လိုအပ္ခ်က္ကို ဆန္းစစ္ျခင္း - Needs Analysis
တိုက္ပြဲတပြဲကို မတိုက္ခင္ျဖစ္ေစ အစီအစဥ္တခုကို ေဖာ္ထုတ္ရာတြင္ျဖစ္ေစ
(လိုအပ္မႈ) Needs (သို႔) Requirements ေတြကို ဆန္းစစ္ရပါမယ္။ ဒါမွ
ျဖည့္ဆည္းမႈ Logistics နဲ႔ သင္တန္း Training ေတြကို ျဖည့္ဆည္းၿပီး
အဆင္သင့္8
0ဖစ္ႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ 0တိုက္အခံေတြက အႏွစ္ ၂ဝ ၾကာ လက္ရွိ
နအဖ စစ္အာဏာရွင္ေတြကို ဆန္႔က်င္ေနၾကေပမယ့္ မိမိတို႔ရဲ႕ လိုအပ္ခ်က္ကို
ဆန္းစစ္ျခင္း မရွိခဲ့ၾကဘူး။ ‘လိုအပ္’ တာကို မသိရင္ ‘ျဖည့္ဆည္းမႈ’ နဲ႔
‘ျပင္ဆင္မႈ’ မရွိႏိုင္တာေၾကာင့္ ‘တိုးတက္မႈ’ နဲ8
2 ‘ေအာင္ျမင္မႈ’
မရွိခဲ့ၾကဘB
0း။ ဒါရဲ႕ ရလဒ္က စစ္အာဏာရွင္ ဆန္႔က်င္လႈပ္ရွားမႈၾကီးဟာ
ဦးတည္ခ်က္ မရွိဘဲ ထိေရာက္မႈမရွိ ျဖစ္ခဲ့ၾကရတယ္။ ေနာက္ဆက္တြဲ
ျဖစ္ရပ္ကအခ်ိန္ၾကာလာေတာ႕ ယံုၾကည္နဲ႔ေမွ်ာ္လင္႕မႈေတြေလ်ာ႕ရဲလာတာေပါ႕
လက္ရွိ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ အေျခအ1နမွာ စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ကို မၾကိဳ
္တာ
ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းျပည့္နီးပါး မဟုတ္ရင္ေတာင္ ‘အမ်ား’ က ‘မၾကိဳက္’ ၾကတာ
ထင္ရွားပါတယ္။ စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ကို အေထာက္အပံ့ ေပးေနတဲ့ အစိုးရ
ယႏၲရားထဲမွာပဲ ျဖစ္ျဖစ္ စစ္တပ္ထဲမွာေတာင္ လက္ရွိအာဏာရွင္စနစ္ကို
‘မႏွစ္ၿမိဳ႕’ သူေ8
0ြ ရွိၾကပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ စစ္အာဏာရွ4္ေတြ လက္ေအာက္မွာ
ဖြဲ႔စည္းမႈရွိတဲ့ စစ္တပ္နဲ႔ အစိုးရ ယႏၲရားရွိတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္
စစ္အာဏာရွင္ေတြမွာ ‘အင္အား’ ရွိတယ္လို႔ ေျပာလို႔ ရႏိုင္တယ္၊ ဒါေၾကာင္႕
(မလႈပ္) ရဲၾကဖူးေပါ႕။
က်ေနာ္တို႔ အတိုက္အခံေတြမွာ စံနစ္တက် ဖြဲ႔စည
းမႈရွိတဲ့ လႈပ္ရွားမႈ
(Organized Movement) မရွိၾကဘB
0း။ အေဝးေရာက္ အစိုးရအဖြဲ႔ဆိုတာ ၅
ေယာက္အဖြဲ႔ကေန - အႏွစ္ ၂ဝ ၾကာမွ ဝိုင္းေျပာၾကလြန္းလို႔ ၇ ေယာက္ အဖြဲ႔
ျဖစ္လာရတယ္။ NLD မွာ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံု ရွိေပမယ့္ CEC ေတြက လႈပ္ရွားခြင့္နဲ႔
ဦးေဆာင္မႈ မေပးႏိုင္တာေၾကာင့္ စကၠဴေပၚဖြဲ႔စည္းမ
အဆင့္သာသာပဲ ရွိပါတယ္။
ယေန႔တိုင္ လ8
0္ေတြ႔မွာ နယ္တိုင္းနယ္တိုင္း ၿမိဳ႕နယ္ ရပ္ကြက္အထိ လူ ရွိတာ
NLD ပဲ ရွိတယ္။ အထူးသျဖင့္ ‘လူငယ္’ အပိုင္းမွာေပါ့။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ထိပ္ပိုင္းက
အစိုးရိမ္လြန္တာေၾကာင့္ အားလံုး ဝါးလံုးကိုင္ၿပီး
ကင္းေစာင့္ေနၾကရသလိုျဖစ္ေနတယ္8
B
၈၈ ေတာ္လွန္မႈၾကီးအၿပီးမွာ လူငယ္ေတြ အ
ုပ္လိုက္ၾကီး ျပည္ပကို ထြက္ခဲ့ၾကတယ္။
ေက်ာင္းသား တပ္မေတာ္ၾကီးကို ထူေထာင္ႏိုင္ခဲ့ၾကၿပီး ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္
ေပးႏိုင္ခဲ့ၾကတယ္။ ေက်ာင္းသား တပ္မေတာ္ၾကီး ရဲ႕ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ပိုင္း
ႏွစ္ပိုင္းကြဲ သြားၿပီးတဲ့ေနာက္မ
ွာ ဒီအုပ္စုၾကီးဟာ တိုင္းျပည္အသီးသီးကို
လ0င့္ထြက္သြားခဲ့ၾကတယ္။ အမ်ားဆံုးကေတာ့ အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စုကို
ေရာက္ေနၾကတယ္။ အင္ဒီယားနားျပည္နယ္က ဖုိ႔ဝိန္း (Ft Wayne) ၿမိဳ႕ဟာ
ျမန္မာရြာလို႔ ေျပာလို႔ရေအာင္ ျမန္မာေတြ မ်ားပါတယ္။ ဒီလို စုစည္းလာတဲ့
ေဒသမွာ အင္အား
ည္ေဆာက္ႏိုင္ဖို႔ ေကာင္းတာေပါ့။ အင္အား တည္=E
1ဆာက္ႏိုင္ဖို႔
ေနေနသာသာ ကြဲေနလိုက္ၾက႐ုံမက တဖြဲ႔နဲ႔တဖြဲ႔၊ တဦးနဲ႔တဦး
ရန္ေဆာင္တိုက္ခိုက္ေနလိုက္ၾကတာ ျမင္ရက္စရာမရွိပါ။
ထို႔နည္းတူစြာ ျမန္မာေတြရွိတဲ့ ဝါရွင္တန္ ဒီစီမွာပဲ ၾကည့္ၾကည့္၊
နယူးေယာက္မB
Dာပဲ ၾကည့္ၾကည့္၊ ဂ်ပန္မွာပဲ ၾကည့္ၾကည့္၊ မေလးရွ
းမွာပဲ
ၾကည့္ၾကည့္၊ ျမန္မာေတြရွိရင္ အကြဲဇာတ္လမ္းေတြက ရွိစၿမဲပဲ စိတ္မေကာင္းစရာ။
ဘာေၾကာင့္ (ကြဲ) ၾကတာလဲ?
က်ေနာ္ ဉာဏ္မီသေလာက္ ဉာဏ္ကေလးနဲ႔ သံုးသပ္ၾကည့္ႏိုင္တာကေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ရဲ႕
ယဥ္ေက်းမႈမွာ- patronage လိ=E
1႔ေခၚတဲ့ ဆရာေမြး၊ တပည့္ေမြး အက်င့္က
ၾကီးစိုးလ်က္
ွိေသးတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ နည္းနည္းေလး အေတာင္ေပါက္လာရင္
အစြမ္းျပခ်င္ၾကတယ္။ ငါတတ္ျပီ ငါ ‘ဆရာ’ ဆိုတာကို လူသိေအာင္ လက္ခေမာင္း
ခတ္ျပခ်င္ၾကတယ္။ တပည့္ေတြကလည္း ‘ငါ့ဆရာ’ ကို မထိနဲ႔ ဆိုတဲ့ မာန္ေတြဝင္
ကြဲကု
န္ၾကေရာ။ ျမန္မာ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ယဥ္ေက်းမႈဟာ - ငါ ဆိုတဲ့ မ
န္ေတြ၊ အီကို
(Ego) ေတြနဲ႔ ဖုံုးလႊမ္းလ်က္ရွိတယ္။ လူဆိုတာ အားနည္းခ်က္ေတြ ရွိၾကသလို၊
အားသာခ်က္ ဆိုတာလည္း ရွိၾကစၿမဲပဲ။ လူတိုင္းလူတိုင္းမွာ ထူးခြ်န္တာေလးေတြ
ရွိၾကၿပီး အဖြဲ႔အစည္းတခု လူ႔အသိုင္းအဝိုE1္း (Community) တခုမွာ
သူ႔ေနရာနဲ႔သူ အသံုးဝင္တဲ့ ေနရာကေလးေတြ ရွ
တယ္။ လူတိုင္း
ပါဝင္ကြက္လပ္ျဖည့္ႏိုင္တယ္ဆိုတာကို သတိ မရွိၾကဘူး။ သူကလည္း ဆရာ၊ ငါကလည္း
ဆရာ၊ ဟိုကလည္း ဆရာ၊ ဒီကလဲဆရာ-ဆရာ အခ်င္းခ်င္း ‘ငါ’ ဆိုတဲ့ မာန္၊ မာနေတြနဲ႔
ကြဲလိုက္၊ ၿပိဳင္လိုက္၊ တိုက္ခို8
0္လိုက္ၾကေတာ့ ပုဂၢဳိလ္ေရး
တိုက္ပြဲေတြကတဆင့္ အုပ္စု တိ
က္ပြဲေတြျဖစ္ၾကၿပီး စုစည္းလို႔မရၾကေတာ့ -
ဖြဲ႔စည္းမႈရွိတဲ့ လႈပ္ရွားမႈၾကီးကို မေဖာ္ထုတ္ႏိုင္ၾကေတာ့ဘူးေပါ့။
က်ေနာ္ေတြရဲ႕ ေနာက္ထပ္္ဆိုဝါးတဲ့ အက်င့္တခုက ေသြးဆူလြယ္တယ္။ တဦးနဲ႔ တဦး
ခြင္B
7လႊတ္ၿပီး နားလည္းေပးတဲ့ အက်င့္မရွိဘူး။ ထုိင္းလူမ်ဳိးေတြက
ုၾကည့္ရင္
အမ်ားအားျဖင့္ ခြင့္လႊတ္တယ္။ ေသြးေအးတယ္။ အဂၤလိပ္လိုေတာ့ Tolerant ျဖစ္တယ္
ေျပာရမွာေပါ့။ က်ေနာ္ ကိုယ္ႏႈိက္လည္း စိတ္ျမန္တယ္။ ေသြးဆူလြယ္တယ္။ တခါတခါ
စိတ္ဆိုးၿပီး - ဆဲဆိုၿပီးမွ ေဘးက ထိုင
းေတြကိုၾကည့္ၿပီး ‘သတိ’ ဝင္လာတယ္။
ကိုယ့္ကိုကိုယ္လည္း ရွက္0ိတယ္။ ဘယ္လူမ်ဳိးကပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ေကာင္းတဲ့ အက်င့္ကို
အတုယူသင့္တယ္လို႔ ထင္လို႔ပါ။ ဂ်ပန္ေတြဟာ အင္မတန္စည္းကမ္းရွိတယ္။
ဝိရိယရွိတယ္။ သန္႔ရွင္းမႈကို ၾကိဳက္တယ္။ ဒါေကာင္းေသာ အက်င့္ေတြမို႔
အတု
မယူသင့္ဘူးလား?
