးခံထားရတာကိုလည္း သိေနတယ္။
တပ္မပ်က္ေအာင္ ခံစစ္ကိုႏုိင္မွ စစ္ဗိုလ္ေကာင္း ျဖစ္တယ္ဆိုတာကို လက္ေတြ႔က
သင္ၾကားေပးခဲ့တာပါ။ “ဗ်ဴဟာ” ရဲ႕ အဓိပၸာယ္ကို ခံစ0းမႈနဲ႔ရင္းၿပီး (သိ)
ခဲ့ရတာပါ။
တခါတရံ အလုပ္တခုထဲမွာပဲ အဆင့္မတူေတာ့ရင္ (အျမင္) ဟာ
ေျပာင္းသြားႏုိင္ပါတယ္။
က်ေနာ့္ အကိုဟာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံက ဆရာဝန္ဘြဲ႔ရခဲ့ၿပီး အေမရိကားမွာ Ph.D
ဘြဲ႔ရျပန္ကာ ပါေမာကၡ ျဖစ္လာပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္က Corporate America လို႔ေခၚတဲ့
နယ္ပယ္မွာ ၾကီးထြားရ9
0ယ္။ က်ေနာ့္အကိုက Academic လို႔ေခၚတဲ့
ပညာတတ္နယ္ပယ္မွာ ၾကီးထြားရတာေၾကာင့္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ညီအကို ၂ ေယာက္ဟာ
ျမန္မာ့ႏုိင္ငံေရးမွာသာ (အျမင္) တူၾကတာ။ အေမရိကန္ႏုိင္ငံေရးမွာေတာ့
ျပဒါးတလမ္း သံတလမ္းပဲ။ အေမရိကန္ ပညာေရးစနစ္မွာ University
တကၠသိုလ္ေတြေအာက္မွာ College ဆိုတာေတြ ရွိပါ
ယ္။ College of Medicine,
College of Engineering, College of Education ေဆးေကာလိပ္၊ အင္ဂ်င္နီယာ
ေကာလိပ္၊ ပညာေရး ေကာလိပ္ စသည္ျဖင့္ေပါ့။ ဒီေကာလိပ္တခုစီကို Dean ဆိုတာက
အုပ္ခ်ဴပ္ရပါတယ္။ ဗမာလိုေတာ့ ပါေမာကၡခ်ဴပ္လို႔ ေခၚမယ္ထင္ပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္
ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာ ေက်ာင္းတက္စဥ္က ေဆးတကၠသိုလ္၊ စက္မႈတကၠသိုလ္ဆိုၿပီး
ခြဲထားတာကိုး။ အေမရိကားမွာေတာ့ တကၠသိုလ္ေတြက အမ်ားၾကီး ရွိၾကတာကိုး။
က်ေနာ့္အကိုဟာ ပါေမာကၡဘဝမွာ စာသင္တာရယ္၊ အားရင္ သုေတသနလုပ္ေပါ့။ ဒါေၾကာင့္
က်ေနာ္က ပါေမာကၡဆိုတာ အဂၤလိပ္လို Ivory Tower လို႔ေခၚတဲ့ စင္ျမင့္ေပၚက
လူေတြ လက္ေတြ႔ ဘာနားလည္လို႔လဲလို႔ အျငင္းပြ
းၾကရင္
မတရားအႏိုင္ယူေျပာေလ့ရွိတယ္။ သူကလည္း ျပန္ေျပာေပါ့။ သူက Dean
ပါေမာကၡခ်ဴပ္ျဖစ္ေတာ့ ဘတ္ဂ်က္ကိုင္လာရၿပီး ကိုယ့္ေကာလိပ္၊
ကိုယ့္ဘတ္ဂ်က္အတြက္ အၿပိဳင္အဆိုင္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး Office Politics ပါလာၿပီ။
ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ဝန္ ျပည္နယ္အုပ္ခ်ဴပ္ေရးမႉး Governor office က အုပ္ခ်ဴပ္သူေတြနဲ႔
ဆကB
9ဆံလာရၿပီး လူေတြ ဌားရတယ္။ လူေတြကို အလုပ္ျဖဳတ္ရတယ္။ လက္ေတြ႔ျပႆနာေတြ
ရင္ဆိုင္လာရၿပီ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ပါေမာကၡနဲ႔ ပါေမာကၡခ်ဴပ္ အဆင့္မတူေတာ့တာေၾကာင့္
(အျမင္) ပါ ေျပာင္းလာတယ္။ က်ေနာ့္ရဲ႕ ခံစားမႈနဲ႔ (အျမင္) ကို သူ
ခံစားတတ္လာတယ္။
က်ေနာ္ အခုလို လက္ေတြ႔ျဖစ္စဥ8
0နဲ႔ယွဥ္ၿပီး တင္ျပတာကို တခ်ဳိ႕က ဒီလူၾကီး
ေလွ်ာက္ၾကြားေနတယ္လို႔ ထင္ေကာင္းထင္ၾကပါလိမ့္မယ္။ (အျမင္) ဆိုတာ
အေျခခံပညာ၊ ေနာက္ခံ ဘဝအေတြ႔အၾကံဳနဲ႔ ေလ့လာမႈအားအေပၚ မူတည္တာေၾကာင့္ (ျမင္)
ႏုိင္သေလာက္သာ (ျမင္) ၾကတာမို႔ အျပစ္မေျပာႏိုင္ပါ။ က်ေနာ့္ေစတနာရင္းက
ေ
ာက္ေခတ္ လူငယ္ေတြCritical Thinking ကို နားလည္ေစခ်င္တယ္။ အျမင္ (က်ယ္)
ေစခ်င္တယ္။ လက္ေတြ႔သင္ခန္းစာဆိုတာက (ေငြ) နဲ႔လည္း ဝယ္ယူလို႔ မရပါဘူး။
စာသင္ခန္းထဲမွာ (သင္) ယူ႐ုံနဲ႔ မၿပီးျပည့္စုံႏိုင္ပါဘူး။ B school
လို႔ေခၚတဲ့ Business School ေတြမွာ Case Study အေနနဲ႔ ေလ့လာၾကတာ ရွိေပမယ့္
မိုးထဲေလထဲ အခက္အခဲ
ကားမွာ ႐ုန္းကန္ၿပီး ရလာတဲ့ အေတြ႔အၾကံဳ (အသိ) နဲ႔
အရိပ္ေအာက္မွာ စာအုပ္ထဲကရတဲ့ (အသိ) မတူၾကပါ။ လက္ေတြ႔ပါမွ
ၿပီးျပည့္စံုတယ္ဆိုတာကို လူငယ္ေလးေတြကို သိေစခ်င္တာပါ။
*(အျမင္) မတူရင္ (ဗ်ဴဟာ) မတူပါ*
အျမင္မတူရင္ ဗ်ဴဟာမတူဘူး ဆိုတာကို လက္ေတြ႔ျဖစ္စဥ္တခုနဲ႔ ယွဥ္ၿပ
း
တင္ျပေဆြးေႏြးပါရေစ။
အခြင့္အေရးေပၚတယ္ ဘာလုပ္မလဲ?
ႏိုင္ငံေရးမွာ အခြင့္အေရးေပၚရင္ - ဘယ္လို အက်ဳိးရွိေအာင္ အသံုးခ်မလဲ?