ငါ ဆိုတဲ့ မန္မာနၾကီးၿပီး ေသြးဆူလြယ္တဲ့ ျမန္9ာေတြ ဖြဲ႔စည္းမႈမရွိဘဲ
အခ်င္းခ်င္းကြဲေနၾကတာ ဘယ္ထူးဆန္းပါ့မလဲ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ပင္ကိုစိတ္သေဘာထားက
စလို႔ ျပင္ဖို႔ သတိရွိၾကဖို႔ စဥ္းစားသင့္တယ္ ကိုယ္စီကိုယ္စီ
အရည္အခ်င္းရွိၾကပါတယ္။
လူတA
5ီးရဲ႕ လက္ေတာင္ အတိုအရွည္ ရွိၾကတာပဲ။ လူတဦးနဲ႔တဦး
စြမ္းေဆာင္8
Fိုင္တာခ်င္း ဘယ္တူႏိုင္ပါ့မလဲ။ တခ်ဳိ႕က စည္း႐ုံးေရးေကာင္းတယ္။
တခ်ဳိ႕က အေတြးေကာင္းတယ္။ တခ်ဳိ႕က ကာယအားေကာင္းတယ္။ တခ်ဳိ႕က ဉာဏအား
ေကာင္းတယ္။ ကိုယ့္အားနည္းခ်က္၊ ကိုယ့္အားသာခ်က္ကို သDရင္ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းရွိရင္
ကိုယ္စြမ္းသမွ် ကိုယ္အားျဖည့္ေပးရင္ ဒီအဖြ
႔အစည္းဟာ
ၾကီးထြားအားသန္လာမွာေပါ့။ ဒီလိုမဟုတ္ဘဲ အားလံုးက ေခါင္းေဆာင္လုပ္ခ်င္၊
ဥကၠ႒ လုပ္ခ်င္ရင္ေတာ့ အဖြဲ႔ေတြ၊ ဥကၠ႒ေတြမ်ားၿပီး က်ေနာ္တို႔
တိုင္းျပည္လည္း စစ္ကြ်န္ စစ္ဖိနပ္ေအာက8
0က ဘယ္လြတ္ပါေတာ့မလဲ။
လူတိုင္းမွာ အားနည္းခ်က္ ရွိၾကတယ္။ ဒါ ရွက္စရာE1ဟုတ္ပါ။ ဥပမာ က်ေနာ့္ဆီမွာ
ပညာတတ္ အက်င့္ဆိုးရွိတယ္ လူတေယာက္ကို စိတ္ရွည္ရွည္နဲ႔ ျဖည္းျဖည္းသက္သာ
တြဲေခၚရွင္းလင္းျပၿပီး စည္း႐ုံးႏိုင္တဲ့ အရည္အေသြး မရွိဘူး။ က်ေနာ္
စိတ္မရွည္ဘူE1။ အခ်ိန္ကုန္ မခံခ်င္ဘူး။ ဦးတင္ေမာင္ဝင္း၊ ဦးဝင္းခက္၊
ကိုမိုးသီး9
0ို႔ဟာ ဒီေနရာမွာ ကၽြမ္းတယ္။ စည္း႐ုံးဖို႔ဆို တညလံုး
မိုးလင္းေပါက္ စိတ္ပါလက္ပါ စကားေတြ ေဖာင္ဖြဲ႔ ေအာင္ေျပာႏိုင္တယ္။
ေအာက္ေျခလူတန္းစားပါလာဖို႔ဒီလို စည္း႐ုံးေရးသမားေကာင္းေတြ
ိုအပ္တာေပါ့။
က်ေနာ္က ထိပ္တိုက္ရင္ဆိုင္ဖို႔ဆို နည္းနည္းမွ ဝန္မေလးဘူ
း။ တခ်ဳိ႕က
အားနာတတ္တယ္။ ရင္ဆိုင္ဖို႔ဆို မလိုလားဘူး။ က်ေနာ္က ေတြေဝမေနတတ္ဘူး။
ဆံုးျဖတ္ရဲတယ္။ တခ်ဳိ႕က ဘာမဆို ဆံုးျဖတ္ရမွာ ကိုေၾကာက္တယ္။
ကိုယ့္အားနည္းခ်က္ ကိုယ့္အားသာခ်က္1တြသိရင္ ကိုယ္စြမ္းေဆာင္ႏိုင္တဲ့
အပိုင္းက ‘က’ ၾက႐ုံပဲ ရွိတာေပါ့။ လူတိုင0း ေခါင္းေဆာင္လုပ္ဖို႔
ၾကိဳးစားၾကမယ့္အစား ကိုယ္ႏိုင္ရာက အားျဖည့္ၾကရင္ ကိုယ့္အဖြဲ႔အစည္း
ၾကီးထြား ေအာင္ျမင္လာရင္ ေရျမင့္ရင္ ၾကာတင့္သလို ကိုယ္လည္း
အေရးပါလာၾကမွာေပါ့။
0်ေနာ္တို႔ႏိုင္ငံမွာ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းဆိုတာ စစ္တပ=
္ ဘဲရွိတာေၾကာင္႕ က်ေနာတို႔
အမ်8
0းစုဟာ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းနဲ႔ အဖြဲ႕စည္း အတြင္း
အလုပ္မလုပ္တတ္ၾကဖူးလို႔ျမင္မိတယ္။ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းကို ဂုဏ္ယူတာ သစၥာရွိ
တာေတြကို သေဘာ မေပါက္ၾကဖူးလို႔ ထင္မိတယ္။ တေယာက္နဲ႔တေယာက္မတဲ႕
ာနဲ႔
အဆင္မသင္႕တာနဲ႔ ခြဲထြက္ၾကဖို႔ စဥ္းစားၾကျပီ။
ယဥ္ေက်းမႈေတာ္လွန္ေရးမွာ တိ
္ေလ်ာက္ပိန္ဟာ ရာတူးကဖယ္ရွား ခံရေပမဲ႕
ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီအေပၚသစၥာမပ=
်က္ ဖူး။ ေမာ္စီတံုးက အေရးယူေပမဲ႕
သူ႔ကိုကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီဝင္ အျဖစ္ကမထုတ္ျပစ္တာကိုဘဲ ေက်နပ္ေနတယ္။ E1ါအ
ဖဲြ႔အစည္းအေပၚသစၥာရွိတာ ကိုယ္႕အဖြဲ႕အစည္းကို ေလးစားတာ ဂုဏ္ယူတာ။
လက္ရွိဗမာစစ္တ5္ကို ေလ႕လာၾကည္႕ရင္လည္း စစ္ဗိုလ္လူထြက္္အမ်ားစုဟာ
လက္ရွိနအဖစစ္ဗိုလ္ေတြကို မုန္းရင္မုန္းမယ္ မိခင္အဖြဲ႕အစည္း စစ္တပ္
ကိုမမုန္းၾကတာေတြ႔ရတယ္။
က်ေနာ္တို႔ လူေတE1ကိုေလ႕လာၾ=
ကည္႕ပါ။ ABSDF မွာေခါင္းေဆာင္ခဲ႕ၾကတဲ႕
အတူတူအေသခံတိုက္ခဲ႕ၾကပါတယ္ ဆိုတဲ႕လူေတြ လက္
ရွိ ABSDF ကို
ဘယ္ႏွစ္ေယာက္ျပန္ပန္႔ပိုးၾကပါသလဲ။ လက္ရွိ အေမရိကားမွာ ABSDF ကို
လက္နက္ကိုင္ေတြဆိုျပီး ေက်ာင္းသားစစ္တပ္အဖြဲ႕ဝင္ေဟာင္းေတြဆိုရင္
ဟန္႔တားမႈရွိတာေတြ=2
0ေတြ႔ျမင္လာ ရတယ္္။ (ဥပမာ။ ။ ဂရင္းကပ္(ဒ္) Green Card
ကေန Citizen စစ္တီဇင္ မတိုးေပးခ်င္ဖူး။ Refugee ကေန ဂရင္းကပ္(ဒ္)
ကိုတ8
0ုးေပးဖို=
႔အျငင္းခ=
ံရတာ ေတြရွိေနတယ္။ က်ေနာ္က ကိုယ္႕အလုပ္မဟုတ္ေပမဲ႕
မခံခ်င္လို႔ ဒါကိုလူစုျပီး အေမရိကန္ကြန္ကရက္မွာ ေလာဘီ လုပ္ဖို႔က်ေနာ္
ေလးစားတဲ႕ ေ
်ာင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ (၂) ဦးကိုတီးေခါက္ၾကည္႕မိတယ္။
အခ်ိန္မရွိပါဖူးအကိုရာတဲ႕။ အဲသလိုမ်ဳိးေတြျဖစE1ေတာ့ မိခင္ဖြဲ႕အစည္းကို
မခင္တြယ္ေတာ႕ဖူးေပါ႕။
ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေအာင္ျမင္ဖို႔ ဖြဲ႔စည္းမႈ စနစ္ရွိတဲ့ လႈပ္ရွားမႈ ရွိမွျဖစ္မယ္။
ျဖစ္ရေအာင္ သေဘာထား ေရာ
ျမင္ပါ ေျပာင္းဖို႔လိုတယ္မဟုတ္လား။
ဒီေနရာမွာ ထပ္ျဖည္႔ခ်င္တာက
အားလံုးညီညြတ္တဲ႕အဖြဲ႕ၾကီးေဖၚေဆာင8
0ရမယ္လို႔ဆိုလိုရင္းမဟုတ္ရပါ။ နံမည္
ေက်ာ္ၾကားတဲ႕အဖြဲ႕ပင္ျဖစ္စရာမလိုပါ။ အလုပ္ျဖစ္တဲ႕ ေစတနာမွန္တဲ႕ လူစုတစု
ကစရင္း အလုပ္မွန္ခဲ႕ရင္ အရွိန္ရလာ9
9ွာပါ။
ေငြ…ေငြ…ေငြ
ဘယ္လႈပ္ရွားမႈ ဘယ္အဖြဲ႔အစည္း ဘယ္ေျမေအာက္လႈပ္ရွားမႈ မ=
ဆို ‘ေငြ’ မရွိဘဲ
မရပါ။ က်ေနာ္
ို႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားေတြရဲ႕ လႈပ္ရွားမႈ အထူးသျဖင့္
ျပည္ပလႈပ္ရွားသူေတြရဲ႕ အဓိက အမွားက ‘ေငြ’ အတြက္ ႏိုင္ငံျခားက (Donor)
အလႉရွင္ေတြကို မွီခိုအာ=E
1ထားေနၾကတာပဲ။ ၾကာေတာ့ လုပ္သင့္တာ မလုပ္ႏိုင္
မလုပ္ျဖစ္ဘဲ တခ်ဳိ႕က ပေရာဂ်က္မီွခိုသူေတြ ျဖစ္ကုန္ေရာ။ တခ်ဳိ႕က
ေ
ြမရွိေတာ့ ေယာင္ ၆ဝ ျဖစ္ကုန္ၾကတယ္။ ဒို႔အျပင္ ဒိုနာဆိုတာက သူ႔အက်ိဳး၊
သူ႔ယံုၾက=
ည္ခ်က္ေတြရွိစျမဲမို႔ ဒါေတာ႕မလုပ္ရ၊ ဒါေတာ႕မထိရဆိုတဲ႕
န္႔
သတ္ခ်က္ေတြ ရွိျပန္တယ္ေလ။
ဒိအျပင္ အတိုင္ပင္ခံပညာရွင္ Consultant ေတြ ၊ ေလာဘီရစ္
ေတြကအေပၚကျဖတ္စားၾကျပန္ေတာ႕ တကယ္အလုပ္
လုပ္ဖို႔ေငြက မေလာက္မငွဘဲ၊
က်န္ေတာ႕တာ ပါ။ တကယ္လက္ေတြ႔မွာ နံမည္ပ်က္ေကာင္း႐ုံဘဲ က်န္ေတာ႕တာပါ။
ဒါေၾကာင့္ ျပည္ပေရာက္ ျမန္မာႏို
္ငံသားေတြဟာ က်န္တာေတြ အခ်ိန္ၿဖံဳးတာထက္
‘ေငြ’ ကို=
ရွာႏိုင္မယ့္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းမႈ ရွိတဲ့ လႈပ္ရွားမႈကို အေရးေပးသင့္တယ္။
ကိုယ္E1ငြကိုယ္ရွာႏိုရင္ ကုိယ္ႏိုင္ငံအက်ိဳးအတြက္သက္သက္ သံုးႏိုင္တာေပါ႕။
ျမန္မာေတြအတုယူစရာ
ကမၻာတလႊမ္း ျပန္႔ၾကဲေနၾကတဲ႕ တမီလ8
0လူမ်ဳိးေတြဟာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ
တမီလ္တိုက္ဂါး Tamil Tiger ေတြကို ေထာက္ပံ့ႏိုင္ခဲ့တယ္ စစ္တပ္ကို
ေထာင္ႏိုင္႐ုံမက ေရတပ္၊ ေလတပ္ကိုပါ တ0္ေထာင္ႏိုင္ခဲ့တယ္။ ထို႔နည=
္းတူစြာပဲ
ကပ္ဒ္ Kurds လူမ်ဳိးေတြဟာ PKK ကို ထူေထာင္ႏိုင္တယ္။ နီေပါ(လ္) Nepal က
Maoist ေမာ္ဝါဒီ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ေတြဟာလE1္း တကမၻာလံုးရွိေနၾကတဲ့ ေဂၚရခါးေတြဆီက
ေငြေကာက္ခံၿပီး ေတာ္လွန္ေရး လုပ္ႏိုင္႐ံုမက အခု - အစိုးရပါဖြဲ႔ႏိုင္ၿပီ။
(မွတ္ခ်က္ Tamil Tiger ေတြေန=E
1က္ဆံုးအေရးမလွျဖစ္ရတာက
ေျမျပင္ကေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈေၾကာင္႕ပါ)
က်ေနာ္တို႔ဗမာေတြ တေယာက္ေပါက္စီ တဖြဲ႕စီေအာ္ေနၾကမဲ႕အစား
=0
A
ဒီလူမ်ိဳ=
းဒီအုပ္စုေတြ ဘယ္လို ေငြေကာက္ခံ ၾကသလဲ။
ဘယ္ပံုနဲ႔ဖြဲ႕စီးၾကသလဲဆိုတာကို ေလ႕လာျပီး ေငြေကာက္ခံႏိုင္ခဲ႕ရင္
ဗမာေတြကိုယ္႕ႏို8
4္ငံအက္ိ်ဳး ကိုယ္လုပ္ႏိုင္ရင္ ပိုမထိေရာက္ႏိုင္ဖူးလား။
၈၈ က စလို႔ အခုထိ နယ္စပ္ကေန တကမၻာလံုးျပန္႔ကုန္တဲ့ ျမန္E1ာႏိုင္ငံသားေတြဟာ
နည္းမွမနည္းေတာပဲ့။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဖြဲ႔စည္းမႈရွိတဲ့၊ စနစ္ရွိတဲ့ အဖြဲ႔အစည္း
Organized & Systematic Organization ကို မဖြ႔ဲႏိုင္ဘူး။ ဖြဲ=
႔ရမွန္းလည္း
မသိတာေ1ကာင့္ တေယာက္တေပါက္ ေအာ္ၾက၊ ငိုၾက၊ ဆဲၾကနဲ႔ ရွင္းရွင္းေျပာရရင္
‘အလုပ္’ မရွိၾကဘူး ‘မလုပ္’ တတ္လို႔ ‘အလုပ္’ မ8
0ွိၾကတာပါ ႏိုင္ငံလိုက္
ႏိုင္ငံလိုက္၊ ၿမိဳ႕လိုက္ ၿမိဳ႕လိုက္ စံနစ္တက် ေငြစုၿပီး ဒီလူေတြက
စံနစ္တက် အဖြဲ႔တဖြ႔ဲ တည္ေဆာက္ႏိုင္ရင္ ေငြေတြ ဘယ္ေလ=E
1က္ စုမိၾကမလဲ။
ေငြရွိရင္ လုပ္စရာေတြ အမ်ားၾကီးရွိတယ္။
ေငြရွိရင္ ဘာလုပ္ႏိုင္မွာလဲ။
ဥပမာ- ျပည္တြင္းမ
ွာ စိတ္ဓာတ္ျပင္းတဲ့ လူေတြ ရွိတယ္။ အလုပ္လုပ္ခ်င္တဲ့ NLD
လူငယ္ေတြ ရွိတယ္။ ဒီလူေတြ လႈပ္ရွားဖို႔ ေငြ လိုတယ္။ စည္း႐ုံးဖို႔ ေငြ
လိုတယ္။ ေ=
ခါင္းေဆာင္မႈ သင=E
1တန္းေတြေပးဖို႔ ေငြ လိုတယ္။
ေထာက္လွမ္းေရးလိုက္ရင္ ေျပးဖို႔ ေငြ လိုတယ္။
လက္ရွိ ျပည္တြင္းမွာ UG လုပ
္တယ္ဆိုတာ တကယ္ ‘လိုအပ္မႈ’ နဲ႔ ယွဥ္ၾကည့္ရင္
နည္းလြန္းတယ္လို႔ ထင္တယ္။ ေျမေအာက္လႈပ္ရွားမ=
ႈ တကယ္လုပ္ရင္ ေနာက္က
ေထာက္လွမ္းေရးကို ဘယ္လို ေျခရာေဖ်ာက္မွာE1ဲ။ ဘယ္လို ဆက္သြယ္ၾကမွာလဲ။ Safe
House လို႔ေခၚတဲ့ လံုၿခံဳတဲ့ ေနရာ ဘယ္လို ဖန္တီးမလဲ။ Network ကြန္ယက္ကို
ဘယ္လို20ေဖာ္ေဆာင္မလဲ။ ဘယ္လို လူေတြကို ဘယ္လို စည္း႐ုံးမလဲ။ ဘယ္မွာ ရွာမလဲ။