ဆိုတာကို စဥ္းစားတတ္ရမယ္။ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေကာင္စီ တက္ေတာ့
ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးေခၚတယ္။ ဗမာျပည္ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီက ဘာေၾကာင့္ လက္ခံတာလဲ?
စက
းေျပာၾကည့္မွ ရန္သူ႔သေဘာထားကို သိမယ္။ ေအာင္ျမင္ရင္ အျမတ္၊
မေအာင္ျမင္ရင္လည္း အဆက္သြယ္ျပတ္ေနတဲ့ ပဲခူး႐ိုးမကလူေတြနဲ႔
တ႐ုတ္ျပည္ေရာက္ေနတဲ့လူေတြ ျပန္ေဆြးေႏြးခြင့္ရမယ္။ ဒါက ေပၚလာတဲ့
အခြင့္အေရးကို နုိင္ငံေရးအျမတ္ထုတ္တာပဲ။ သခင္သန္းထြန္းစကားနဲ႔ေ0ပာရရင္
ရန္သူ႔မ်က္ခံုးေမႊးေပၚ စၾကၤန္ေလ်ွာက္တာပဲ။ ရန္သူကလည္း သူ႔အျမင္၊
သူ႔ဗ်ဴဟာနဲ႔ ဖိတ္ေခၚတာပဲ။ တခ်ဳိ႔ရဲ႔ အေတြးက ဗကပ ရဲ့ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ပိုင္းကို
ခ်ိန္ဆဖို႔နဲ႔ ခြဲနုိင္ရင္ ခြဲဖို႔ လုပ္တယ္လို႔ ဆုိၾကတယ္။
နုိင္ငံေရးဆိုတာမွာလည္း အကြက္ျမင္သူ၊ လ်ွငB
9သူ၊ ေအာင္ပြဲ မခံဘူးလား။
ဒီဖက္ေခာတ္လူေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားက ေရွးကြန္ျမဴနစ္ေတြလို ပါတီနုိင္ငံေရး၊
အာဏာနုိင္ငံေရးကို နားမလည္ၾကေတာ့ တလမ္းသြားအေတြးကိုပဲ ေတြးတတ္ၾကေတာ့တယ္။
စစ္တပ္ကို မၾကိဳက္၊ စစ္တပ္ကို ဆန္႔က်င္ၾက။ ဒို႔က ေရေတာင္
စစ္မေသာက္ဘူးဆိုျပီး
ထေၾကြးေက်ာ္ရင္ လူစြမ္းေကာင္းျဖစ္ျပီ ထင္ၾကတယ္။ ဒါက
အမွန္ ”ဆႏၵ” သို႔မဟုတ္ ” ခံစားမႈ” သက္သက္သာ ျဖစ္ေနတယ္။ ဒီ ခံစားမႈအဆင့္ကို
မေက်ာ္နုိင္ရင္ ဆန္႔က်င္ဖို႔အတြက္ ဆန္႔က်င္တာ Opposing for the sake of
Opposing" ပဲ ျဖစ္သြားေရာ။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးမႈ ခံစားမႈ၊ ယံုၾကည္ခ်က္၊
အင္အားတည္ေဆာက္မႈ=E
1 ထိေရာက္တဲ့ ဗ်ဴဟာ ခ်နုိင္မႈ၊ ထိေရာက္တဲ့
အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္မႈေတြဟာ သီးျခားစီရွိပါတယ္။ တခါတရံ ခံစားမႈကို ေဘးဖယ္ျပီး
ဗ်ဴဟာေတြ ခ်ရတာ ရွိတယ္။ လုပ္ေဆာင္ရတာေတြ ရွိတတ္ပါတယ္။
ဥပမာ- ဒီပဲယင္းမွာ နအဖ လူမိုက္ေတြဟာ ေဒၚစုနဲ႔ အန္အယ္ဒီ အဖြဲ႔သားေတြကို
ကိုယ္ထိလက=E
1ေရာက္ ေစာ္ကား႐ုံုသာမက အသက္ကိုပါ အႏၲရာယ္ျပဳၾကတယ္။ ေဒၚစုဟာလည္း
လူသားတဦးမို႔ ခံစားမႈ မရွိဘဲ ေနမွာလား။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ေဒၚစုက အၾကမ္းမဖက္
ဝါဒကို ယံုၾကည္တဲ့အတြက္ ခြင့္လႊတ္ျပီး ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးအေျဖရွာဖို႔
ဆက္ေတာင္းဆို က်ဳိးစားျပီး ခံစားမႈနဲ႔ ဗ်ဴဟာကို ခ
ြဲျခားနုိင္ခဲ့တယ္။
ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေကာင္းဆိုတာကို ျပသခဲ့တယ္။
မထင္မွတ္ဘဲက်ေနာ္တို႔ ညီအကို ႏွစ္ေယာက္ကို ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ခင္ညႊန္႔က သံအမတ္
ဦးလင္းျမိဳင္ကတဆင့္ ဖိတ္ၾကားလာတယ္။ ေနာက္မွသိရတာက ၾကားလူတဦးရဲ႔
တိုက္တြန္းခ်က္ေၾကာင့္လို႔ ဆိုပါတယ္။ ဖိတ္ၾကားတာ0 ရွင္းရွင္းေလးပါ။
တုိင္းျပည္ကို ျပန္လာၾကည့္ပါ။ ဘာေနာက္ျမီွးဆြဲမွ မပါပါ။ ၾကားၾကားခ်င္း
မယံုခ်င္ပါ။ ေနာက္ကြယ္မွာ ဝွက္ဖဲရွိလားေပါ့။ ေထာင္ေျခာက္ရွိသလားေပါ့။
တဖက္ကလည္း ျမန္မာျပည္ ျပန္မေရာက္တာ ၁၉ ၈၂ ခုႏွစ္၊ ထြက္လာကတည္းက၊
ကုိယ့္လူေတြနဲ႔ ျပန္ေတြ=E
1ခ်င္တယ္။ တိုင္းျပည္အေျခအေနကို ျပန္ၾကည့္ျပီး
ျပန္သံုးသပ္လိုတယ္။ အဓိက ေနာက္တခ်က္က - ေဒၚစုနဲ႕ေတြ႕ဖို႕ -
ေဒၚစုနဲ႔ေတြ႔ရတဲ့ လူေတြ အားလံုးက နုိင္ငံျခားသားေတြ။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က
ဘာမွာ လိုက္တာ၊ ေဒၚစုက ဘာေျပာလိုက္တာနဲ႔ နုိင္ငံျခားေရာက္
ျမန္္မာေတCအားလံုး ေဒၚစု စကားကို တဆင့္ခံပဲ ၾကားေနရတာ။ ျမန္မာေတြထဲမွာ
ေလာေလာလတ္လတ္ ေဒၚစုနဲ႔ ေဆြးေႏြးဖူးသူမရွိ၊ ေဒၚစုရဲ႔ လက္ရင္း လူယံုေတြ
NLD-LA က ဦးညိဳအုန္းျမင့္တို႔လို၊ ဦးျမင့္စုိးတို႔လိုေပါ့။ ဒါေပမယ့္
ႏွစ္ေတြက ၾကာခဲ့ျပီ။ ေဒၚစုကို ေတြ႔ျပီး ေဆြးေႏြးခြင့္8
0ဖို႔ဆိုတာ
ေထာက္လွမ္းေရးကို တရားဝင္ မေက်ာ္နုိင္ဘဲႏွင့္ ျဖစ္နုိင္သည့္ အရာမဟုတ္။
ဥာဏ္မရွိဘဲ စြန္႔စားလ်ွင္ ဂြ်န္ယက္ေတာလို ေဒၚစု အႏၲရာယ္ က်နုိင္သည္။
ျမန္မာျပည္ျပန္တဲ့ ျမန္မာေတြ ရွိပါရဲ႔။ သုိ႔ေသာ္လည္း ေဒၚစုကို လူတိုင္း
ေတြ႔ခြင့္ ရနုိင္တာ မဟုတ္
ႏိုင္ငံေရးမွာ အေရးၾကီးတာက လက္ရွိ အေျခအေနမွန္ကို အမွန္အတိုင္း
သံုးသပ္နုိင္ဖို႔ ျဖစ္သည္။ လူေတြႏွင့္ ထိေတြ႔ ခံစား စကားေျပာမွသာလွ်င္
လက္ရွိအေျခအေနကို သံုးသပ္နုိင္မည္။ ဒီအေတြး ဒီအျမင္နဲ႔ က်ေနာ့္အကို
ေဒါက္တာ ထြန္းေက်ာ္ျငိမ္းဟာ ၂ဝဝ၄ မွာ ျမန္မာျE1ည္ကို ျပန္သြားခဲ့တယ္။
ေဒၚစုႏွင့္သာ မဟုတ္၊ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးတင္ဦးႏွင့္ပါ နာရီႏွင့္ခ်ီ၍
ေဆြးေႏြးခြင့္ ရခဲ့ပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ညီအကို ၇၄ ခုႏွစ္ကေန ၇၉ ခုႏွစ္အထိ
ေထာင္က်စဥ္ ေထာင္တြင္း ဆႏ̔ၵျပမႈကို ဦးေဆာင္မႈႏွင့္ တိုက္ပိတ္ခံခဲ့ရပါတယ္။
တြဲဖက္ တုိက္8
0န္းတခုလံုးမွာ တဖက္စြန္းတြင္ က်ေနာ္၊ အျခားတဖက္စြန္းတြင္