ေထာက္လွမ္းေရး သူလွ်ဳိေတြကို္ဘယ္လိုေရွာင္မလဲ။ ဘာေတြသတိထားရမွာလဲ။
အဆင့္ဆင့္ဘယ္သူေတ0ကလမ္းညြန္ခ်က္ေပးမွာ လဲ။ ဒီလိုအပ္တဲ=
႔ ပညာေတြကို ဘယ္လို၊
ဘယ္သူက၊ ဘယ္မွာ သင္တန္းေပးမွာလဲ။ ဆိFတဲ့ လက္ေတြ႔ ျပႆနာေတြ အမ်ားၾကီးရွိတယ္
ျပင္ဆင္မႈေတြ အမ်ားၾကီး လိုပါတယ္။ ဒါေတြ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ႏိုင္ဖို႔ လူ၊
အဖြဲ႔အစည္း၊ ေငြ မရွိဘဲ မရပါ။
ယူဂ်ီ ကြန္ယက္ (UG network) ကိုေဖၚေ
ဆာင္ႏိုင္ဖို႔ ဆိုတာေျပာေတာ႕လြယ္ေပမဲ႕
ယံုၾကည္မႈနဲ႔ စိတ္ဓါတ္အျပင္ လိုအပ္တာေတြအမ်ားအျပ
ားရွိတာေၾကာင္႕
အခက္အခဲေတြၾကားကေဖၚေဆာင္ရမွာပါ။
ယူဂ်ီကြန္ယက္ကို္ေထာင္ႏိုင္ရင္ေတာင္ အဖမ္းခံရရင္ ဘာေျပာမယ္ ဘာမေျပာဘူး၊
ဇာတ္လမ္းက ဘယ္လိုဆိုတာေတြ တေယာက္မိရ0္ တၿပံဳလံုးမေပၚေအာင္ ဘယ္လို
ျဖတ္မယ္ဆိုတာေတြဟာ Profession Training သင္တန္းမေပးဘဲ မရႏိုင္ပါ
က်ေနာ္တိ
ု႔ဆီမွာ UG လက္ေတြ႔ ျပတ္ခဲ့တာ ၾကာခဲ့ၿပီဘဲ။ လိုအပ္ရင္
ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ေတြဆီက အေတြ႔အၾကံဳေတြ ျပန္ယူၿပီး ေပါင္းလုပ္ရမွာပဲ။
ႏိုင္ငံအစိုးရေတြက ကူညီမႈမရႏိုင္ရင=
္ေတာင္ ေငြ ရ
ိရင္ ဒီအတတ္ပညာေတြကို
ပို႔ခ်တဲ႕ အေတြ႔အၾကံဳရွိတဲ႕ ပညာ ရွင္ေတြကို ရွာယူလို႔ရပါတ9
A္္။
ကိုယ့္ျမန္မာ ႏိုင္ငံသား အခ်င္းခ်င္း စနစ္တက် အဖြဲ႔အစည္း ဖြဲ႔ၿပီး၊ ေငြ
မရွာႏိုင္ရင္ က်ေနာ္တို႔အားလံုး စိတ္ကူးယဥ္ေနၾကတဲ႕အဆင္႕က
ေက်ာ္ႏိုင္စရာမရွိပါ။
လက္ေတြ႔က်E1် သံုးသပ္ၾကည့္ရေအာင္
(၁) NLD CEC နဲ႔ NCGUB တို႔က ဝိုင္းေဝဖန္႐ုံနဲ႔ ဆင္းေပးမလား -
မဆင8
0းဘူး (မွတ္ခ်က္-ရာဇဝင္ သိ=
ေအာင္ ေဖာ္ထုတ္တာ တပိုင္းေပါ့)
(၂) ပေရာ့ဂ်က္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြေကာ ေဝဖန္လို႔ ရပ္သြားမွာလား -
မရပ္ဘူး
(၃) ငိုၾက၊ ႐ိုၾက၊ ဝိုင္းဆဲၾက႐ုံနဲ႔ နအဖ က ဒီမိုက=
0ရစီ ေပးမွာလား -
မေပးဘူး
(၄) အဖြဲ႔စည္းမရွိဘဲ ‘အင္အား’ ရွိမလား - မရွိဘူး
=0
A
ဒါေၾကာင့္ ရွိၿပီးသား အဖြဲ႔အစည္းေတြ ရွိပါေစ။ သူ႔လမ္းနဲ႔
သူသြားၾကလိမ့္မယ္။ အဖြဲ႔အစည္း ဆိုတာထက္ Network ဆို ရင္ပိုမွန္လိမ့္မယ္။
အလုပ္ျဖစ=
္ဖို႔ပဲ လိုတယ္။ လူသိစရာ မလိုပါ။ လူစုၿပီး ရွာ
တဲ့ ေငြနဲ႔ ျပင္ဆင္
- အထဲမွာ UG နည္းနဲ႔ လူစု - အေရးၾကံဳရင္ - အဆင္သင့္ျဖစ
္ရင္ လူထု
အင္အားျပႏိုင္ရင္ ေျပာင္းလဲမႈ ျဖစ္လာရမွာေပါ့။
(အင္အား) ၾကီးရင္ တခါထဲရွင္း။
(အင္အား) မျပည့္စံုရင္ (ေဆြးေႏြး) ပြဲနဲ႔ အေျဖရွာေပါ့။
(အင္အား) ရွိလာရင္ NLD ကိုဝိုင္းရံေပးႏိ
ုင္တယ္၊ ေဒၚစုလည္း (အား)
ရွိတာေပါ့။
(မွတ္ခ်က္ - မတတ္သာလို႔ပေရ0ဂ်က္ဝင္လုပ္ေနရတဲ႕ မ်ိဳးခ်စ္ လူေကာင္းေတြ
အမ်ားၾကီး ရွိၾကပါတယ္။ ေစတနာ မွန္လို႔ တိုးတက္မႈရွိလာရင္ လူေကာင္းေတြ
စုလာၾကမွာပါ။)
ဘဲဥ အစရွာမရ
က်ေနာ္တို႔ အတိုက္အခံေတြဟာ ဘဲဥအစရွာမရသလို ဘယ=
္က ‘8
0’ ရမွန္းမသိ
ျဖစ္ေနၾကတယ္။ နအဖကို ဆဲဆို႐ုံနဲ႔ ဘာမွ ျ9
6စ္မလာႏိုင္ဘူး ဆိုတာကို သတိရွိပံု
မရၾကဘူး။ တကယ္တမ္းက်ေတာ့လည္း ‘စ’ ဖို႔ဆိုတာ ‘အသိ’ ရွိရင္ေတာင္
တကယ့္လက္ေတြ႔မွာ မလြယ္ကူလွပါ။ ျမန္မာ အမ်ားကို စည္း႐ုံးဖို႔ဆိုတာ ၃ ေယာက္
ရွိရင္ေတာင္ တဖြဲ႔ထဲ ျဖစ္
ို႔ထက္ ၃ ဖြဲ႔ ျဖစ္ဖို႔က မ်ားတာကိုး။ တဖက္ကလည္း
မလြ
ယ္လို႔ မလုပ္ဘူးဆိုရင္ ေလာကမွာ ဘယ္အရာမွ လုပ္စရာ ရွိေတာ့မွာ
မဟုတ္ဘူးေပါ့ လြယ္လို႔လုပ္ရမွာမဟုတ္ လိုအပ္လို႔ မလုပ္မျဖစ္ လို႔လုပ္ရမွာပါ
က်ေနာ္တို႔ အတိုက္အခံေတြဟာ အႏွစ္ ၂ဝ ေက်ာ္ခဲ႕ၿပီ၊ အခုထိ ေတာ္လွ4္မႈကို
မစရေသးဘူး။ ဘယ္ဗ်ဴ=
ဟာနဲ႔ ဘယ္လမ္းကို လို
္ၿပီး ဘယ္အခ်ိန္အတြင္းမွာ
တိုးတက္မႈ အင္အားရွိေအာင္ တည္ေဆာက္မယ္ ဆိုတာကို မစဥ္းစားရေသးဘူး အစမရွိရင္
အဆံုးမေျပာနဲ႔ တိုးတက္မႈေတာင္ မရွိႏိုင္ဘူးေပါ့။
အားရင္ စစ္ဗိုလ္ေတြကိုပဲ ဆန္႔က်င္ဖို႔သက္သက္ ဆန္႔=E
1်င္ေနၾကရင္
စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ဟာ တည္ၿမဲေနဦ8
0မွာပဲ။
ေကာင္းၿပီ၊ ခင္ဗ်ား သိပ္တတ္ေနရင္ ဝင္လုပ္ဝင္ဦးေဆာင္ပါလားလို႔ ေမးလာရင္ -
က်ေနာ့္မွာလည္း အဂၤလိပ္လို Dilemma လို႔ေခၚတဲ့ လုပ္ခ်င္ေပမဲ႕ ေဝခြဲရခက္တဲ့
ျပႆနာ ရွိတယ္။
က်ေနာ္ဟာ ဒီကေန႔အထိ စိတ္သန္႔သန္႔နဲ႔ ကူညEႏိုင္သေလာက္ ကူညီခဲ့တယ္။
အထူးသျဖင္႕
ူငယ္ေလးေတြကို=
အေတြ႔အၾကံဳနဲ႔ အသိ ေဝမွ်ခဲ႕
ခ်င္တာကက်ေနာ္႕ေစတနာ အရင္းခံပါ။
ႏိုင္ငံေရးကို အေၾကာင္းျပၿပီး ဘယ္သူ႔ဆီကမွ တျပားတခ်ပ္မွ မေတာင္းခဲ့ဘူး
ကိုယ့္စရိတ္နဲ႔ ကိုယ္ရပ္တည္ခဲ့တယ္။
က်ေနာ္ မေသခင္ ကြယ္လြန္ၿပA
Eျဖစ္တဲ့ က်ေနာ့္ေက်းဇူးရွင္ အေ9
6ၾကီးကို
က်ေနာ္တတ္သမွ် ကူညီခဲ့ၿပီလို႔ တိုင္တယ္ရင္း စိတ္သန္႔သန္႔နဲ႔
အသက္ထြက္သြားခ်င္တယ္။
ေနာက္တခ်က္က ျမန္မာတခ်ဳိ႕ဟာ Capacity လို႔ေခၚတဲ့ အသိဉာဏ္နည္းၿပီး
ဝါဒဆြဲေၾကာင့္လည္းေကာင္း၊ ပုဂၢဳိလ္စြဲေၾကာင့္လည္းေကာင္း အေဖနာမည0
တခုတည္းနဲ႔ ပုဂၢိဳရ္ေရး တို
္ခိုက္ခ်င္ၾကတယ္ က်ေနာ့္အားနည္းခ်က္က
ရင္ဆိုင္=
မႈ Confrontation ကို မေၾကာက္တတ္တာဘဲ ဒီအေျခမွာ လုပ္ခ်င္တာ
လုပ္ႏိုင္တာထက္ ပုဂၢဳိလ္ေရးတိုက္ပြဲေတြ ဆင္ႏြဲေနရတာနဲ႔ အလကား အခ်ိန္ေတြ
ကုန္မွာကို မလိုလားဘူး မိမိေနရာ မိမိနံမည္ ‘ရ’ ဖို႔ထက9 တိုင္းျပည္အတြက္
‘အက်ဳိး8
0 ရွိမယ့္ ‘အလုပ္’ မ်ဳိး (ပို) ျဖစ္ေျမာက္ေစခ်င္တယ္။
ခင္ဗ်ား ေၾကာက္သလားေမးလာရင္ စစ္အစိုးရကို ဆန္႔က်င္ရတာကို မေၾကာက္ ေငြေၾကး
အရႈပ္အရွင္း ပုဂၢဳိလ္ေရး တိုက္ပြဲေတြနဲ႔ အခ်င္းခ်င္း အေသသတ္ေနၾကတဲ့
တြင္းနက္ထဲကို ခုန္ခ်မိမွာကို
တာ့ ေၾကာက္တာအမွန္ပဲ။
0A
ဒါေၾကာင့္ အဖြဲ႔အစည္း ႏိုင္ငံေရးကို ေရွာင္ခဲ့တာပါ။ ဒါကို သတၱိနည္းတယ္လို႔
အျပစ္တင္=
ရင္လည္း ခံရမွာပဲ ဒါ က်ေနာ္ အ႐ုိးသားဆံုး ဝန္ခံျခင္းပဲ
တဖက္ကလည္း အဖြဲ႕အစည္းနဲ႔ မလုပ္ရင္ တိုးတက္မႈ အားမၾကီးႏိုင္ဖူး ဆိုတာကို
နားလည္ပါတယ္။
0ါေပမဲ႕ က်ေနာ္အကAိဳးျပဳႏိုင္တာ ရွိပါတယ္ ။
ဘယ္အဖြဲ႕အစည္း၊ ဘယ္ကြန္ယက္မဆို လူတဦးခ်င္း အလြန္အၾကြံမျဖစ္ရေအာင္
စည္းကမ္းနဲ႔ဦးေဆာင္လမ္းစဥ္ ေတြရွိရပါတယ္။ အေျခခံမူနဲ႔ေဘာင္ခပ္ေပးထားမွ
အစြမ္းကိုမေရာက္ဘဲ တိုးတက္=
မႈနဲ႔ ေအာင္ျမင္မႈဆိုတာေတြရွိ ႏိုင္9
5ါတယ္။
ဒီေန
ာေတြမွာ ကူညီရင္း၊ က်ေနာ္ ကိုယ္ႏိုင္တဲ႕ အပိုင္းကဝင္ပံ႕ပိုးရဖို႔
ဝန္မေလးပါဖူး။
ေနာက္တခု အားလံုးကိုစဥ္းစားေစခ်င္တာက တကယ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္လုပ္ခ်င္သပ ဆိုရင္
အေဝးကေအာ္ေနၾက႐ုံနဲ႔ မရႏိုင္ပါဖူး။ ျပည္တြင္းမွာ အေျချပဳမွ
အလုပ္ျဖစ္မွာပါ။ ျပည္
ြင္းမွာ20ယူဂ်ီကြန္ယက္မရွိဘဲ ဘယ္သူမွ မလႈပ္ရွား
မရွင္သန္=
ႏိုင္ပါဖူး ဘာလုပ္လုပ္ ေငြ မရွိဘဲနဲ႔ မရႏိုင္ပါ။
ဒါကိုေကာင္းေကာင္းနားလည္တဲ႕ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြက ေငြ ရေပါက္အားလံုး ကိုခ်ဳပ္
ကိုင္ထားျပီး လူေတြ႐ုံးကန္ေနရမွ - ႏိုင္ငံေရးမလုပ္ႏိုင္ေအာင္္
စီစဥ္ထာ
တာE1ါ။
ႏိုင္ငံအသီးသီးမွာ ျပန္႔ေနၾကတဲ႕ က်ေနာ္တို႔ႏိုင္ငံသားေတြ
ဝင္ေငြကိုယ္စီရွိၾကတဲ႕ ဗမာျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ဗမာႏိုင္ငံသားျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ ျမန္မာျဖစ္ျဖစ္
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ကိုယ္ႏိုင္ငံကိုယ္႕ျပည္သားေတြ ဒီေလာက္ဆင္းရဲ
ျပီး စစ္ဖိနပ္ေအာက္က စစ္ကၽြန္ဘဝက E1
ပ္ေျမာက္ေစခ်င္တဲ႕ ဆႏၵမရွိၾကေတာ႕
ဖူးလား။
စစ္အာဏာရွင္ေအာက္က မလြတ္သ၍ က်ေနာ္တို႔အားလံု=
း တိုင္ျပည္ေရာလူမ်ိဳး ပါ
ဆင္းရဲတြင္းနက္ေနဦးမွာပဲ။
ျမန္မာျပည္ထဲမေျပာနဲ႔၊ နယ္စပ္ (သို႔) နီးစပ္တဲ႕ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံမွာေနရ
တာေတာင္ ထိေတြ႔မႈခ်င္း မတူပါ။
=0
D
တိုးတ
္တဲ႕ႏိုင္ငံေတြရဲ႕ ေကာင္းမြန္တဲ႕ အသီးအပြင္႔ေတြကိုခံစားရင္း
သာယာမႈေတြကို အျပီးအပိုင္ မစြန္႔လႊတ္ႏိုင္ ေသးရင္ေတာင္၊
ကိုယ္႕ႏိုင္ငံကိုယ္လူမ်ိဳး မကြယ္ေပ်ာက္ေရး အတြက္ လူတိုင္းမွာတာဝန္
ကိုယ္စီရွိ တယ္ဆိုတာသတိရွိၾကရင္ အားလံုးစုျပီး ေငြ ရွ
ာၾက။ ေနာ0္တဆင္႕
(၆)လ၊ တႏွစ္၊ နယ္စပ္လာျပီး ကူၾကနဲ႔။ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး အစ ရွာရရာက အရွိန္ရလာျပီး
လူေတြပါလာတာကို က်ေနာ္မေသခင္ မွာျမင္လိုတာ က်ေနာ္႕ ဆႏၵပါ။
က်ေနာ္တို႔ ႏိုင္ငံစစ္ကၽြန္ဘဝမွ လြပ္ေျမာက္ရ ပါေစေသာဝ္
ဘိုဘိုေက်ာ္ျငိမ္း
bnyein@gmail. com
Friday, July 24, 2009
လိုအပ္ခ်က္ကို ဆန္းစစ္ျခင္း - Needs Analysis-ဘိုဘိုေက်ာ္ျငိမ္း
Hillary calls on Asean to expel Myanmar
Web posted at: 7/23/2009 1:31:40
Source ::: AFP
PHUKET: The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) should consider expelling Myanmar if it does not release imprisoned Aung San Suu Kyi, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said yesterday.
Asked on Thai television whether ASEAN should kick out the military-ruled member state if it does not free the pro-democracy leader, Clinton replied: 的t would be an appropriate policy change to consider.・
Myanmar輸SEAN痴 problem child since it joined the bloc in 1997 -- recently sparked outrage by putting the Nobel peace laureate on trial over an incident in which an American man, John Yettaw, swam to her lakeside house. 的 regret deeply this unfortunate incident, which she had nothing to do with, and which served as an excuse for them to put her on trial,・Clinton said, referring to Yettaw痴 uninvited intrusion.
The ruling junta snubbed United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon by refusing to let him visit Aung San Suu Kyi in Yangon痴 notorious Insein prison, deepening concerns in the international community.
US President Barack Obama has described the court proceedings as a 都how trial・and Myanmar has already been slapped with US sanctions for its detention of political prisoners.
On Tuesday Clinton also said she was 電eeply concerned・by reports of human rights in Myanmar, 菟articularly by actions that are attributed to the Burmese military concerning the mistreatment and abuse of young girls.・Concerns over Myanmar痴 possible military cooperation with North Korea are set to dominate discussions at Asia痴 biggest security forum in the Thai resort island of Phuket, where Clinton arrived yesterday from Bangkok.
Responding to Clinton, Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak said his country, an ASEAN member, opposed expelling Myanmar from the bloc.
展e are still in favour of discussing with Myanmar so that they will be serious in implementing the roadmap towards democratisation,・Najib told reporters in Kuala Lumpur.
Myanmar Foreign Minister Nyan Win met his Japanese counterpart Hirofumi Nakasone in Phuket on Wednesday, and the issue of Aung San Suu Kyi came up, a spokesman for the Japanese minister said.
Nakasone urged Myanmar to release all political prisoners, resume dialogue with the opposition and prepare a 菟ositive environment・for elections promised by the ruling generals in 2010, the spokesman said.
Nyan Win 斗istened very carefully・and explained that Myanmar 電id its best to assist・Ban when he visited the country earlier this month, added the spokesman.
Nyan Win said Myanmar痴 government 途esponded as they believed appropriate・to Ban痴 request to visit her, the Japanese spokesman said.
Clinton also urged Myanmar to free democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, saying such a move could pave the way for investments from the United States.
http://www.thepeninsulaqatar.com/Display_news.asp?section=World_News&subsection=Philippines+%26+South+Asia&month=July2009&file=World_News2009072313140.xml
US piles pressure on Burma regime
Asean leaders are meeting for their regional conference in Thailand
US officials have had a rare meeting with representatives of Burma's regime.
Unnamed officials told reporters that efforts to improve ties depended partly on the outcome of democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's trial.
The US also pressed Burma to enforce a United Nations resolution imposing an arms embargo on North Korea.
The US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has been on the diplomatic offensive ahead of a regional meeting now under way in Thailand.
Earlier in her trip to Thailand, she issued warnings about how a nuclear North Korea was unacceptable to the United States, and expressed concerns about the possible transfer of nuclear technology from North Korea to Burma.
The wrong road
Mrs Clinton called for the release of Ms Suu Kyi from many years of detention.
"If she were released, that would open up opportunities... for my country to expand our relationship with Burma, including investments in Burma," Mrs Clinton said.
Hillary Clinton said North Korea faced continued international isolation
This point was reinforced in the face-to-face meeting between US and Burmese officials on Wednesday night, US officials said.
They said they had told Burma that "the outcome of the trial of Aung San Suu Kyi would affect our willingness and ability to take positive steps in our bilateral relationship".
Mrs Clinton was not present at the meeting with Burmese officials, and said she did not intend to appear at a possible meeting with North Korean officials either.
She told reporters that the US is convinced that Burma is taking the wrong road by associating with North Korea.
Mrs Clinton also told reporters that North Korea must completely and irreversibly end its nuclear weapons program or face further isolation and "the unrelenting pressure" of international sanctions.
She said there were more positive ways ahead if the North chooses, and she is expected to announce conditions in which the North will be welcomed back into international discussions later on Thursday.
Symbols matter
Meanwhile, Mrs Clinton signed a symbolically important treaty with members of Asean.
The Treaty of Amity and Co-operation binds the US more closely into the regional security architecture - something previous US administrations had fought shy of.
"I want to send a very clear message that the United States is back, that we are fully engaged and committed to our relationships in South East Asia," she said before the signing the treaty in the resort of Phuket.
Mrs Clinton's predecessor Condoleezza Rice skipped two Asean forums, leading analysts to remark on how China was gaining friends and influencing people in the perceived US absence.
Mrs Clinton also said the Obama administration would soon appoint a permanent ambassador to Asean headquarters in Jakarta.
Asean comprises Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Burma, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/8164292.stm
Wednesday, July 22, 2009
Crackdown on Passport Brokers Linked to Leaked Photos?
By SAW YAN NAING Wednesday, July 22, 2009
At least 10 passport brokers in Rangoon have been arrested by the Burmese authorities during a recent crackdown, according to sources in Rangoon.
Sources close to several passport brokers and the passport issuing office in Rangoon said Burmese intelligence officers had detained dozens of people suspected of dealing in Burmese passports.
The authorities also reportedly questioned staff at the passport issuing office in Rangoon.
One inside source, as well as a Rangoon-based journalist, told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that the authorities had cracked down on passport brokers because of the “massive corruption” involved in the trade.
Another Rangoon-based source said, “Many people are leaving country at the moment, and they don’t return. So, the authorities want to restrict it.”
Meanwhile, some reports said the crackdown was linked to the army officers who went into hiding over the “Shwe Mann scandal.” It is thought the wanted officers from Naypyidaw would try to leave the country with passports procured through brokers.
Recently, Burmese intelligence officials reportedly launched a crackdown against the army officers suspected of leaking information and photographs about Gen Shwe Mann’s secret trip to North Korea.
Ten high-ranking Burmese army officers were reportedly arrested for leaking confidential information, and will be court-martialed and could face the death penalty if convicted, said a Burmese intelligence official.
Sources said that four suspected Burmese officials had acquired passports through brokers and had already fled the country. Another two were reportedly arrested while in the process of acquiring passports.
The Irrawaddy could not independently confirm the report.
Some officials suspected of complicity had also gone into hiding, sources in Rangoon said.
The Bangkok-based English-language newspaper The Nation reported recently that several senior Burmese officials and some journalists were sacked some weeks ago after publication of photographs and video footage of secret tunnels in Burma surfaced in the international media. Photographs and video footage of a tunnel construction site in Burma were also published by Burmese media organizations.
During his seven-day visit to Pyongyang, Shwe Mann signed a memorandum of understanding at the defense ministry with North Korea’s Chief of General Staff, Gen Kim Kyok-sik, to formalize military cooperation between the two nations.
http://www.irrawadd y.org/article. php?art_id= 16382
Clinton Declares the US 'Is Back' in Asia
By ROBERT BURNS / AP WRITER Wednesday, July 22, 2009
BANGKOK — on her second trip to Asia as US secretary of state, Hillary Rodham Clinton is carrying a no-nonsense message about American intentions.
"The United States is back," she declared Tuesday upon arrival in the Thai capital.
US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton (L) speaks during a press conference with Thai Deputy Prime Minister Korbsak Sabhavasu (R) at the Governement house in Bangkok on July 21. (Photo: Getty Images)
By that she means the administration of President Barack Obama thinks it's time to show Asian nations that the United States is not distracted by its wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and intends to broaden and deepen its partnerships in this region.
Clinton trumpeted that line Wednesday in an appearance with a prominent TV personality before flying to a seaside resort at Phuket for two days of international meetings to discuss North Korea, Burma and a range of other regional issues.
Clinton said she would, as previously announced, sign Asean's seminal Treaty of Amity and Cooperation, a commitment to peacefully resolve regional disputes that has already been signed by more than a dozen countries outside the 10-nation bloc.
The US signing will be by the executive authority of Obama and does not require congressional ratification, said a senior administration official who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to discuss the move publicly.
The administration of President George W Bush had declined to sign the document; Obama sees it as a symbolic underscoring of the US commitment to Asia.
On her arrival here Tuesday, Clinton reiterated Obama administration concerns that North Korea, already a threat to the US and its neighbors with its history of illicit sales of missiles and nuclear technology, is now developing ties to Burma's military dictatorship.
Clinton held out the possibility of offering North Korea a new set of incentives to return to negotiating a dismantling of its nuclear program if it shows a "willingness to take a different path." But she admitted there is little immediate chance of that.
A Clinton aide said the United States and its allies are looking for a commitment by North Korea that would irreversibly end its nuclear weapons program. The aide, who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss internal US government deliberations, said there is no sign that North Korea intends to make such a move, keeping the US focus on enforcing expanded UN sanctions.
In her remarks about a possible Burma-North Korea connection, Clinton did not refer explicitly to a nuclear link but made clear that the ties are disconcerting.
"We know there are also growing concerns about military cooperation between North Korea and Burma which we take very seriously," she said at a news conference in the Thai capital.
"It would be destabilizing for the region, it would pose a direct threat to Burma's neighbors," she said, adding that as a treaty ally of Thailand, the United States takes the matter seriously.
Later, a senior administration official said that Washington is concerned about the possibility that North Korea could be cooperating with Burma on a nuclear weapons program, but he added that US intelligence information on this is incomplete. The official spoke on condition of anonymity because of the sensitive nature of the matter.
The United States, in a joint effort with South Korea, Japan, China and Russia, is attempting to use UN sanctions as leverage to compel North Korea to return to the negotiating table over its nuclear program. A major element of the international concern about North Korea is the prospect of nuclear proliferation, which could lead to a nuclear arms race in Asia and beyond.
Clinton spoke to reporters after meeting with Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva at the outset of a three-day visit to Thailand.
Clinton sharply criticized the military rulers of Burma for human rights abuses, "particularly violent actions that are attributed to the Burmese military concerning the mistreatment and abuse of young girls."
She said an Obama administration policy review on Burma is on hold pending the outcome of the trial of democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who is accused of violating the terms of her house arrest. The Noble Peace Prize laureate faces up to five years in prison if convicted, as expected.
http://www.irrawadd y.org/article. php?art_id= 16377
Clinton urges Myanmar to free Suu Kyi
PHUKET, Thailand (AFP) – US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton on Wednesday urged Myanmar to free democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, saying such a move could pave the way for investments from the United States.
"If she were released that would open up opportunities at least for my country to expand our relationship withBurma, including investments in Burma," she said, referring to Myanmar by its former name.
Speaking after meetings in Phuket on the eve of Asia's biggest annual security forum, she said such opportunities were "up to the Burmese leadership".
Military-ruled Myanmar recently sparked outrage by putting Aung San Suu Kyi on trial in prison over an incident in which an American man swam to her lakeside house.
US President Barack Obama has described the court proceedings as a "show trial" and Myanmar has already been slapped with US sanctions for its detention of thousands of political prisoners.
Clinton said that while countries from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) were moving "in a very positive direction", Myanmar was "moving in the opposite direction".
"We have been very clear in stating that the United States would like to see changes in the behaviour of the regime in Burma" she said, adding that the release of Aung San Suu Kyi was "critical".
Earlier Wednesday she said ASEAN should consider expelling Myanmar -- the bloc's problem child since it joined in 1997 -- if it does not release the imprisoned Nobel Peace Laureate.
Referring to US man John Yettaw's uninvited visit to Aung San Suu Kyi, Clinton said: "I regret deeply this unfortunate incident, which she had nothing to do with, and which served as an excuse for them to put her on trial."
The pro-democracy leader has spent 13 of the last 19 years in detention since the junta refused to recognise her National League for Democracy's landslide victory in elections in 1990.
Critics of Myanmar's regime believe the trial is a ploy to keep her locked up for elections scheduled for next year.
Clinton reiterated concerns about possible cooperation over nuclear weaponry between Myanmar and fellow pariah state North Korea, one of the issues that is dominating the talks in Phuket.
On Tuesday Clinton also said she was "deeply concerned" by reports of human rights abuses in Myanmar, "particularly by actions that are attributed to the Burmese military concerning the mistreatment and abuse of young girls."
http://news.yahoo.com/s/afp/20090722/wl_asia_afp/aseanarfusmyanmarsuukyi
Monday, July 20, 2009
Martyr’s Day in Burma observed in silence
Martyr’s Day in Burma observed in silence
by Mungpi
Sunday, 19 July 2009 17:54
New Delhi (mizzima) - Authorities on Sunday turned away several people, who had come to pay their respects to Burma’s Martyrs, including the country’s independence architect General Aung San, as they marched to Rangoon’s Martyr’s Mausoleum to pay tribute to the country’s heroes.
Several members of the opposition party – National League for Democracy – and well wishers on Sunday marched to the Martyr’s Mausoleum but were turned away by the authorities as they were wearing T-shirts with pictures of detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Ohn Kyaing, spokesperson of the NLD, said several of the party members, who wore T-shirts emblazoned with the picture of Aung San Suu Kyi, were barred at the entrance of the Martyr’s Mausoleum by authorities.
On the occasion of Burma’s 62nd Martyr’s Day, the NLD held a commemorative service where they paid tributes and honoured the martyrs.
Following the service, scores of members of the NLD and well-wishers including former party member Naw Ohn Hla marched towards the Mausoleum to lay wreaths and to salute the martyrs, but several of them were turned away by authorities as they wore T-shirts with Aung San Suu Kyi’s picture, Ohn Kyaing said.
“But others, who wore other dresses, were allowed into the Mausoleum to pay their respects,” he said.
During the commemorative service held at the NLD office in Rangoon’s Shwegondine Street, where hundreds of party members as well as well wishers and foreign diplomats came, authorities beefed up security and closely monitored the function.
Ohn Kyaing said dozens of plainclothes officials as well as members of the pro-junta civilian organization – Union Solidarity and Development Association and Swan Arrshin – were visible, hanging around the party head office, where the ceremony was held.
The commemorative service included offering of swan to monks at dawn, saluting the martyr’s at noon followed by a programme to honour the deceased independence heroes.
Meanwhile, at the government’s official commemoration service held at the Mausoleum, Rangoon’s Mayor Brig-Gen Aung Thein Linn laid wreaths along with bereaved family members and representatives of the martyrs.
On July 19, 1947, months before Burma officially got Independence from British rule, General Aung San, father of detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, also known as architect of Burma’s independence, along with seven cabinet members and a personal guard were assassinated on the orders of his political rival Galong U Saw.
The day came to be known as Martyr’s Day in honour of the fallen heroes of Burma, who fought for independence from the British rulers, and has been observed as a national holiday and a day of mourning with the government airing special programmes to mark the day.
But since 1988, following a coup by the current batch of military rulers, commemorative programmes including airing of General Aung San’s speech on the state-run radio and orders to hoist national flags at half-mast has been stopped.
With public activities to observe the day petering off, residents in Rangoon said, there are no signs to remind them that today is Martyr’s Day.
“I did not recall that today is Martyr’s Day until you called me,” a Rangoon resident told Mizzima on Sunday.
But Ohn Kyaing said, the essence of Martyr’s Day continues to exist in the hearts of the people, saying, “As we salute the martyrs facing the Mausoleum outside our office, people passing by stood silently with us.”
General Aung San is popularly known as the architect of Burma’s independence for his efforts to negotiate with the British rulers and his attempts at winning the trust of ethnic nationalities in forming a federal union.
Aung San is particularly known for his efforts to convene the historic Pang Long conference in Shan state, where ethnic leaders, particularly Chin, Kachin and Shan, agreed with him, as the Burma representative, to form a federal Union.