က်ေနာ့္အကို၊ အလယ္မွာေတာ့ ဗိုလ္ၾကီး အုန္းေက်ာ္ျမင့္ ရွိပါတယ္။
တိုက္တန္းေရွ႕က အိမ္ေလး ၂ လံုးမွာေတာ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးတင္ဦးနဲ႔
ေျမာက္ပိုင္းတုိင္းမႈးတို႔ ရွိၾကပါတယ္။ ဗိုလ္ၾကီး အုန္းေက်ာ္ျ
င့္ကို
ၾကိဳးေပးေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ အေရွ႕က ထုတ္သြားတာပါ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးတင္ဦးနဲ႔က ရင္းရင္းႏွီးႏွီးရွိေနတာလို႔ ခံစားမိပါတယ္။
ေဒၚစုက ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းႏွင့္ ၁၉၃၆ ေက်ာင္းသားသပိတ္ကတည္းက
အတူလုပ္လာခဲ့တဲ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္၏ ေရာင္းရင္းတေယာက္ရဲE1 သားေတြအေနနဲ႔
ေႏြးေႏြးေထြးေထြး လက္ခံေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ေဒၚစုနဲ႔ ေဆြးေႏြးခြင့္ရတာကို တခ်က္မွ အလြဲသံုးစား မလုပ္ခဲ့ဖူးဘူး။
က်ေနာ္တို႔သိတာကို ရင္ထဲမွာပဲထားခဲ့တယ္။ ေဒၚစုကို ေက်နပ္လို႔၊ ေလးစားလို႔၊
လက္ခံလို႔ ေတာက္ေလ်ာက္ ျပတ္ျပတ္သားသား ေထာက္ခB
6ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
႐ိုး႐ိုးမ်က္စိနဲ႔ ၾကည့္ရင္ေတာ့ နအဖ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ရဲ႔ ဖိတ္ေခၚခ်က္ကို
လက္ခံတယ္ဆိုရင္ သို႔ေလာ သို႔ေလာ ထင္နုိင္စရာ ရွိတယ္ဆိုတာကို က်ေနာ္တို႔
နားလည္ပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ညံ့ရင္ အစားခံရမယ္ဆိုတာကို ေကာင္းေကာင္း သိပါတယ္။
မကိုင္တြယ္တတ္လို႔ နုိင
္ငံေရးေသသြားသူေတြလည္း ရွိတာပဲ မဟုတ္လား။
စိတ္မေကာင္းစရာက ၊ က်ေနာ့္အကို ျပန္တာကို
ႏိုင္ငံေရးသစၥာေဖာက္ပံုသ႑ာန္တုိက္ခိုက္လာၾကေတာ့တာ။
က်ေနာ္နားလည္တာက ေဒၚစုနဲ႔ အန္အယ္ဒီရဲ႔ ဗ်ဴဟာက ဘာလဲ။ အၾကမ္းမဖက္နည္းကို
မလိုက္ခ်င္လို႔၊ ေသြးထြက္သံယိုနည္းကို ေE1ွာင္ခ်င္လို႔၊ ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲနဲ႔
အေျဖရွာဖို႔ ေဆြးေႏြပြဲနဲ႔ အေျဖရွာဖို႔ နအဖကို
ဖိတ္ေခၚၾကိဳးစားေနတာမဟုတ္လား။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြနဲ႔ေတာင္ ေဒၚစု အတူ
ထမင္းစားခဲ့ေသးတာ မဟုတ္လား။
Thursday, August 20, 2009
Mizzima News - USDA Secretary to visit Japan
Mizzima News - USDA Secretary to visit Japan
by Nem Davies
Wednesday, 19 August 2009 19:38
New Delhi (Mizzima) - A Burmese delegation led by the Secretary of the pro-junta civil organisation – the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) – will leave for Japan on a good will mission on Wednesday evening.
The delegation’s week-long tour follows an invitation by the Japanese Foreign Minister Hirofumi Nakasone. The delegation will be led by USDA Secretary U Htay Oo, who is also the Minister for Agriculture and Irrigation. He will be accompanied by Tin Htut Oo, Director General of the Agricultural Department and other officials including those of the Military Affairs Security (MAS).
The delegation will leave on Wednesday evening for Bangkok on a TG flight and will arrive in Tokyo on Thursday morning on a Nippon Airlines flight..
In Japan, the delegation will put up at the Hotel New Otani in Tokyo. On Thursday it will visit the Buddha statue located in a popular tourist attraction centre - Kamakura, north of Tokyo.
On August 23 and 24, the delegation is scheduled to meet Japanese opposition Members of Parliament. On August 25 it will meet the Japanese Foreign Minister. The same evening it will meet the Deputy Agriculture Minister.
While the trip is being termed as a friendly visit, it is also expected to be part of the Burmese junta’s lobbying of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), currently the opposition party. The DPJ is expected to win the August 30 elections in Japan.
The pro-junta USDA led delegation, earlier, paid official visits to China and Vietnam.
Meanwhile, the USDA is planning to organise a nation-wide conference in October at its newly constructed office in Burma’s jungle capital city of Naypyitaw.
Sources in the USDA leadership said, the ruling military junta is likely to announce the electoral law for the 2010 general elections before the conference in October. The conference is expected to fully endorse the junta’s plan.
The USDA office, located in a remote area of Naypyitaw along the Rangoon highway, is heading for completion.