His untimely death pushed Burma into a burning civil war as leaders of ethnic nationalities began losing faith in the Union because the new leadership failed to implement the visions of Aung San.
http://www.mizzima.com/news/inside-burma/2474-martyrs-day-in-burma-observed-in-silence-.html
Sunday, July 19, 2009
အေလးျပဳပါတယ္ သီခ်င္းမ်ား မ်ိဳးဆက္သစ္ မ်ားကို မွ်ေ၀ပါတယ္
Saturday, July 18, 2009
(နွစ္လနာရီ-ခါရာသီေရြ့ေပမဲ ့အာဇာနည္ေန ့ကိုျဖင့္ မေမ ့သင့္ပါေပ-ယေန့ျဖင့္ သတိတရားထားဖို ့ေလ
အမ်ား -ျပည္သူေတြ အမ်ား --ျပည္သူေတြ အာဇာနည္ေန ့ကိုေလ ေတြးရွဳ ကာပဲ အေလးျပဳပါတယ္
ေလ--)
(နွစ္ေတြ ေျပာင္း --ေပမဲ ့အျဖစ္ေဟာင္းမ်ားက ေျဖမေျပနိုင္ေပ ေဆြး တသ သ ေတြး ဆ ေျဖလည္း
မေျပ ေရႊရင္စို ့ကဲ --ေႀကကြဲ၀မ္းနည္းႀကပံုေတြ --ယေန ့ထက္တိုင္ေအာင္ေလ ေအာ္ မေမ့ရက္နိုင္
ပါေပ အာဇာနည္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီးေတြ အာဇာနည္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီးေတြ ေကာင္းရာသုဂတိသို ့
ေရာက္ရွိႀကျပီေလ ေတးကဗ်ာအနုစာေခြ် ေရးကာအေလးျပဳ အေလးျပဳပါတယ္ေလ )၂
(အာဇာနည္ေန ့ကို မေမ့ရန္ လက္ဆင့္ကမ္းပါသည္)
(ဗမာလြတ္လပ္ေရးအတြက္ တပ္မေတာ္ဖြဲ ့ဖို ့ဂ်ပန္ျပည္မွာကြယ္---- တကယ္ပဲအသက္နဲ ့
လဲလို ့ဆင္းရဲဒုကၡခံကာႀကံစည္တယ္------- သူရဲေကာင္း----နဲ ့ ဗိုလ္ေအာင္ဆန္း--တို ့
အာဇာနည္ေတြရယ္------)၂
ငါတို ့ဗမာျပည္၀ယ္ မိဘတိုင္းကကြယ္ ဗိုလ္ေအာင္ဆန္းလို သူရဲေကာင္းေတြ ေမြး--ႀကရမယ္
ငါတို ့ဗမာျပည္၀ယ္--မိဘတိုင္းကကြယ္ အာဇာနည္ အစစ္ေတြျဖစ္ဖို ့ေမြးႀကရမယ္
ေႀသာ္--ဘုရင့္ေနာင္ နဲ ့ရာဇာဓရဇ္တို ့ လို မင္းရဲေက်ာ္စြာ --ပမာပံုေဆာင္ အေလာင္းဘုရား
တို ့လိုကြယ္ ဗမာတိုင္း ဗမာမ်ိဳး အားကိုးေလာက္ေပရဲ ့ --မေႀကာက္တမ္းမရြြံတမ္း ဗမာေတြ
ေအာင္ပန္းဆြတ္ႀကရွာေလတယ္--
(ရာဇ၀င္ --- အထၳဳပတၱိလည္းရွိရမယ္ ေမာ္ကြန္းလည္း---ထိုးေလာက္တယ္ ျမင့္ျမတ္တဲ ့
ဗိုလ္ေအာင္ဆန္းရယ္)၂
တိုင္းျပည္အက်ိဳးစြင့္ခဲ့တဲ ့မ်ားဇာနည္ႏြယ္ --လြတ္လပ္ဖို ့တို ့မ်ားကိုကြ်န္တြင္းမွာကယ္
တို ့ဗမာေတြစိုးမိုးဖို ့ေမ်ာ္ႀကရွာလို ့ေပၚလာတယ္--
(ရာဇ၀င္ --- အထၳဳပတၱိလည္းရွိရမယ္ ေမာ္ကြန္းလည္း---ထိုးေလာက္တယ္ ျမင့္ျမတ္တဲ ့
ဗိုလ္ေအာင္ဆန္းရယ္)၂
တိုင္းျပည္အက်ိဳးစြင့္ခဲ့တဲ ့မ်ားဇာနည္ႏြယ္ --လြတ္လပ္ဖို ့တို ့မ်ားကိုကြ်န္တြင္းမွာကယ္
တို ့ဗမာေတြစိုးမိုးဖို ့ေမ်ာ္ႀကရွာလို ့ေပၚလာတယ္--
http://laminkhinkhin.blogspot.com/2009/07/blog-post_1562.html
လက္ဗလာထက္ ဦးေႏွာက္ဗလာက ပုိၿပီးရွက္ဖုိ႔ေကာင္းတယ္ [Forum ဂ်ာနယ္]
လက္ဗလာထက္ ဦးေႏွာက္ဗလာက ပုိၿပီးရွက္ဖုိ႔ေကာင္းတယ္ [Forum ဂ်ာနယ္]
Posted by ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံဒီမိုကရက္တစ္အင္အားစု On July - 16 - 2009 စာပံုႏွိပ္ရန္
အတြဲ ၂ ၊ အမွတ္ ၂ ၊ ဇူလုိင္လ ၊၂၀၀၉
ကုလအတြင္းေရးမွဴးခ်ဳပ္ မစၥတာ ဘန္ကီမြန္းေတာ့ ျပန္ၿပီး။
‘လက္ဗလာႏွင့္ ျပန္သြားရၿပီး’လုိ႔ မွတ္ခ်က္ေပးသူေတြ မ်ားပါတယ္။ သူ႔ခရီးစဥ္ကုိ အားမလိုအားမရ အေတာ္ပဲျဖစ္ၾကပါတယ္။ အားမလိုအားမရ ျဖစ္သူမ်ားကုိလည္း အဆုိးမဆုိသာဘူး။
ဘာေၾကာင့္ဆုိ မစၥတာ ဘန္ကီမြန္း ေထာက္ျပတဲ့ အခ်က္ (၃)ခ်က္၊ ေျပာရရင္ မစၥတာ ဘန္ကီမြန္း ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးခ်င္တဲ့ မစ္ရွင္ (၃)ခု။
လက္ေတြ႔မွာ ဘာဆုိဘာမွ မရခဲ့ဘူး ျဖစ္ခဲ့ေပတာကုိး။
ၾကည့္ဦးေလ -
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးကုိ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးႏုိင္ဖုိ႔ ေနေနသာသာ ေတြ႔ခြင့္အႀကိမ္ႀကိမ္ေတာင္းတာေတာင္ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊရဲ႕ ေခါင္းအခါကုိ ခံခဲ့ရတာပါ။
၉၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ အႏုိင္ရပါတီမ်ားႏွင့္ ေတြ႔ခြင့္ေပးေတာ့လည္း ၾကည့္ဦး။
တပါတီစီက တင္ျပခြင့္ (၂) မိနစ္စီတဲ့။
အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္က လံုး၀မသင့္ေလ်ာ္ေၾကာင္း၊ သီးျခားေတြ႔ဖုိ႔လုိေၾကာင္း ေထာက္ျပမွ အိပ္ခန္းမွာ (၁၀)မိနစ္ ထပ္ေတြ႔ခြင့္ရခဲ့တယ္။
ဒီလုိ အႏုိင္ရပါတီႀကီးေတြကုိ (၂)မိနစ္စီပဲ စကားေျပာခြင့္ေပးတာက ဒီမစ္ရွင္ (၃)ရပ္ကုိ ကုိင္လာတဲ့ အတြင္းေရးမွဴးခ်ဳပ္ရဲ႕ အစီအမံလုိ႔ က်ေနာ္လံုး၀မယူဆဘူး။ ဒါဟာ ဗုိလ္သန္းေရႊရဲ႕ အစီအမံသက္သက္မွ်သာ ျဖစ္တယ္။
ဒါေပမယ့္ ဒါကုိ သူ ျငင္းခြင့္မရိွခဲ့ဘူး။ မျငင္းႏုိင္ခဲ့ဘူး။
အပစ္ရပ္အင္အားစုေတြႏွင့္ ေတြ႔မယ္ဆိုျပန္ေတာ့လည္း လက္ညွိဳးေထာင္၊ ေခါင္းညိမ့္အဖြဲ႔ေတြ၊ အားမတန္လုိ႔ မာန္ခ်ထားရတဲ့ သူေတြ၊ ယံုလုိ႔ျဖစ္ေစ၊ ပေယာဂ တစံုတရာေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္ေစ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲအေပၚ ပေဒသာပင္ေပါက္သလုိ ေျပာဆုိ၀ံ့သူေတြႏွင့္ပဲ ေရြးၿပီး ေတြ႔ခြင့္ျပဳခဲ့သည္။
ဒါဟာ …
ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊရဲ႕ ဇယားေတြပါ။ ဗုိလ္သန္းေရႊ ေရႊ႕ခ်င္သလုိ ေရႊ႕ထားတဲ့ အကြက္ေတြျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒါကုိ ကမၻာပတ္ေနတဲ့ နားႀကီး မ်က္စိႀကီး အတြင္းေရးမွဴးခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးက မသိ ဘယ္မွာရိွပါ့မလဲ။
မုခ် သိပါတယ္။ ေသေသခ်ာခ်ာကုိ သိပါတယ္။
သိလုိ႔လည္း သံအမွတ္ေတြ၊ မီဒီယာသမားေတြနဲ႔ ေတြ႔ဆံုတဲ့ပြဲမွာ သူ ‘လူအ မဟုတ္ေၾကာင္း’ တရား၀င္ အတိအလင္း ထုတ္ေဖာ္ေျပာဆုိခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဗုိလ္သန္းေရႊတုိ႔ကေတာ့ ဒီခရီးစဥ္မွာ အပုိင္ခ်ည္လုိက္ႏုိင္ၿပီလုိ႔ ထင္ေကာင္းထင္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။
ဒါေပမယ့္ ႏုိင္ငံတကာအလယ္မွာ၊ လူတေယာက္အလယ္မွာ ေခါင္းမာၿပီး ဦးေႏွာက္မဲ့သူျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ ဆင္ျခင္တံုတရား ေခါင္းပါးသူျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သူကုိယ္တုိင္ လူသိရွင္ၾကား ၀န္ခံလုိက္သလုိ ျဖစ္သြားတာကုိေတာ့ မူလတန္းကေလးေတာင္ ရိပ္မိႏုိင္ေလာက္ပါတယ္။
မစၥတာ ဘန္ကီမြန္းက လက္ဗလာ ျဖစ္ေကာင္းျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။
ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ ဦးေႏွာက္ဗလာျဖစ္တယ္ဆုိတာကုိေတာ့ ဒီခရီးစဥ္က ပုိၿပီးပိုၿပီး
ရွင္းသြားေစတယ္လုိ႔ မွတ္ခ်က္ခ်ခ်င္ပါတယ္။ ။ … [ Forum ဂ်ာနယ္ file ]
Friday, July 17, 2009
My opinion about this article-The Future of Burma Cannot Be Tied to Aung San Suu Kyi
We Burmese democracy activists do not think sanction is wrong . I believe lifting
sanction is supporting military junta. We know that people are suffering not because
of sanction only,but also very selfishness of military junta mainly.We do not want to hurt this columnist. We agree that everyone have different point of view.
We support Aung San Suu Kyi because she is the only Burmese leader trusted by people
of Burma and all ethnic nationalities.She believe in non- violent activities and democracy.
We support Aung San Suu Kyi because only she can bring national reconciliation together
among our ethnic nationalities.
In solidarity.
Phone Hlaing-FWUBC
Virginia M. MoncrieffInternational Correspondent
Posted: July 15, 2009 10:39 PM
That old chestnut question "name six people you would love to have to dinner" usually holds no surprises. The guest list from many liberal, forward-thinking (and may I also point out -- male) types will include Aung San Suu Kyi. She is regarded as the epitome of elegance and sacrifice. The pinup girl for human rights causes.
And she is amazing.
This seemingly serene and fragile presence, who has been under house arrest for 13 of the past 19 years, has mesmerized us with her martyrdom and noble sacrifice.
But what is all this sacrifice for? What has her house arrest achieved?
It has achieved for Daw Suu (or The Lady as she is known inside Burma) a sometimes self-defeating near-secular saint status. Her position as a figure head who has sacrificed so much has made any chance of sensible debate about Burma almost hopeless. The slightest hint of criticism of her actions brings howls of protest and accusations. (By writing this article I know I will be shouted down). Her selflessness and her symbolism have rendered her beyond and above public criticism among many in the pro-democracy movement and in the greater outside human rights movement.
This is self defeating. No matter how great her sacrifice, the future of one country cannot revolve around the actions and ideas of one person. What has happened to this extraordinary woman is of course criminal. But there are 48 million other Burmese people and they cannot continue to be held captive while the international community listens to, and complies with Daw Suu's policies of sanctions.
Daw Suu's strategy is fundamentally flawed. By maintaining that the regime must be isolated and that Burma must be the target of stringent sanctions only helps the junta reverse further into mad "behind-the-wall" strategies; she is penalizing the very people she aims to assist. Many pro-democracy activists (both inside and outside the country) who strongly support Daw Suu as a figurehead believe she is wrong about sanctions but such is her position, they often decline to say so publicly. And such is her status, that no one in a better and more practical position to try and negotiate Burma moving forward will take the reins from her.
The main battle cry of the National League of Democracy is the restitution of the 1990 election results, when they were overwhelmingly elected. That bird has flown. Nearly 20 years later it is time to come up with some other arguments, definitive strategies, a move towards the negotiation table. Saying "no" to every offer from the junta is simply daft. (Daw Suu's flat out refusal -- without wide consultation -- to refuse the junta's civilian parliament offer was completely mystifying. Her rejection of negotiating anything gets Burma precisely nowhere).
Everything about Daw Suu's cause is just, but some new fresh thinking must be found, some shirking off the old "absolutely no negotiation" policies.
As her sham subversion trial nears its end (in a pretense of due process, "closing arguments" will be heard on July 24) there are few who hold out hope for a not guilty decision for Daw Suu. It would be extraordinary if the junta did a volte-face and miraculously decided that she had no case to answer. We need to free Aung San Suu Kyi. But free or not, we must start talking about the other 48 million Burmese.
Aung San Suu Kyi
Burma
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/virginia-moncrieff/the-future-of-burma-canno_b_234757.html#comments
Thursday, July 16, 2009
UN gains leverage over Myanmar
Asia Times: UN gains leverage over Myanmar - Haseenah Koyakutty
Tue 14 Jul 2009
The consensus headlines from United Nations chief Ban Ki-moon’s recent trip to Myanmar focused on his failure to meet with detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi. The ruling military junta’s Senior General Than Shwe disallowed the diplomatic contact because Suu Kyi is currently on trial for allegedly violating the terms of her house arrest.
But an emerging parallel narrative is starting to generate different headlines, where UN pressure on the military regime and political fatigue among its top generals produces results. According to reports, Myanmar’s ambassador to the UN, U Than Swe, told the Security Council on Monday that his government was “processing to grant amnesty” to an undisclosed number of political prisoners to allow them to participate in democratic elections scheduled for 2010.
Ban had pressed the military regime during his recent visit to release over 2,100 political prisoners and ensure that the democratic elections would be free and fair. The prisoner release announcement comes notably while the global spotlight is focused on Myanmar’s secretive military modernization and nuclear energy designs. The UN’s latest and unanimous Security Council Resolution 1874, passed last month against North Korea, recently forced a North Korean ship suspected of carrying arms or missile components to abort its voyage to Myanmar and return home.
Chief of US naval operations Admiral Gary Roughhead told reporters that the UN resolution was indication of the international community coming together on the issue and the US navy’s tracking of the North Korean ship was a “very effective way” of preventing arms proliferation. Significantly, China and Russia, which have both shielded Myanmar from UN Security Council censure with their veto votes, cooperated with the toughened sanctions against Pyongyang.
What the purportedly Myanmar-bound North Korean ship was actually carrying remains a mystery, but the incident underscored how the UN and US are collaborating on security issues more effectively under the Barack Obama administration than the two sides did under the outgoing George W Bush government. Tying Myanmar to North Korea could also pay strategic dividends for the UN, which has for years tried to mediate national reconciliation in Myanmar without any meaningful breakthroughs.