THE NATION - The US lays down new rules of engagement on Burma
By KAVI CHONGKITTAVORN
Published on August 19, 2009
KUDOS must go to Senator Jim Webb, the chairman of the US Senate Subcommittee on Foreign Affairs for East and Southeast Asia, who secured the release of John Yettaw over the weekend on humanitarian grounds.
He also met with the Burmese opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, which was rather unusual at this juncture. But he failed to convince the Burmese junta leader General Than Shwe to give in to his third request - lifting her house arrest. As things stand, for the next eighteen months this issue will be the main focus of tense negotiations between the US and Burma, with far-reaching implications for Asean and regional players.
It was interesting to note that Than Shwe was silent on the issue of Suu Kyi's terms of house arrest. For Webb, it was a good sign, as he personally did not treat it as a rejection of any kind. As such, he still views the junta's attitude with optimism.
As a Vietnam War hero coupled with his experience in dealing with the aftermath of the Vietnam War including sanctions, Webb is extremely confident that he can accomplish results in Burma - that is, increasing engagement, ending sanctions and bringing investment to the country. He hopes that such moves will reduce China's influence there, as well as in the region.
On that score, the Burmese have maximised Webb's visit, knowing full well his Vietnam history, senatorial power and close connections to both US President Barack Obama and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. By backing Webb's initiative, Burma's junta has managed to kill quite a few birds with one stone. Firstly, it has somewhat altered its image of a pariah state into one of a goodwill state with a merciful leader. Secondly, the trip has helped the international community to refocus on ways to secure Suu Kyi's freedom. Certainly, nobody, except the junta leaders, knows what her fate will be in the coming days and weeks. Thirdly, the junta now has ample time until October to ponder its next move, especially in response to moves that come from Asean. Finally, it shows Burma's diplomatic finesse in broadening its international outlook by engaging with the US directly - which no one would have thought possible just a few days ago. North Korea has been trying to do this for decades but has not been very successful.
Apart from Suu Kyi's current house arrest, the junta knows that the international community will only accept an inclusive election, scheduled for next year, with the participation of Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy.
During the meeting between Webb, Suu Kyi and members of the NLD, conditions under which they would participate in the election were discussed. They saw eye to eye that pushing for Suu Kyi's freedom will continue, and that ways must be found to ensure that the opposition is part of the electoral process. According to a well-informed diplomatic source, who asked not to be identified, Suu Kyi has declined to state her position on the upcoming election unless she has a party position.
At this juncture, it depends on how the US government wants to engage with Burma in the coming months, especially after its review on Burmese policy which has been delayed for months. Will Washington want to find an exit strategy for the regime it has condemned for decades?
If Webb has his way, he would like to do so. He would move forward to reduce sanctions and to provide additional incentives for the junta to respond constructively. His wartime experience taught him to take whatever one has and to work with it. Unfortunately, his maverick approach is not widely supported by the Burmese community in exile and colleagues in the US Congress.
With such a drastic development, Asean has a lot of catching up to do. Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya is seeking a consensus among the grouping to urge Burma to free Suu Kyi. But half of the Asean members (Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, Burma and Brunei) do not want such a statement. They consider it an infringement of national sovereignty.
In the coming days, the core Asean members have to decide if they want to hold a special ministerial meeting on Burma, as suggested by Malaysia. It is a Catch 22 situation for Asean. Holding such a ministerial meeting - known as a minus-x formula - would be unprecedented since the Cambodian conflict (1978-1992). It would also reveal the huge rift within Asean on the issue of Burma. After the Phuket meeting, Asean members agreed that Kasit should fly to Burma for further talks. However, like previous Asean efforts, without a strong and sustained Asean position, the junta leaders will just turn a blind eye, as they have always done.
With the US diplomatic offensive on Burma, China's role in and interest inside Burma will be exposed further. Webb has been bothered by China's ever-growing influence there. He has argued constantly that China's gain in Burma is at the expense of US strategic interests in the region. As a global power, he thinks Beijing should be doing more to push for national reconciliation and stability inside Burma.
With this new diplomatic pressure, China also needs to rethink its own Burmese strategy by collaborating more with Asean - something that Beijing has been avoiding.
The conventional wisdom has been that Asean has never attained a consensus view on Burma that China could back diplomatically. Now, with a new twist, the time has come for Asean and China to work together on Burma - not to placate the US effort but to maintain China's regional credibility.
China failing on Myanmar, key US senator says
HANOI (AFP) – China has failed to show leadership in solving the political stalemate in Myanmar, a United States senator who made a landmark visit to the military-ruled country said in Vietnam Wednesday.
Senator Jim Webb arrived in Vietnam after securing at the weekend the release of an American man who swam to the house of Myanmar's detained democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi.
During his Myanmar visit, Webb became the first US official to speak with the junta's reclusive leader, Than Shwe.
The senator also met Suu Kyi without winning freedom for the Nobel laureate, whose house arrest was extended over the bizarre stunt by John Yettaw.
"When I returned to Bangkok from Myanmar I raised my view at that time, with respect to the issues in Myanmar, that the Chinese government should step forward and show leadership in assisting in solving that situation, and they have not done that yet," Webb told a Hanoi press conference on the last leg of a two-week Southeast Asian tour.
Beijing has long helped keep Myanmar afloat through trade ties, arms sales, and by shielding it from United Nations sanctions over rights abuses. China is a veto-wielding, permanent member of the Security Council.
The European Union, United States and other countries have targeted Myanmar with economic sanctions and travel bans but the military regime has so far proven impervious to these, partly due to support from nations including China.
While the US Congress has overwhelmingly backed trade restrictions against Myanmar, Webb has been a critic of sanctions and said in Bangkok that they had allowed Beijing to increase "dramatically" its influence in Myanmar.
The administration of President Barack Obama, particularly Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, has indicated it is not keen on using sanctions as a diplomatic tool.
Webb, a Democrat and former Marine who served in Vietnam, chairs the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asia.
Yettaw flew home to the US on Wednesday after receiving medical tests in Bangkok but Aung San Suu Kyi remains under house arrest, sentenced earlier this month to a further 18 months because of Yettaw's actions.
The ruling means she will be locked up during elections promised by the ruling junta in 2010.
Webb, who first returned to Vietnam 18 years ago, was to visit government officials and business leaders on his latest trip.
Asked whether he would seek the release of any Vietnamese prisoners, he said discussions over the political evolution of communist Vietnam are "an ongoing process" but he was not raising the matter on this trip.
In July, a group of US lawmakers said they were calling for the release of more than 100 non-violent Vietnamese political prisoners, some of them held for criticising the government, as part of an annual September 2 amnesty.
Vietnam says it does not punish anyone for political views and only prosecutes criminals for breaking the law.
Webb also visited Laos and Cambodia as part of his five-nation Southeast Asian tour whose purpose was "to emphasise how important Southeast Asia is to the United States".
He noted that Secretary of State Clinton has twice visited the region this year, showing "how we want to reinvigorate, from the United States' perspective, our relations in this region".
Clinton's signing in July of a friendship pact with Southeast Asia sent a strong signal of the US desire to deepen ties and counter China's increasing influence, diplomats said.
Wednesday, August 19, 2009
ဒါေတြကိုမေမ႔မွ စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာမယ္ ။
(၁) ငါဟာ ငါ႔ဘ၀မွာ အေရးပါတဲ႔သူ ျဖစ္တယ္။ ငါ႔မိသားစုဘ၀မွာလည္း အေရးပါတဲ႔သူ ျဖစ္တယ္။ ငါ႔အသုိင္းအ၀ိုင္းမွာလည္း အေရးပါတဲ႔သူ ျဖစ္တယ္။ ဘာေတြ လုပ္ေပးႏုိင္လုိ႔ အေရးပါတာလဲ။ ဘာမွ ထူးထူးျခားျခား လုပ္ေပးႏုိင္လုိ႔ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ သြားရင္းလာရင္းနဲ႔ စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာစရာေလးေတြကို ငါ ေျပာႏုိင္တယ္။တစ္ခါတေလ ကိုယ္တတ္ႏုိင္တဲ႔အကူအညီ ေပးႏုိင္တယ္။ ငါ႔ေၾကာင္႔ နည္းနည္းေလးျဖစ္ျဖစ္ စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာမႈ ရေစခ်င္တယ္။
ငါ႔ဘ၀မွာ ငါဟာ အေရးအပါဆံုးလူ မဟုတ္ရင္ ဘယ္သူက ငါ႔ဘ၀မွာ အေရးအပါဆံုး ျဖစ္မလဲ။ ငါဟာ ဘာမွ အသံုးမက်တဲ႔သူလုိ႔ ငါ႔ကိုယ္ငါ သေဘာထားရင္ဘယ္လိုလုပ္ စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာမလဲ။ ဘယ္လုိလုပ္ စိတ္အားတက္မလဲ။
(၂) ငါ ဘယ္သူ႔ကိုမွ ဒုကၡမေပးမိေအာင္ သတိထားတယ္။ တစ္ေယာက္ကိုတစ္ေယာက္ ဒုကၡေပးေနၾကရင္ ဒီီေလာက္လူေတြမ်ားတဲ႔ ေလာကၾကီးမွာ ဘယ္ေနလုိ႔ ျဖစ္ေတာ႔မလဲ။ ဒါေၾကာင္႔ စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာမႈမေပးႏုိင္ရင္ ရွိပါေစေတာ႔ စိတ္ဆင္းရဲမႈေတာ႔ မေပးမိေအာင္ သတိထားပါတယ္။
(၃) ဒီေန႔ဟာ အေရးအၾကီးဆံုးေန႔ပဲ။ ဒီေန႔ကို တန္ဖုိးထားမွ ေန႔တုိင္းတန္ဖုိးရွိတဲ႔ေန႔ ျဖစ္မယ္။ ေန႔တုိင္း တန္ဖုိးရွိတဲ႔ေန႔ျဖစ္မွ ငါ႔ဘ၀ဟာတန္ဖုိးရွိတဲ႔ဘ၀ျဖစ္မယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင္႔ ဒီေန႔ တန္ဖုိးရွိတာ လုပ္မယ္။ပညာရွာမယ္။ မိတ္ေဆြေကာင္းရွာမယ္။ စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာေအာင္ ေနမယ္။ ေမြးေန႔မွာ
Happy Birth Day ေပ်ာ္ရႊင္စရာေမြးေန႔လုိ႔ ေျပာၾကတယ္။ေပ်ာ္လည္းေပ်ာ္ၾကတယ္။ ေန႔တုိင္း အဲဒီလုိ ေပ်ာ္လုိ႔ မျဖစ္ဘူးလား။မျဖစ္ႏုိင္စရာအေၾကာင္း ဘာရွိသလဲ။ ေန႔တုိင္း ေမြးေန႔လုိ႔ သေဘာထားမယ္။
(၄) ဒီေန႔လုပ္ရမယ္႔ အလုပ္ေတြကို အေကာင္းဆံုးျဖစ္ေအာင္ လုပ္မယ္။ လူေတြကို
အေကာင္းဆံုး သေဘာထားနဲ႔ ဆက္ဆံမယ္။ ငါနဲ႔ေတြ႔ရတဲ႔ လူေတြဟာ ငါ႔လုိပဲ ဘ၀ကို ရုန္းကန္ျပီး ေနသြားၾကတယ္။
(၅) ကိုယ္တတ္ႏုိင္တာကို ေပ်ာ္ေပ်ာ္ရႊင္ရႊင္ စိတ္ပါလက္ပါ၊ ရုိးရိုးသားသားေစတနာနဲ႔ လုပ္မယ္။ မတတ္ႏုိင္တာကို မတတ္ႏုိင္ဘူးလုိ႔ သေဘာထားမယ္။ အဲဒီလုိ မတတ္ႏုိင္တဲ႔ အတြက္ေၾကာင္႔ စိတ္ဆင္းရဲမခံဘူး။
(၆) ဒီေန႔ အကူအညီလုိတဲ႔ ငါ႔မိတ္ေဆြတစ္ေယာက္ကို အကူအညီေပးမယ္။ လူ႔ဘ၀မွာ တစ္ဦးကိုတစ္ဦး အကူအညီေပးျပီးေနသြားမွ အားလံုး အဆင္ေျပမယ္။ ငါကလည္း ဘယ္သူ႔ကိုမွ အကူအညီမေပးဘူး။ ဘယ္သူ႔ဆီကမွလည္း အကူအညီ မယူဘူး ဆုိျပီး ေနလုိ႔ မျဖစ္ဘူး။
(၇) ငါ ခင္သလို ငါ႔ကို မခင္ၾကဘူးလုိ႔ အျပစ္ မတင္ဘူး။ သူတုိ႔ မခင္တာဟာ ငါ႔အတြက္ စိတ္ဆုိးစရာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။
(၉) ဒီေန႔ဟာ ငါ တကယ္ေနရတဲ႔ေန႔ပဲ။ ေပ်ာ္ရႊင္မႈ၊ စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာမႈဟာ အျပင္မွာ မရွိဘူး။ အတိတ္မွာ မရွိဘူး။ အနာဂတ္မွာ မရွိဘူး။ အခု ပစၥဳပၸာန္မွာပဲ ရွိတယ္။ ငါ႔ကိုယ္ကိုငါ ေက်နပ္ေနတယ္။ ငါ႔ဘ၀ကိုငါ ေက်နပ္ေနတယ္။ ငါ႔စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာမႈဟာ ငါ႔တာ၀န္ပဲဆိုတာ ငါသိတယ္။ ငါစိတ္ခ်မ္းသာေနမွ ငါနဲ႔ေတြ႔ရတဲ႔သူေတြကို စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာမႈ ေပးႏုိင္မယ္။ အနည္းဆံုးေတာ႔ ငါ႔အျပံဳးဟာ လႈိက္လွဲတဲ႔အျပံဳး ျဖစ္ေစရမယ္။
(၁၀) ငါဟာ ငါ႔ရဲ႕ အေကာင္းဆံုးမိတ္ေဆြျဖစ္ႏုိင္သလုိ အဆိုးဆံုးရန္သူလည္း ျဖစ္ႏိုင္တယ္။ သူမ်ားက ငါ႔ကို ေနရာမေရြး အခ်ိန္မေရြး ဒုကၡမေပးႏုိင္ဘူး။ ငါ႔စိတ္ကိုငါ မထားတတ္ရင္ အခ်ိန္မေေရြး ေနရာမေရြး စိတ္ဆင္းရဲႏုိင္တယ္။ ငါ႔စိတ္ကို ငါသိလုိ႔ စိတ္ထားတတ္ရင္လည္း ေနရာမေရြး အခ်ိန္မေရြး စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာႏုိင္တယ္။
(၁၁) ဘယ္လုိသေဘာထားရင္ စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာမယ္။ ဘယ္လုိေတြးရင္ စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာမယ္။ ဘာလုပ္ရင္ စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာမယ္။ ဘယ္သူနဲ႔ေပါင္းရင္ စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာမယ္ဆုိတာကို အျမဲ ေလ႔လာရမယ္။ စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာတဲ႔ သူေတြကို ေလ႔လာမယ္။ အဆင္ေျပေနတဲ႔သူေတြကို ေလ႔လာမယ္။
(၁၂) ကိုယ္႔ဘ၀ ကိုယ္႔ေနရာ ကိုယ္႔အေျခအေနကို ဘယ္သူနဲ႔မွ မလဲခ်င္ဘူး။