During Ban’s most recent visit, his second to Myanmar as the UN’s chief envoy, Than Shwe dropped what some considered a symbolic bombshell. According to the UN, the reclusive military leader told Ban during their discussions that the next time the UN chief visited Myanmar, “I will be an ordinary citizen, a lay person, and my colleagues will too because it will be a civilian government.”
Myanmar’s generals plan to hold democratic elections next year after nearly a half century of uninterrupted military rule. Myanmar ambassador Swe told the UN on Monday that the country was “steadfastly proceeding on its chosen path to democracy” and hinted that the regime might accept international assistance in arranging the polls if deemed “necessary”. Several opposition groups, including Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) party, may boycott the polls if their conditions for a free and fair poll are not met, while exiled activists have slammed the polls as a sham designed to perpetuate Than Shwe’s and the military’s rule under a civilian guise.
But people familiar with Ban’s recent closed-door meetings say the general conjured up the prospect of a civilian government in the presence of his military lieutenants who may still be split on the issue. The septuagenarian leader, a former expert in psychological warfare, is notorious for his mind games, making promises to the UN only to later break them. But political fatigue, an under-appreciated concept in conflict resolution, cannot be ruled out.
In neighboring Indonesia, nobody predicted its all-powerful military would step aside constitutionally in favor of civilian rule after former dictator Suharto’s fall from grace in 1998. Military schisms and fatigue were contributing factors in that democratic breakthrough. Myanmar lacks a credible constitution, impartial institutions, and a vocal middle class to press for democratic change, but like all decrepit regimes the end game often comes about through a succession of policy mishaps.
Repressive record
Than Shwe has in recent years overseen state-sponsored killing of Buddhist monks, the initial rejection of international emergency aid for over two million cyclone victims, and now subjected Suu Kyi to a show trial few if any in the international community believes has legal merit. The regime’s top general has ignored the world’s pleas for her release and once again bid to manipulate the UN in the process.
A UN official who requested anonymity out of protocol described Ban’s first two-hour meeting with Than Shwe as a mission to “speak truth to power”; as unscripted, frank and “forceful back-and-forth” through an interpreter. When the capricious dictator dismissed an idea out-of-hand, the UN official recounted, he would reply with a curt “Yes, thank you.”
The second meeting eventuated with the general’s refusal to allow Ban to visit Suu Kyi, and the UN’s top envoy had to make do with meeting her NLD party stalwarts. Ban’s exclusive time with Than Shwe was notable as the mercurial general has in the past rebuffed top UN envoys who visited the country.
It’s unclear if the two sides spoke about weapons proliferation or Myanmar’s nuclear designs. Upon his departure, Ban said Myanmar’s generals had missed an opportunity to work through the UN, but has yet to indicate whether the UN would consider tabling a resolution against Myanmar similar to the one passed against North Korea.
Prior to Ban’s courtesy call, Than Shwe met with Singapore’s former prime minister Goh Chok Tong, who last month led an official delegation to Myanmar. Singapore is a leading foreign investor in Myanmar, its second-largest trade partner after Thailand and one of the first countries to offer Cyclone Nargis assistance. A Singapore hospital has also provided treatment to Than Shwe for an undisclosed medical condition.
A source who accompanied Goh during the four-day visit said Myanmar is at a “tipping point” and that there’s a genuine need and want for change among the military and population. The Singapore source said that during their meetings the army expressed “deep frustration” over its inability to tame armed ethnic insurgent groups. At the upcoming elections, the Singapore official estimated, the downtrodden population “would buy into the rhetoric of the party that promises them the most peace”.
History has shown that political breakthroughs often occur when least expected. The UN and international community should recognize the growing signs of political fatigue in Myanmar’s stalemate, while at the same time treat Than Shwe’s overtures of democratic change through elections with deep skepticism as long as Suu Kyi remains behind bars and her NLD is excluded from any political transition.
United States Secretary of State Hillary Clinton is expected to attend the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Regional Forum to be held in Thailand later this month, and North Korea and Myanmar are expected to dominate the security-oriented agenda. All eyes will be on China, which has big investment interests in Myanmar and in the past protected its military regime from UN censure, but may now frown on the generals’ weapons proliferation and alleged nuclear gambit with North Korea - both clear threats to international peace and stability.
It is possible that the UN, ASEAN and its dialogue partners could, with the backing of the US and China, move to close ranks and apply more uniform pressure for change on the military regime. Than Shwe is arguably running out of options and time-trusted allies and if China were to meet the regime’s brinksmanship with support for a new punitive UN resolution, a new diplomatic dynamic would emerge where the UN might yet make a difference in Myanmar.
Haseenah Koyakutty is a freelance Southeast Asia correspondent based in Bangkok.
China's Black Cat, White Cat Diplomacy
Why Beijing is losing patience with its dysfunctional allies.
BY WEN LIAO | JULY 10, 2009
Deng Xiaoping famously said that it doesn't matter if a cat is black or white so long as it catches mice. These days, China seems to be applying Deng's logic to its neighbors: It doesn't matter if they are democratic or despotic, so long as they safeguard China's interests.
More... That simple premise helps explain why, after years of working with the military junta in Burma, China may now be looking to change tack. It's not that China is concerned that such a government is morally suspect; it's that Beijing worries that Burma's leaders are incompetent. And any slippage in that country's stability could have harsh consequences for China's own fortunes.
From the neighbors' side of the fence, China looks like a rising hegemon, keen to throw its weight around. The country's decisive intervention in support of the government in the recently concluded civil war in Sri Lanka -- a country outside its usual sphere of influence -- seemed to prove this.
Yet seen from Beijing, it is China's allies who at times string the country along for a ride. Two supposed subordinates in particular -- North Korea and Burma -- leave China feeling helpless to intervene, fearful that any instability abroad might upset China's delicate internal political peace. As China's rapid response to unrest in its Xinjiang region makes clear, nothing makes China's rulers more jittery than the potential of regional or border disputes to incite internal instability. With 200 people killed in the recent riots in Xinjiang, China finds unstable neighbors, and the threat of an influx of refugees, more dangerous than ever.
So the calculus behind China's regional security strategy is straightforward: If peace and prosperity among China's neighbors are not secured, then peace, prosperity, and unity at home will be put at risk.
This strategic imperative arose after China's relative success in navigating the Asian financial crisis of 1997 and 1998. The experience whetted China's appetite for regional respect, and the country began to deepen its ties with East and Southeast Asia, particularly members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). China agreed to settle its remaining territorial disputes with ASEAN members through collective mechanisms for arbitration. The country also signed ASEAN's Treaty of Amity and Cooperation, promising never to use force against ASEAN members. It is a structure that has suited China quite well ever since, with two nagging exceptions, North Korea and Burma.
In the first case, the survival of North Korea's regime is a key Chinese foreign-policy goal. Beijing fears the inevitable flood of refugees that would stream over its border following that country's collapse. Moreover, a divided Korea suits China's purposes, because a unified Korea could emerge as another regional heavyweight, on the magnitude of Japan. So it is no surprise that China joined the six-party talks over North Korea's nuclear program out of fear that Western sanctions might shatter the North's brittle economy. Like a bank too big to fail, North Korea poses too dire a threat for China to contemplate pushing leader Kim Jong Il very hard. That is why China's influence over North Korea appears to be so ineffective.
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2009/07/10/chinas_black_cat_white_cat_diplomacy
Ban Should Now Tackle Burma’s Constitution, Says Opposition
By WAI MOE Wednesday, July 15, 2009
Opposition parties in Burma say UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon didn’t go far enough in urging the military regime to ensure that the 2010 general election is “credible, inclusive and legitimate.”
The UN chief should also have addressed demands to rewrite the constitution drawn up by the regime and enacted in 2008, they say.
Nyan Win, spokesman of the National League for Democracy (NLD), said that even if the 2010 election were to be “free and fair”—as the regime had promised—“the 2008 constitution is undemocratic.”
The NLD disagreed with Ban on this point, Nyan Win said.
The regime claimed the 2008 constitution had been approved by more than 90 percent of voters in a national referendum held shortly after the Cyclone Nargis in May that year. Critics say the constitution had been drafted by handpicked official representatives and that the referendum was anything but free and fair.
The constitution reserves 25 percent of seats in both houses of a new parliament for military representatives, appointed by the commander-in- chief of the armed forces.
It also bars any person married to a foreigner from serving as president of the country. Furthermore, presidents must have military experience.
Both restrictions rule out the possibility of Aung San Suu Kyi ever taking office. “Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is definitely banned from becoming president under the 2008 constitution,” Nyan Win said.
Burma’s largest ceasefire groups—the Wa, Kachin, Kokang and Mon—also take issue with the constitution, which reserves 25 percent of the seats in state or regional assemblies for non-elected military representatives. The commander-in- chief of the armed forces will have power to abolish the parliaments of ethnic states and autonomous regions.
In a joint letter to the Chinese government, Wa and Kachin leaders said they wanted the 2008 constitution amended because it failed to respect the truth of political history and perpetuated the Burman centric long-term political distrust towards ethnic minorities.
“Mr Ban Ki-moon’s election proposals are totally out of touch with stakeholders in Burmese politics,” said Aye Thar Aung, an Arakan leader and secretary of the Arakan League for Democracy. “The greatest difficulty for Burma’s democracy process is now the constitutional crisis.”
Aye Thar Aung said the UN’s Burma efforts should now be directed at making sure the constitution enshrined democratic principles and ethnic minority rights.
http://www.irrawadd y.org/article. php?art_id= 16332
Tuesday, July 14, 2009
US, Britain and France Doubt Credible Election; China Calls for Lifting Sanctions
By LALIT K JHA Tuesday, July 14, 2009
WASHINGTON — Three permanent members of United Nations Security Council—the United States, Britain and France—expressed skepticism that the Burmese junta will hold free, fair and credible general elections in 2010, while urging the military rulers to match their words with deeds.
China, on the other hand, which has been a strong supporter of the totalitarian Burmese rulers both inside and outside the Security Council, urged Western countries including the US, Britain and France to lift their economic sanctions on Burma.
View of the UN Security Council in New York. (Photo: AFP)
“Now is the time for Burma to match its words with deeds,” said Rosemary A DiCarlo, the US alternate representative for special political affairs, following a Security Council briefing on Burma by UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon at the UN headquarters in New York.
DiCarlo expressed US disappointment that the Burmese authorities refused Ban’s request to meet with Aung San Suu Kyi.
“By turning down this simple, straightforward request, the Burmese government missed a critical opportunity to, in your words, ‘show its commitment to a new era of political openness,’” she said.
Calling on the Burmese regime to free Aung San Suu Kyi immediately and unconditionally, she said the junta is clearly not respecting the popular will by putting the leader of the country’s democratic opposition on trial for spurious charges of violating her house arrest, which itself was illegitimate. “We are deeply concerned about these proceedings,” she said.
British Deputy Permanent Representative Philip Parham said Ban’s visit was an opportunity for the junta to transform its relationship with the international community which stands ready to respond positively to real progress.
“The regime’s failure to take this opportunity has only served to isolate it further. We can only hope that we may yet see progress in the coming days; it is not too late. But if it does not come, and if we see an unjust outcome in Aung San Suu Kyi’s trial, the international community will need to follow the secretary-general’ s lead and respond robustly,” Parham said. “The onus is on the government to act.”
He said the generals heard the strong message the secretary-general delivered in Rangoon when he addressed ministers and the diplomatic and NGO communities.
“They can be in no doubt about his disappointment and the disappointment of the international community as a whole,” Parham said.
France called for stronger actions by the Security Council.
“The current impasse is no reason for the international community to do nothing. The council must respond firmly if she [Suu Kyi] is found guilty, but inaction must not be the price of its unity,” said Jean-Maurice Ripert of France.
Far from initiating a dialogue with political parties and ethnic groups, Ripert said the junta has unilaterally implemented a “road map” to democracy which had led to increased polarization.
In defense of the junta, Chinese Deputy Ambassador Liu Zhenmin said Ban’s failure to meet with Suu Kyi should not be the criterion to judge the success of the visit.
“Gen Than Shwe had not made arrangements for the secretary-general to meet with her, and the United Nations must respect that decision by a member state. During his visit, the secretary-general had held in-depth dialogues with top leaders and that would play an important role in encouraging the democratic process,” he said.
Liu said that Ban’s visit had been significant and its positive outcome deserved to be assessed fairly by the international community.
He said Burma’s problems could not be addressed in a Western manner, the junta should steadily reform and the international community should fairly assess the country’s challenges.
He called for lifting the international sanctions against Burma, a necessary step for economic development.
“Events occurring inside Myanmar [Burma] are internal affairs that should be handled by the government, as they posed no threat to international peace and security. China is against isolating and sanctioning Myanmar and its position in that regard remained unchanged,” Liu said.
Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy. org
http://www.irrawadd y.org/article. php?art_id= 16320
More Karen IDPs Fleeing Fighting
More Karen IDPs Fleeing Fighting
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
By SAW YAN NAING Monday, July 13, 2009
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More than five hundred Karen villagers in Mon Township, Nyaunglebin District, in northern Karen State have become internal displaced persons (IDPs) after they were forced to flee and hide in the jungle due to fresh attacks by the Burmese military, according to relief groups.
The Free Burma Rangers (FBR), a relief group operating in the area, reported on July 7 that the five hundred villagers, including women and children, are facing food shortages as they were unable to take sufficient food with them when they fled.
Infants are suffering from illness due to heavy rain and a lack of proper medical treatment in the jungle.
Three men were also killed during the attack, according to the FBR report.
Karen sources said that Burmese army forces and troops from battalions 333 and 555 of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) ceasefire militia are now more active in Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) Brigade 5 area in northern Karen State after ending the week-long offensive against KNLA Brigade 7 in southern Karen State.
Due to the offensive launched by the joint force of the Burmese army and DKBA troops in June in the KNLA Brigade 7 area, about 4,000 Karen civilians in Pa-an district in Karen State fled into Thailand’s Tha Song Yang district for safety.
About 20 clashes took place in KNLA Brigade 5 areas during June, and an estimated 16 Burmese soldiers were killed and 39 were injured, according to the Karen news organization, Kwe Ka Lu.
Saw Steve, a leader of a Karen relief team of the Committee for Internally Displaced Karen People (CIDKP) said, “We heard the Burmese army has been reinforced in Mon Township, Nyaunglebin District, and now there is more military activity in this area.”
Border sources and observers said that after the fall of KNLA Brigade 7, the DKBA and Burmese force will turn its attention to the KNLA’s outposts in Brigade 5 and 6 areas.
The joint force intends to clear the KNLA from areas they control along the Thai-Burma border as assigned by the Burmese military, before the Burmese regime holds its planned general election in 2010, sources have reported.
The DKBA is conscripting new members in order to complete its assignment and make up a border guard force with 326 soldiers in each battalion, sources said.
The DKBA split from its mother organization the KNU and signed a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese military government in 1995.
Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org
End in sight of Suu Kyi trial
United Press International
End in sight of Suu Kyi trial
Published: July 13, 2009 at 9:36 AM
YANGON, Myanmar, July 13 (UPI) -- Final arguments in the trial of jailed Myanmar opposition leader and Nobel peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi will be heard on July 24.
Suu Kyi won the country's general election in May 1990 by a landslide, taking 392 of the 492 seats, with the next largest party taking 23 seats. But the military refused to recognize the results, and she has been detained on various charges for 13 of the past 19 years.
Suu Kyi, 64, has been under house arrest since May 2003 and is held on charges of threatening the national security of Myanmar, formerly called Burma. The current trial is over her alleged breaking of her house arrest when John William Yettaw, a U.S. citizen, swam across a lake and gained access to her property in May.
If convicted she faces up to five more years in jail. No date has been set for sentencing if Suu Kyi is found guilty.
Analysts believe the military would like to have her officially in jail during the first multiparty elections since 1990 that they have scheduled for next year. Although the junta's constitution prevents Suu Kyi from taking part, having her out of the way would avoid any embarrassing demonstrations at rallies of officially allowed parties.
The military has given itself 25 percent of seats in any new government decided by the elections.
At a special court set up inside Insein Prison in Yangon on Friday her lawyer, a member of Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy Party, argued her arrest was unlawful because it was based on the old 1974 constitution, which was replaced by another in 2008.
Her last witness gave his testimony when the trial was restarted only for the day, a week after the country's military head Than Shwe refused to let U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, on an official visit to Myanmar, see her.
In his departure speech Ban said the regime should release Suu Kyi to show the international community that the military is serious about moving towards democracy.
Amnesty International Australia renewed its call for her release this past weekend. In a written statement the pressure group called on the U.N. Security Council and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations to intervene to secure her release "without conditions."
Amnesty also said there are 2,100 political prisoners in Myanmar imprisoned in terrible conditions, including in the infamous Insein Prison where Suu Kyi is being held.
"Conditions in Burma's jails, including the notorious Insein Prison where Aung San Suu Kyi has been held for weeks, are appalling. The health of prisoners is put at risk by the circumstances in which they are forced to live and political prisoners are also at risk of torture and other ill-treatment, " said Jenny Leong, spokeswoman for Amnesty International Australia.
The U.N. Working Group on Arbitrary Detention said in March that the detention of Suu Kyi violates both international law and Burma's domestic legislation, Amnesty said.
Irish rock band U2 is dedicating their song "Walk On" to Suu Kyi every night on their current tour, which kicked off in Barcelona June 30.
The Norwegian Nobel Committee gave Suu Kyi the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize. The European Parliament awarded Suu Kyi the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought earlier that year. The Sakharov Prize is awarded around Dec. 10 every year, the day on which the U.N. General Assembly ratified the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948.
No date has been set for sentencing if Suu Kyi is found guilty.
ビルマ市民フォーラム メールマガジン 2009/7/14
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ビルマ市民フォーラム メールマガジン 2009/7/14
People's Forum on Burma
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ビルマ情報ネットワーク（BurmaInfo）からのメールを転送させていただき
ます。（重複の際は何卒ご容赦ください。）
ご紹介のドキュメンタリー映画『花と兵隊』につき、フォトジャーナリストの
山本宗補さん（ＰＦＢ運営委員）のコメントがこちらに掲載されています。
http://hanatoheitai.jugem.jp/?eid=19
8月8日より上映されます。ぜひご覧ください。
ＰＦＢ事務局 宮澤
http://www1.jca.apc.org/pfb/
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以下、ご紹介いたします。
ビルマ情報ネットワーク （www.burmainfo.org）
秋元由紀
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ドキュメンタリー映画『花と兵隊』（http://www.hanatoheitai.jp/）
８月８日より、シアター・イメージフォーラムにてロードショー、他全国順次公開
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『花と兵隊』は、タイ・ビルマ国境付近で敗戦を迎えた後、祖国に還らなかった6名
の日本兵、すなわち「未帰還兵」を描いたドキュメンタリー映画である。戦争の記憶
が薄れつつあるいま、90歳を前後する彼らを20代の監督・松林要樹がとらえた。2005
年から3年に渡る長期取材で、松林はもうひとつの戦後史ともいうべき彼らの暮らし
を見つめ、その生活に寄り添うことで、新たな証言を記録した。
敗戦後、自らの意思で所属部隊を離れ、現地に残った日本兵たち。彼らは、軍隊で
培った技術を生かし、土地に根付き、新しい家族をつくった。とりわけ妻たちの存在
が異郷の地に生きる彼らを支えた。家々には、いまでも新婚当時の彼女たちの可憐な
写真が飾られている。そして、彼らは、子や孫たちと、餅をつき、蕎麦を食べ、祖国
を懐かしんでいる。
しかし、そんな望郷の想いを引き裂くように、やがて質素な部屋の一角で、壮絶な戦
争の記憶が語られはじめる――
なぜ彼らは日本に還らなかったのか？ 南国の激しい雨の間隙、晴れやかな日差しの
中で、穏やかに老後を迎える元兵士たちの平和な日常に、漆黒の時代の闇が潜んでい
る。
監督・撮影・編集：松林要樹
編集：辻井潔
音楽：津嘉田泰三
プロデューサー：安岡卓治（『Ａ』、『Ａ２』、『Little Birds －イラク 戦火の家
族たち－』、『ガーダ ‐パレスチナの詩‐』、『パレスチナ1948・NAKBA』）
製作：記録映画「未帰還兵」製作委員会
配給：安岡フィルムズ
配給協力：東風、ＫＡＷＡＳＡＫＩアーツ
（2009/106分/DVCAM/日本語・ビルマ語・タイ語他 c2009 Yojyu Matsubayashi）
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劇場公開情報
8月8日より、シアター・イメージフォーラムにて公開
（Tel : 03-5766-0114／http://www.imageforum.co.jp/theatre/index.html）
10：15～/12：30～/14：45～/17：00～/19：15～
※8/8(土)、初回上映後と２回目上映前に松林要樹監督による舞台挨拶あり
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お問合せ／東風tel:03-5389-6605
========================================
Saturday, July 11, 2009
မဟာေအာင္ေျမ(ဓမၼပိယဆရာေတာ္)
ဘဝဟူသည္ တိုက္ပဲြအျမဲရိွသည္ဟု ဆိုႀက၏။ ဘဝက တိုက္ပြဲ ဆိုပါလား။ တကယ္ပဲ ဘဝက တိုက္ပဲြလား။
ေအးေအး ေဆးေဆး ေနလို ့ေကာ မရဘူးလား။ ေအာင္ျမင္ခ်င္သူ တိုးတက္ခ်င္သူတို ့ကေတာ့ ဘဝကို
တိုက္ပဲြအျဖစ္ ခံယူႀကသည္။ ဘဝကို တိုက္ပဲြအျဖစ္ ရႈျမင္ႀကသည္။ ဘဝကို တိုက္ပဲြ ပမာ သေဘာထားႀကသည္။
ေယာက်ာၤးတို ့ဇဲြ ေသကာမွေလွ်ာ့ရမည္ဟု ဆိုကာ ဝီရိယကို အျမဲေမာင္းတင္ထားႀကသည္။ ေအာင္ျမင္သူအမ်ားစု
က ဝီရိယ ကိုးဆယ့္ကိုးက်ပ္သားထဲကို အသိဥာဏ္ပညာ တစ္က်ပ္သားထည့္ျပီး ေရာသမေမႊလိုက္လွ်င္ ေအာင္ျမင္
မႈအထြပ္အထိပ္သို ့ ေရာက္ပါသည္ဟု ဆိုမိန္ ့ႀကသည္။ ေအာင္ျမင္မႈ၏ အဓိကေသာ့ခ်က္သည္ ဝီရိယ၊ လုံ ့လ၊ ဇြဲ ဟု
သတ္မွတ္ခဲ့ႀကသည္။
ေဘာလုံးပဲြတစ္ပဲြကန္ရာမွာ အနိုင္၊ အရံႈး၊ သေရဟု အေျဖသုံးမ်ိဳးရိွသည္။ ေဘာလုံးပဲြမွာ အနိုင္အရံႈးေပၚမွ ႀကည့္
လို ့ေကာင္းသည္။ သေရဆိုလွ်င္ သိပ္ႀကည့္လို ့မေကာင္း။ ဂိ္ုးမရိွသေရဆိုလွ်င္ ပိုဆိုးေသးသည္။ သို ့ရာတြင္ သေရ
ဆိုတာရိွေနျခင္းကလည္း ေဘာလုံးပဲြ၏ ဆဲြေဆာင္မႈ တစ္ခုပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ လိဂ္ပဲြေတြမွာဆိုလွ်င္ သေရဆိုတာက
ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္တစ္ခု၊ အင္အားတစ္ခုျဖစ္သည္။ ထိုသေရဆိုတာကပင္ ေနာက္ဆုံးတစ္ေန ့မွာ အနိုင္အရံႈး အဆုံးအျဖတ္
ေပးတာရိွသည္။
စာေမးပဲြေျဖဆိုရာမွာေတာ့ ေအာင္တာနွင့္က်တာ၊ နိုင္တာနွင့္ ရံႈးတာ နွစ္မ်ိဳးသာရိွသည္။ သေရဆိုတာမရိွ။ ဘဝမွာ
ေကာ သေရဆိုတာ ရိွပါသလား။ ေစ်းေလာကမွာေတာ့ ျမတ္လည္းမက်န္၊ အရံႈးလည္းမျပဆိုလွ်င္ အရင္းဟု သတ္မွတ္
ႀကသည္။ အရံႈးနွင့္ အနိုင္ကို ေစ်းေလာကမွာလို အရံႈးအျမတ္တြက္လွ်င္ ဘဝမွာလည္း သေရဆိုတာရိွသည္။ တကယ္ေတာ့
လည္း အနိုင္ထဲမွာ အရံႈးရိွသလို အရံႈးထဲမွာလည္း အနိုင္ဆိုတာရိွနိုင္ သည္သာ။ ယူတတ္သည့္အေပၚမွာ တည္ပါလိမ့္မည္။
သိမ္ႀကီးေစ်း၊ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေစ်း စသည္မွာ ေစ်းေရာင္းေနသူေတြ ေစ်းေရာင္းမေကာင္းလွ်င္ ေမတၱာပို ့ေန၊ ဂုဏ္ေတာ္ ပြားေန
ပုတီးစိပ္ေန၊ တရားမွတ္ေန၊ ဥစၥာမရလွ်င္ ကုသိုိလ္ရရမည္။ ကုသိုလ္ရတာ အျမတ္မဟုတ္လား။
ကေလးဘဝမွာ ပထမမူႀကိဳ၊ ေနာက္ေတာ့ မူလတန္း၊ အလယ္တန္း၊ အထက္တန္း၊ တကၠသိုလ္အသီးသီးမွာ ပညာေတြ
သင္ စာေတြတတ္၊စာေတြက်က္၊ စာေမးပဲြေတြ ေျဖနွင့္ ႀကိဳးစားပမ္းစားအားထုတ္ေနရျခင္းသည္ ဘဝတိုက္ပဲြဟုဆိုလိုက
ဆိုနိုင္သည္။ ေက်ာင္းျပီးသြားေတာ့ ကိုယ္ဝါသနာ ပါရာ ကိုယ္သန္ရာ သို ့မဟုတ္ ဘဝအက်ိဳးေပးအရ ေရာက္ရာေနရာ၊
က်ရာတာဝန္တို ့ကို ထမ္းေဆာင္ေနရျခင္းသည္ ဘဝတိုက္ပဲြဟု သတ္မွတ္လိုက သတ္မွတ္နိုင္သည္။
တခ်ိဳ ့က ဆရာဝန္၊တခ်ိဳ့က အင္ဂ်င္နီယာ တခ်ိဳ့က ေက်ာင္းဆရာ၊ တခ်ိဳ ့က ကုန္သည္၊ တခ်ိဳ ့ကပဲြစား၊ တခ်ိဳ ့က
စာေရးဆရာ၊ တခ်ိဳ ့က သရုပ္ေဆာင္ စသည္ ဆိုင္ရာလုပ္ငန္းခြင္မွာ ရုန္းကန္ လႈပ္ရွားေနရျခင္းသည္ ဘဝတိုက္ပဲြ
ပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ တိုက္ပဲြဟူသည္ တိုက္ကတည္းက အနိုင္ရလိုသျဖင့္ တိုက္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ သို ့ေသာ္ နိုင္တာလည္းရိွမည္။
ရံႈးတာလည္းရိွမည္။ တခ်ိဳ ့နိုင္ ၊ တခ်ိဳ ့ရံႈး၊ အနိုင္နွင့္ အရႈံး ေရာျပြမ္းေနတာလည္းရိွမည္။ နိုင္သလိုလိုနွင့္ ရံႈး၊ ရံႈးသလိုလို
နွင့္ နိုင္ ဆိုတာေတြလည္းရိွမည္။
ဘဝဆိုတာ ရန္ကုန္ျမိဳ ့မွာ ဘတ္စ္ကားစီးရတာနွင့္ေတာ့ တူသည္။ ညေနရံုးဆင္းခ်ိန္ ဆူးေလဘုရားလမ္းမွတ္တိုင္မွာ
ေနအိမ္အသီးသီးသို ့ျပန္ႀကမည့္ ျမိဳ ါနယ္ အသီးသီးက ခရီးသည္ေတြသည္ အိမ္ျပန္လိုေဇာနွင့္ ဆိုင္ရာဘတ္စ္ကားေတြ
ေပၚကို တိုးျပီးေတာ့တက္ႀကရသည္။ တိုက္ခ်င္ရာတိုက္၊ တိုက္ျပီးေတာ့ တက္ႀကရသည္။ ဘဝဆိုတာကလည္း ဘတ္စ္ကား
ခရီးသည္ေတြပမာသာ ျဖစ္သည္။ တိုးျပီးေတာ့ တက္ေနႀကရသည္။ ဒီေတာ့ ဘဝဆိုတာ တိုက္ပဲြ အျမဲရိွသည္ဆိုေသာ
စကားက ျဖစ္နိုင္ေခ်ရိွသည္။
တိုက္ပဲြအသီးသီးမွာ တခ်ိဳ ့က အျပင္ပန္းမွာ ေအာင္ျမင္သည္၊ နိုင္သည္ဟု ယူဆရေသာ္လည္း အတြင္းပိုင္းမွာ
ရံႈးေနတာ ရိွေနတတ္သည္။ တခ်ိဳ ့က အျပင္ပန္းမွာ ရံႈးေနသည္ဟု ထင္ရေသာ္လည္း အတြင္းပိုင္းမွာ ေအာင္ျမင္တာ၊
နိုင္တာေတြလည္း ရိွတတ္သည္။ လူအမ်ားစုကေတာ့ ေအာင္ျမင္်မႈ၊ က်ဆုံးမႈ၊ အနိုင္နွင့္အရံႈးကို အျပင္ပန္းႀကည့္ျပီး
ေတာ့သာ ဆုံးျဖတ္ႀကသည္။ တကယ္ေတာ့ အျပင္ပန္းႀကည့္ျပီးေတာ့ အနိုင္နွင့္ အရံႈးဆုံးျဖတ္ျခင္းသည္ မွန္ကန္တိက်
ေသာ ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္ေတာ့ မျဖစ္နိုင္ေခ်။
အေလာင္းေတာ္သည္ ဘဝတစ္ခုမွာ ကုဒါလပဣိတဟူေသာ နာမည္နွင့္ ရေသ့ ျဖစ္ခဲ့သည္။ အေလာင္းေတာ္သည္
သူ လူဝတ္ေႀကာင္တုန္းက သိမ္းဆည္းထားေသာ ေျပာင္းဖူးဆန္တစ္စလယ္နွင့္ ေပါက္တူးတစ္ေခ်ာင္းအေပၚ သံေယာဇဥ္
မျပတ္လို ့ ရေသ့ဝတ္လိုက္၊လူျပန္ထြက္လိုက္နွင့္ သံသရာလည္ေနသည္။ လူျပန္ထြက္တာ ေျခာက္ႀကိမ္ေျမာက္ရိွသြားသည္။
ေနာက္ဆုံးအႀကိမ္မွာ အေလာင္းေတာ္က သံေယာဇဥ္ျဖတ္လိုက္သည္။ ေျပာင္းဖူးဆန္ထုပ္နွင့္ ေပါက္တူးကို ဂဂၤါျမစ္ထဲ ပစ္
ခ်လိုက္သည္။ ပစ္ခ်လိုက္ျပီးေနာက္ အေလာင္းေတာ္က “ေအာင္ျပီ...........နိုင္ျပီ ” ဟု အသံကုန္သုံးႀကိမ္တိုင္တိုင္ ေအာ္
ဟစ္ ေႀကြးေႀကာ္လိုက္သည္။
ထိုအခိုက္ ထိုအနီးမွာ ဗာရာဏသီမင္းကလည္း တိုက္ပဲြေအာင္နိုင္ျပန္လာျပီး ေအာင္ပဲြခံေနသည္။ အေလာင္းေတာ္၏
ေအာင္ျပီ....... နိုင္ျပီဟူေသာ အသံကိုႀကားရလို ့ အက်ိဳးအေႀကာင္း ေခၚယူေမးျမန္းသည္။ အေလာင္းေတာ္က သူ ့ ့့့ဘဝျဖစ္ေႀကာင္းကုန္စင္ကို သံေတာ္ဦးတင္ျပီး “အရွင္မင္းႀကီး။ အရွင္မင္းႀကီး ေအာင္တယ္၊ နိုင္တယ္ဆိုတာ အျပင္အပ
က ရန္သူကို ေအာင္နိုင္တာပဲ။ အကၽြနုပ္ေအာင္နိုင္တာက အတြင္းရန္ကို ေအာင္နိုင္တာ။ အရွင္မင္းျမတ္ အျပင္အပက ရန္သူ
ကို ေအာင္နိုင္တယ္ဆိုတာ အခန္ ့မသင့္ရင္ကိုယ္က ျပန္ရံႈးရဦးမယ္။ အတြင္းရန္ကို ေအာင္နိုင္တာကမွ ေအာင္နိုင္မႈစစ္စစ္
ျဖစ္ပါတယ္” ဟု ေလွ်ာက္တင္ေလသည္။
မိမိတို ့အျပင္အပ ဘဝတိုက္ပဲြမွာ ေအာင္ျမင္တာေတြ အနိုင္ရတာေတြ ရိွတယ္။ ေက်ာင္းသားဘဝမွာ စာေမးပဲြေအာင္ႀက
သည္။ ဆရာဝန္၊ အင္ဂ်င္နီယာ စသည္ျဖစ္ေတာ့ ပညာေရးမွာ ေအာင္ျမင္သည္။ လုပ္ငန္းရွင္ႀကီးျဖစ္ေတာ့ စီးပြာယးေရးမွာ
ေအာင္ျမင္သည္။ စာသင္၊ စာျပ၊ ေဆးကု၊ သရုပ္ေဆာင္ စသည့္ ကိုယ့္လုပ္ရပ္ ကို အမ်ားက အသိအမွတ္ျပဳအားေပးႀက
ေတာ့ ကိုယ့္ကိုယ္ကိုယ္ ေအာင္ျမင္သည္ ဟု ဂုဏ္ယူႀကသည္။ အျခားျပိဳင္ရဆိုင္္ရ ထိ္္ပ္တိုက္ေတြ ့ရေသာပြဲေတြမွာ
ေအာင္ျမင္မႈ၊ အနိုင္ရမႈေတြသည္ အမွန္ေတာ့ အားရေက်နပ္ဖြယ္ေကာင္းေသာ အာမခံခ်က္ရိွေသာ ေအာင္နိုင္မႈမ်ိဳးေတာ့
မဟုတ္ေသးေခ်။
ဘုရားလက္ထက္ေတာ္က သူေဌးသမီးကုဣလေကသီသည္ ႀကံႀကံ ဖန္ဖန္ သူသတ္ကုန္းသို ့ သတ္ဖို ့ရန္ထတ္လာေသာ
ရာဇဝတ္သားသူခိုးကိုမွ စဲြစဲြလမ္းလမ္းခ်စ္မိရွာသည္။ သူခိုးဆိုေတာ့ သူခိုးအက်င့္ကမေပ်ာက္။ သူခိုးႀကံပဲႀကံသည္။