လဲခ်င္ေနရင္ စိတ္ဆင္းရဲေနတယ္။ ငါ႔ဘ၀ကို ငါ ေက်နပ္တယ္။ ဘယ္သူ႔ဘ၀နဲ႔မွ
မလဲႏုိင္ဘူးဆုိရင္ စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာတယ္။
(၁၃) ကိုယ္႔ကို သူမ်ား ခ်ီးမြမ္းတဲ႔အခါ ႏွစ္သက္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ္႔ အဲဒါ
သိပ္အေရးၾကီးတယ္လုိ႔ သေဘာမထားဘူး။ ခ်ီးမြမ္းတာခံရဖုိ႔ မလုပ္ဘူး။ ကိုယ္
စိတ္၀င္စားတာ၊ ကိုယ္၀ါသနာပါတာ၊ ကိုယ္လုပ္ခ်င္တာကို လုပ္တယ္။ ခ်ီးမြမ္းရင္ ေက်နပ္ပါတယ္။ဒါေပမယ္႔ ငါလုပ္တာကို ခ်ီးမြမ္းမွာလား၊ ကဲ႔ရဲ႕မွာလားလုိ႔ မေတြးဘူး။
(၁၄) ေငြ ဘယ္ေလာက္လုိခ်င္တယ္လုိ႔ မေတြးေတာ႔ဘူး။ ဒီအလုပ္လုပ္ရင္ ေငြဘယ္ေလာက္ရမလဲလုိ႔ မေတြးဘူး။ ဒီအလုပ္ကို ခ်စ္လုိ႔ လုပ္တယ္။
(၁၅) ကိုယ္႔စိတ္မွာျဖစ္တဲ႔ ခံစားမႈနဲ႔ပတ္သတ္ျပီး ဘယ္သူ႔မွာမွ တာ၀န္မရွိဘူး။ ငါ႔စိတ္ကိုငါ ခ်မ္းသာေအာင္ ထားႏုိင္တယ္။ ငါ႔စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာမႈကို သူမ်ား ဖ်က္ဆီးလုိ႔ မရဘူး။ ငါစိတ္မခ်မ္းသာရင္ အဲဒါ ဘယ္သူ႔မွာမွ တာ၀န္မရွိဘူး။ ငါ႔စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာမႈဟာ ငါ႔တာ၀န္ပဲ။ ငါဒုကၡေရာက္တာ သူတုိ႔ေၾကာင္႔လုိ႔ ေတြးသလား။ အဲဒီလို ေတြးေနရင္ စိတ္ဆင္းရဲေနတယ္။ စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာတဲ႔သူ မျဖစ္ေသးဘူး။ ငါ႔စိတ္မွာျဖစ္တဲ႔ ခံစားမႈအတြက္ ငါ႔မွာပဲ တာ၀န္ရွိတယ္။ ဘယ္သူ႔ကိုမွ အျပစ္တင္ဖုိ႔မလုိဘူး။ အဲဒီလို သေဘာထားကို ျပတ္ျပတ္သားသား ထားႏိုင္တဲ႔သူဟာ စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာတဲ႔သူ။ ငါ႔ကို စိတ္ဆင္းရဲေအာင္ လုပ္ၾကတယ္။ ငါ႔ကို စိတ္ဆင္းရဲေအာင္ မလုပ္ၾကနဲ႔လုိ႔ ေျပာတဲ႔သူဟာ စိတ္ဆင္းရဲေနတဲ႔သူ။
စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာေအာင္ေနတတ္သူေတြမွာ ရွိတဲ႔ အခ်င္းအရာ လကၡဏာေတြဟာ ဘာေတြလဲ။
စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာေအာင္ ေနတတ္တဲ႔သူဟာ-
Boldness: သတၱိရွိတယ္။ ဆံုးျဖတ္ရဲတယ္။ ေျပာရဲတယ္။ လုပ္ရဲတယ္။
Brightness: အသိဉာဏ္ ေတာက္ေျပာင္တယ္။
Cheerfulness: ရႊင္လန္းတယ္။
Common sense: ပင္ကုိယ္ဉာဏ္ရွိတယ္။
Confidence: ကုိယ္႔ကိုယ္ကို ကိုယ္ ယံုၾကည္မႈရွိတယ္။
Control: မိမိကိုယ္ကုိ ထိန္းသိမ္းႏုိင္တယ္။ အေျခအေနကို ထိန္းသိမ္းႏိုင္တယ္။
Enthusiasm: စိတ္အားထက္သန္တယ္။ တက္ၾကြတယ္။
Forgiveness: ခြင္႔လႊတ္ႏုိင္တယ္။
Friendliness: ခင္ခင္မင္မင္ ဆက္ဆံတတ္တယ္။
Gratitude: ေက်းဇူးသိတတ္တယ္။ တန္ဖိုးထားတတ္တယ္။ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳတယ္။
Joyousness: ၾကည္လင္ရႊင္လန္းတယ္။
Kindness: ၾကင္နာတတ္၊ ညွာတာတတ္တယ္။
Mental fitness: စိတ္ဓာတ္ ၾကံ႕ခိုင္တယ္။
Optimist: အေကာင္းျမင္တယ္။ အျဖစ္ကိုျမင္တယ္။ အျပဳသေဘာရွိတယ္။
Patience: စိတ္ရွည္တယ္။ ေစာင္႔ထိန္းႏုိင္တယ္။
Peacefulness: စိတ္ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းတယ္။
Power: စိတ္စြမ္းအားၾကီးတယ္။
Productiveness: အလုပ္မ်ားမ်ားလုပ္ႏိုင္တယ္။
Wisdom: ဉာဏ္ပညာရွိတယ္။
ဒီအရည္အခ်င္းေတြ ဒီဂုဏ္ေတြေၾကာင္႔ စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာတဲ႔သူဟာ
အခက္အခဲေတြကို ရင္ဆုိင္ ေက်ာ္လႊားႏုိင္တယ္။ အခက္အခဲကို ရင္ဆုိင္
ေျဖရွင္းရတာကို သေဘာက်တယ္။
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Tuesday, August 18, 2009
Former South Korean President Kim Dae Jung Dies at 85
Former South Korean President Kim Dae Jung Dies at 85
By BILL POWELL AND STEPHEN KIM Bill Powell And Stephen Kim Tue Aug 18, 11:30 am ET
Kim Dae Jung, who died on Aug. 18 of heart failure in Seoul at age 85, was not the father of democracy in South Korea, but he was its consolidator. Throughout the era when South Korea was effectively ruled by the military, Kim was its most active and prominent dissident. He came within 1 million votes of upsetting then President Park Chung Hee in an election in 1971, after which Park amended the constitution and turned South Korea into a one-party police state. In 1973 government agents - with Park's assent - kidnapped and apparently planned to kill Kim. The U.S. government intervened, strongly warning their Cold War–era ally to back off. Park complied, and in that moment the history of the Republic of Korea was altered.
In 1980, citizens in the southern city of Gwangju, the capital of Kim's home province of Jeolla, took to the streets to demonstrate against the military dictatorship of Chun Doo Hwan, who had taken power in a coup following the assassination of Park in 1979. Kim, a leading dissident, was arrested the day before the demonstration. The government crackdown was brutal, resulting in the death of 165 citizens. Kim would use the massacre to attack the ruling party for the rest of his days in opposition. (See pictures of modern-day Seoul.)
Those days came to an end in December 1997, when on his fourth try for the presidency he was elected - the first leader to be elected from an opposition party in South Korea's history. (A fellow dissident and political rival, Kim Young Sam, had thrown in with the ruling party when he was elected in 1992.) Kim's election, more than anything, showed that democracy had come to South Korea to stay. (See pictures of brawling legislators in Seoul.)
Still, for the country it was a tumultuous time. The Asian financial crisis had devastated what had once been one of East Asia's fastest-growing economies. Kim privatized state-owned companies and jump-started South Korea's IT sector. After getting $60 billion in loans from the IMF in 1997, South Korea became the first East Asian country to, in effect, graduate from its oversight, paying its IMF loans back faster than any other East Asian country, in 2000. (See lessons from Asia's financial crisis.)
That same year, Kim made a historic mark diplomatically. He traveled to Pyongyang for a summit with North Korean dictator Kim Jong Il - the first meeting between North and South Korean leaders since the end of the war. The meetings came as part of Kim's so-called Sunshine Policy, which sought economic and diplomatic engagement with Pyongyang. His hope was that a more dovish stance toward the North would convince Pyongyang to rid itself of its nuclear-weapons program. He explicitly stated that reunification of the Korean peninsula would come only after a long period of "peaceful coexistence" with the North. The stance infuriated conservatives in South Korea, who thought Kim's hope for change in the North was naive.
Kim's policy also clashed with that of then incoming U.S. President George W. Bush, who famously told a journalist that he "loathed" Kim Jong Il. A summit meeting between the two ostensible allies went poorly. At one point in a 2001 summit, Bush publicly called the South Korean head of state "this man," instead of President Kim. Kim's supporters in Seoul were furious. Both sides would later acknowledge that the two Presidents had very differing views on how to deal with Pyongyang. (Read about Kim Jong Il's secret family.)
In 2000, Kim was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his pursuit of the Sunshine Policy. Its fruits, it turned out, would not be particularly evident when Kim passed away on Tuesday. But he went to his death believing that engagement was the only option when it came to North Korea, and in the Oval Office in Washington now, a new President shares the same belief.
See TIME's Pictures of the Week.
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View this article on Time.com
Related articles on Time.com:
The Two Koreas Plan to Meet Again
Beijing Deal Bails Out Korea Summit
Why South Koreans Are Fed Up With Their Neighbor to the North
NoKo's Kim Has Cancer
Koreans Meet: More Than a Photo Op?
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Monday, August 17, 2009
Myanmar's Suu Kyi Still Detained but American Freed
Myanmar's Suu Kyi Still Detained but American Freed
By REUTERS
Published: August 16, 2009
YANGON (Reuters) - U.S. senator Jim Webb said on Sunday he had asked Myanmar to free opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and let her take part in politics during talks that secured the release of an American jailed for visiting her.
The Democratic senator landed in Bangkok, capital of neighboring Thailand, with John Yettaw, whose swim to Suu Kyi's home in May led to her renewed detention after authorities said his uninvited stay had breached the terms of her house arrest.
He had had met junta leader Than Shwe at the remote new capital of Naypyidaw Saturday and then flown to Yangon to meet Suu Kyi at a guest house.
Suu Kyi was sentenced last week to another 18 months under house arrest, and Yettaw's action is widely seen as having given the junta a pretext to keep Suu Kyi out of politics until after an election due next year. Webb said he had raised the issue.
"I'm hopeful as the months move forward they will take a look," he said.
"With the scrutiny of the outside world judging their government very largely through how they are treating Aung San Suu Kyi, it's to their advantage that she's allowed to participate in the political process."
"What I said to the leaders of Myanmar is that I believe that it will be impossible for the rest of the world to believe the elections were free and fair if she was not released."
He said the United States stood ready to help Myanmar.
Yettaw was not at the news conference. He went immediately to hospital after landing in Bangkok, where he walked from the plane to a waiting vehicle with a steadying hand from officials. He spent several days in hospital this month in Yangon.
Yettaw had been sentenced to seven years' hard labor on three charges, including immigration offences.
"I believe what happened was regrettable, " Webb said. "He was trying to help. He's not a mean-spirited human being."
MEETINGS WITH OPPOSITION
Webb was allowed by the military authorities to speak with Suu Kyi for about 45 minutes Saturday, after meeting members of her National League for Democracy (NLD) and other political parties who had been invited to Naypyidaw by the government.
Some in Myanmar remained bitter at the treatment of Suu Kyi.
"The most tangible outcome of his visit is the release of John Yettaw, who caused the mess," said Thakhin Chan Tun, a former ambassador to North Korea.
"However, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who is completely innocent in this incident, is still under house arrest."
Suu Kyi has led the fight for democracy in the former Burma and has spent 14 of the past 20 years in detention.
U.S. President Barack Obama said her conviction violated universal principles of human rights and called for her release.
In May, Obama extended a ban on U.S. investment in Myanmar imposed in 1997 because of political repression. He has also renewed sanctions on imports from Myanmar.
Before Suu Kyi's trial ended, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton held out the prospect of better relations but made that conditional, among other things, on the release of Suu Kyi and other political prisoners.
Webb, chairman of a Senate subcommittee on East Asia and the Pacific, is the first member of Congress to travel in an official capacity to Myanmar in more than a decade and the first senior American politician to meet junta leader Than Shwe.
A former Navy Secretary and a Vietnam War veteran who speaks Vietnamese, Webb favors a policy of engagement with the junta.
The United States has for years backed sanctions to persuade the generals to release political prisoners, to little effect.
Many Asian countries, including the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) of which Myanmar is a member, argue it is better to talk and trade with the resource-rich country, which occupies a strategic position between China and India.
Thailand is asking its fellow ASEAN members to back a request to Myanmar to pardon Suu Kyi.
ビルマ市民フォーラム メールマガジン 2009/8/17
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ビルマ市民フォーラム メールマガジン 2009/8/17
People's Forum on Burma
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させていただきます。
（重複の際は何卒ご容赦ください。）
ＰＦＢ事務局 宮澤
http://www1.jca.apc.org/pfb/
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ビルマ情報ネットワークの「今週のビルマのニュース」をお送りします。
「今週のビルマのニュース」バックナンバー
http://www.burmainfo.org/news/this_week.php?mode=3
「きょうのビルマのニュース」もご利用ください。
http://www.burmainfo.org/news/today.php?mode=2
ビルマ情報ネットワーク （www.burmainfo.org）
秋元由紀
========================================
今週のビルマのニュース Eメール版
2009年8月14日【0931号】
========================================
【アウンサンスーチー氏「有罪」 減刑で自宅軟禁へ】
・インセイン刑務所の特別法廷で開かれていた民主化指導者
アウンサンスーチー氏らの裁判で、11日に氏に判決の言い渡し
があり、スーチー氏は有罪とされ禁固3年を宣告された。
直後に軍政が減刑を発表し、氏は1年半の自宅軟禁措置となった
（各報道）。新憲法に基づく総選挙が来年前半に予定されているが、
氏が選挙に直接参加するのは困難となった。
・減刑措置の詳細は次の通り。刑期（3年）の半分を免除、
残り半分を執行猶予とする。執行猶予期間（1年半）は
自宅に居住し、規則を守り品行方正なら期間満了時に
刑を免除する（12日英字国営紙）。
【背景】軍政は5月、突然訪れた米国人男性を家に入れたこと
を理由に国家防御法の下でスーチー氏を起訴した。背景には、
来年予定の総選挙を前に、国民の支持を集める氏の拘束期間
を延長したいという軍政の政治的動機があったとの見方が大勢。
【国際社会から懸念の声が相次ぐ EUは制裁を追加】
・有罪判決について中曽根外務大臣は談話で「このような
判決が出されたことは極めて残念であり（中略）スー・チー
女史が置かれている現状は極めて遺憾」と述べた（11日外務省）。
「ミャンマーの民主化を支援する議員連盟」も13日に談話を発表し、
判決は「民主化に取り組む国内外の期待を大きく裏切るものであり、
極めて遺憾」と述べた。
・国連安保理は13日に報道向け声明を出し、有罪判決に「深刻な
懸念」を示した。中国やロシアなどの反対のため、より強い
議長声明は出せず「非難」といった強い表現も削られた。
またEUは軍政に対する追加制裁を発動した（14日読売ほか）。
・このほかにも判決を非難しスーチー氏の即時釈放を求める声明が
各国から相次いだ。但し中国やベトナムは、判決は国内問題である
と述べ、中でも中国は、国際社会はこれを尊重するべきだという立場
を表明した（各国声明、13日AFPほか）。
・スーチー氏と同じノーベル平和賞受賞者や、世界の市民社会団体も
多数が声明を発表した。有罪判決を非難し、具体的な対策案として、
ビルマで起きているとされる人道に対する罪についての調査委員会の
設置と、軍政に対する武器禁輸措置の採択を国連安保理に求める声が
高まっている。
【米有力議員がビルマを訪問 軍政トップと会談も？】
・米国議会上院外交委員会のアジア・太平洋小委員会で
委員長を務めるウェッブ議員（民主党）が、14日から3日間の
日程でビルマを訪問する予定であることが明らかになった。
米上院議員がビルマを訪問するのは10年以上ぶり。
軍政トップ・タンシュエ将軍とも会談する可能性があり、
実現すれば米要人としては初めてとなる（13日AFPほか）。
・ウェッブ議員は米国のアジア政策に大きな影響力を持ち、
クリントン国務長官とも親しい。軍政に対する制裁の効果を
疑問視していることで知られているため、今回の訪問に特に
注目が集まっている。
・ビルマ国内で活動する「全ビルマ僧侶連盟」や「88世代
学生グループ」などは11日、ウェッブ議員に公開書簡を出した。
その中で、軍政が今訪問を利用し、アウンサンスーチー氏への
処遇を含めた軍政の行動をウェッブ議員が支持しているという
宣伝をする恐れがあると指摘した。また同議員に対し、軍政幹部
だけでなく国民民主連盟（NLD）や少数民族政党とも面会する
よう求めた（同書簡）。
【シャン州でビルマ軍が軍事作戦 民間人を攻撃】
・シャン州中央部で7月末からビルマ軍が軍事作戦を始め、
これまでに40近くの村が移転を命じられ、500棟の家屋が
焼かれた。多数の住民がビルマ軍兵士に拘束され拷問を
受けるなどし、少なくとも3人が殺され、集団で強かんされた
女性もいる。家を追われた住民が約1万人おり、多くが今後タイ
に入ると思われる（13日シャン人権基金ほか）。
【ビルマへの政府開発援助（ODA）約束状況など】
7月30日 コーカン地区での食糧援助のため、
国連世界食糧計画（WFP）に75万ドル
【もっと詳しい情報は】
「きょうのビルマのニュース」
http://www.burmainfo.org/news/today.php?mode=2
ビルマ情報ネットワーク
http://www.burmainfo.org/
【お問い合わせ】
ビルマ情報ネットワーク 秋元由紀
====================================
今週のビルマのニュース Eメール版
2009年8月14日【0931号】
作成： ビルマ情報ネットワーク
協力： ビルマ市民フォーラム
====================================
Saturday, August 15, 2009
US senator meets Myanmar's junta chief, Aung San Suu Kyi (Roundup)
Asia-Pacific News
Aug 15, 2009, 11:44 GMT
Yangon - US Senator Jim Webb, on a mission to 're-engage' Washington in South-East Asia, met Myanmar's military supremo as well as detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi Saturday, government officials said.
Webb, a Democrat from Virginia who is chairman of the US Senate's East Asia and Pacific Affairs Subcommittee, arrived in Myanmar's military capital, Naypyitaw, Friday when he held talks with Prime Minister Than Sein and government-backed civil organizations.
On Saturday, Webb met with junta chief Senior General Than Shwe, making him the first US politician to have a personal chat with the military supremo since he assumed power in 1992.
After meeting Than Shwe, Webb flew on to Yangon where he met with Nobel peace prize laureate Suu Kyi at a government guest house, government sources said.
Suu Kyi was taken under army guard from her house-cum-prison for the brief meeting.
The nature of Webb's talks with Than Shwe and Suu Kyi were not disclosed, but Webb was expected to give a press conference in Yangon Sunday prior to his departure for Bangkok.
Webb is a proponent of change in US foreign policy toward Myanmar, a pariah state among Western democracies that has been condemned for its poor human rights record and has been subject to economic sanctions for decades.
The senator also met with representatives of Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy opposition party Saturday morning.
Webb's trip to Myanmar - part of a five-nation tour of South-East Asia that is also to include stopovers in Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam - comes days after Than Shwe placed pro-democracy icon Suu Kyi under house arrest for the next 18 months, commuting a court sentence of three years in prison.
'It is vitally important that the United States re-engage with South-East Asia at all levels,' Webb wrote on his website after a visit to Laos, whose communist leadership sided with the Vietnamese communists against the US military in the 1960s and '70s.
In his talks with Myanmar's junta, Webb was expected to seek the release of US national John William Yettaw, 54, who was sentenced Tuesday with Suu Kyi to seven years in prison with hard labour for swimming to the house-cum-prison of Suu Kyi on May 3 on a mission to warn her of an assassination attempt he had envisioned.
The junta said the uninvited guest violated the terms of a previous house detention of Suu Kyi, who has spent 14 of the past 20 years under detention.
Myanmar pro-democracy groups have questioned the timing of Webb's visit and cautioned him not to become a tool of the ruling regime.
'We are concerned that the military regime will manipulate and exploit your visit and propagandize that you endorse the trial of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the imprisonment of over 2,100 political prisoners,' said a joint statement sent to the US embassy in Yangon by the All Burma Monks Alliance, 88 Generation Students and All Burma Federation of Student Unions.
http://www.monsters andcritics. com/news/ asiapacific/ news/article_ 1495583.php/ US-senator- meets-Myanmar- s-junta-chief- Aung-San- Suu-Kyi-Roundup
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