ကဣလေကသီကို ေတာင္ေပၚညာေခၚသြား လက္ဝတ္ရတနာေတြကို ခၽြတ္ယူကာ ေတာင္ေအာက္တြန္းခ် သတ္ဖို ့ႀကံစည္
သည္။ လူတစ္ေယာက္လုံးေတာင္ ရထားျပီးမွ အားလုံးကို ပိုင္ဆိုင္ေနျပီမဟုတ္လား။ ဘာလိုေသးေတာ့လို ့လဲ။ ေတာ္ေတာ္
တုံးသည့္ေကာင္ပဲ။ လူဆိုးသူခိုးကို ကယ္ရုံတင္မက ယုံမွတ္ကာ ပုံအပ္မိေတာ့ ကုဣလေကသီ ဒုကၡေရာက္ရရွာသည္။
ဝ႗္ေႀကြးေႀကာင့္လား၊ ေရစက္ေႀကာင့္လား၊ တစ္ခုခုေတာ့ တစ္ခုခု။
ကုဣလေကသီကလည္း ခပ္ည့ံညံ့မိန္းမေတာ့မဟုတ္။ မာယာနွင့္ဖ်ားေယာင္းျပီး သူက ဦးေအာင္တြန္းခ်ပစ္လိုက္သည္။
ေတာင္ေစာင့္နတ္က ကုဣေကသီကို ပညာရွိပါေပသည္ဟု ခ်ီးက်ဴးစကားဆိုသည္။ ကုဣလေကသီလည္း ရွက္ရွက္နွင့္
အိမ္ကိုမျပန္ရဲေတာ့။ ေျခဦးတည့္ရာသြားရင္းက ပုရဗိုဇ္မေတြေက်ာင္းေရာက္၊ ပုရဗိုဇ္မဝတ္၊ ေနာက္ေတာ့ ဘိကၡဳနီမဝတ္ျပီး
ရဟႏၱာမႀကီးျဖစ္သြားသည္။ ဘဝဆိုတာ အဆိုးႀကီးဆိုးျပီးလွ်င္ အေကာင္းႀကီးေကာင္းတတ္သည္။ သို ့ေသာ္ လူတိုင္းေတာ့
လည္း ဟုတ္မည္မထင္။
တရားသဘင္မွာ ရဟန္းေတာ္ေတြ စပ္မိစပ္ရာေျပာႀကေတာ့ ကုဣလေကသီ ေထရီမသည္ တကယ့္စစ္ပဲြႀကီးတစ္ပဲြကို အနိုင္
ႏဲႊခဲ့တာပဲဟု ခ်ီးက်ဴးစကားေျပာႀကသည္။ ရဟန္းေတြစကားဘုရားႀကားရေတာ့ “ရဟန္းတို ့ အျပင္အပကရန္သူေတြကို
ေအာင္နိုင္တယ္ဆိုတာ စစ္မွန္တဲ့ ေအာင္နိုင္ျခင္းမဟုတ္ဘူး။ မိမိကိုယ္တြင္းက ကိေလသာရန္သူကိုနိုင္မွသာ စစ္မွန္တဲ့နိုင္ျခင္း
ေခၚတယ္။ စစ္ေျမျပင္မွာ ရန္သူစစ္သည္ေတာ္ဆယ္သိန္းကို နိုင္လိုက္ျခင္းဟာ ျမင့္ျမတ္တဲ့နိုင္ျခင္းမဟုတ္ဘူး။ တစ္ေယာက္
တည္းေသာ မိမိကိုယ္ကိုနိုင္မွသာ ျမင့္ျမတ္တဲ့နိုင္ျခင္းျဖစ္တယ္။ ကိုယ့္ကိုယ္ကိုယ္နိုင္မွ တကယ့္သူရဲေကာင္းစစ္စစ္ပဲ” ဟု
မိန္ ့ေတာ္မူသည္။
ဘဝဟူသည္ တိုက္ပဲြျဖစ္သည္။ သို ့ေသာ္ မိမိတို ့တိုက္ေနတာက အျပင္ေလာကကို မ်က္နွာမူျပီးတိုက္ေနႀကသည္။
တကယ့္တိုက္ပဲြစစ္စစ္က မိမိကိုယ္တြင္းမွာသာ ျဖစ္သည္။ မိမိ အဇ်ၥတၱကိုယ္တြင္းကို မ်က္နွာမူျပီးတိုက္ပဲြဝင္ရမည္။ ကိုယ္
တြင္းက ကိေလသာရန္သူကို ရွာေဖြျပီး ေခ်မႈန္းရမည္။ အျပင္ရန္ကို ေခ်မႈန္းေနလို ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးရမည္မဟုတ္။ အတြင္းရန္
ကို ေခ်မႈန္းနိုင္မွသာ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးစစ္စစ္မွန္မွန္ရရိွလိမ့္မည္။
ဘဝတိုက္ပဲြမွာ ပညာေရး၊ စီးပြားေရး၊ အိမ္ေထာင္ေရး၊ လူမႈေရး၊ နိုင္ငံေရး စသည္ဆိုင္ရာေအာင္ျမင္မႈေတြ ရိွႀကသည္။ အနိင္
ရတာေတြ မ်ားခဲ့ပါျပီး။ သို ့ေသာ္ ကိုယ့္ကိုယ္ကိုယ္ေတာ့ မနိုင္ႀကေသးပါ။ ကိုယ့္စိတ္ကိုယ္ေတာ့ မနိုင္ႀကေသးပါ။ ကိုယ့္ေလာဘ၊
ကိုယ့္ေဒါသ၊ ကိုယ့္အတၱ စတာေတြေတာ့ နိုင္ေအာင္မတိုက္နိုင္ႀကေသးပါ။ ကိုယ့္ကိုယ္ကိုယ္နိုင္မွ၊ ကိုယ့္စိတ္ကိုယ္ နိုင္မွ၊
ကိုယ့္ေလာဘ၊ ေဒါသ၊ အတၱ၊ မာန ေတြကိုနိုင္မွ တကယ့္ေအာင္နိုင္သူ၊ ေအာင္ျမင္သူျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မည္။ ေရႊဘိုျမိဳ ့ အဝင္
မဟာေအာင္ေျမဘုရားဝင္းအတြင္း၌ အေလာင္းဘုရားစစ္မခ်ီခင္ အျမဲနင္းခဲ့ေသာ မဟာေအာင္ေျမဟူ၍ ယခုတိုင္ရိွသည္။
ဗုဒၶအလိုအရေတာ့ တကယ့္မဟာေအာင္ေျမသည္ မိမိတို ့နွလုံးအိမ္အတြင္းမွာသာရိွသည္။ မိမိ၏ စစ္မွန္ေသာေအာင္ပဲြကို
မိမိ၏နွလုံးသားအတြင္းမွာသာ ရွာေဖြ ေတြ ့ရိွနိုင္သည္။
အရွင္သံဝရလကၤာရ
ဓမၼပိယဆရာေတာ္
၂၀၀၉-ေမလထုတ္-အေတြးအျမင္(အမွတ္-၂၀၆)မွ ကူးယူေဖာ္ျပသည္။
Thursday, July 9, 2009
UNSG’s Remarks on Myanmar to Diplomatic Missions, UN Agencies and Non-Governmental Organizations
ျမန္မာဘာသာျပန္ကို အဂၤလိပ္ဘာသာေနာက္တြင္ဆက္လက္ဖတ္ရႈနိုင္ပါသည္
(ဘာသာျပန္၍ေမးပို ့ေပးေသာအန္ကယ္ဦးေမာင္ေမာင္လွႀကိဳင္အားေက်းဇူးအထူးတင္ရိွပါသည္)
Excellencies,
Distinguished guests and colleagues
Ladies and Gentlemen,
This is my second visit to Myanmar in just over a year. Both visits have been at critical times for the country's future.
My first visit was in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis. This devastating natural disaster, which took so many lives and created so much hardship, touched hearts across the globe. In Myanmar's moment of need, the world responded generously.
I want to personally thank everyone here today for your remarkable contributions to the relief and recovery effort.
You have saved lives, rejuvenated communities and made it possible for many thousands of people to reclaim their livelihoods. You have helped Myanmar to overcome adversity. It is important that this work continues.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I felt the tragedy of Cyclone Nargis deeply -- as a fellow Asian and as Secretary-General.
I am Asia's second Secretary-General. The first was Myanmar''s U Thant. I revere his memory. I also recall his wise words.
U Thant said: “The worth of the individual human being is the most unique and precious of all our assets and must be the beginning and end of all our efforts. Governments, systems, ideologies and institutions come and go, but humanity remains.”
This is why I have returned.
As Secretary-General, I attach the highest importance to helping the people of this country to achieve their legitimate aspirations.
The United Nations works for people – their rights, their well-being, their dignity. It is not an option. It is our responsibility.
I have come to show the unequivocal shared commitment of the United Nations to the people of Myanmar.
I am here today to say: Myanmar – you are not alone.
We want to work with you for a united, peaceful, prosperous, democratic and modern Myanmar.
We want to help you rise from poverty.
We want to work with you so your country can take its place as a respected and responsible member of the international community.
We want to help you achieve national reconciliation, durable peace and sustainable development.
But, let me emphasize: neither peace nor development can thrive without democracy and respect for human rights.
Myanmar is no exception.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The challenges are many. But they are not insurmountable.
We know from experience that securing Myanmar's peaceful, democratic and prosperous future is a complex process.
None of Myanmar's challenges can be solved on their own. Peace, development and human rights are closely inter-related.
Failure to address them with equal attention will risk undermining the prospects for democracy, durable peace and prosperity.
However, we also know that where there is a genuine will for dialogue and reconciliation, all obstacles can be overcome.
The question today is this: how much longer can Myanmar afford to wait for national reconciliation, democratic transition and full respect for human rights?
The cost of delay will be counted in wasted lives, lost opportunities and prolonged isolation from the international community.
Let me be clear: all the people of Myanmar must work in the national interest.
I said this yesterday when I met with representatives of Myanmar's registered political parties and with those armed groups that have chosen to observe a cease-fire. I encouraged them respectively to honour their commitments to the democratic process and peace.
Nonetheless, the primary responsibility lies with the Government to move the country towards its stated goals of national reconciliation and democracy.
Failure to do so will prevent the people of Myanmar from realizing their full potential.
Failure to do so will deny the people of Myanmar their right to live in dignity and to pursue better standards of life in larger freedom.
These principles lie at the core of the United Nations Charter, whose opening words are “We the peoples”.
The founding Constitution of independent Myanmar echoes these noble words. We must work together to ensure that Myanmar's future embodies these principles too.
With this in mind, I bring three messages.
First, respect for human dignity is the precondition for peace and development everywhere.
Myanmar was one of the first United Nations Member States to adopt the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
It subscribed early on to the consensus that respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms is indispensable to political, economic and social progress.
Unfortunately, that commitment has not been matched in deed. Myanmar's human rights record remains a matter of grave concern.
The Government has articulated its goals as stability, national reconciliation and democracy.
The upcoming election –the first in twenty years – must be inclusive, participatory and transparent if it is to be credible.
Myanmar's way forward must be rooted in respect for human rights
This is why I say that all political prisoners, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, should be released without delay.
When I met General Than Shwe yesterday and today, I asked to visit Ms. Suu Kyi. I am deeply disappointed that he refused.
I believe the government of Myanmar has lost a unique opportunity to show its commitment to a new era of political openness.
Allowing a visit to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would have been an important symbol of the government's willingness to embark on the kind of meaningful engagement that will be essential if the elections in 2010 are to be seen as credible.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi must be allowed to participate in the political process without further delay.
Indeed, all the citizens of Myanmar must be given the opportunity to contribute fully to the future of this country.
National reconciliation cannot be complete without the free and active participation of all who seek to contribute.
The country must embark on a process of genuine dialogue that includes all concerned parties, all ethnic groups and all minorities.
People must be free to debate and to engage in political dialogue, and they must have free access to the information that will help them participate meaningfully in the democratic process.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Any transition is difficult. Myanmar has already undergone transitions from sovereign kingdom, to occupied colony, and now independent State.
This history carries a twin legacy of armed conflict and political deadlock, including recent painful events: the repression of demonstrators in 1988, the cancellation of the 1990 election results, and the clampdown on peaceful dissent that continues to this day.
At the same time, there have been some positive efforts that should be recognized.
Although still fragile, the cease-fire agreements between the Government and armed groups have reduced the level of conflict. The United Nations has wide-ranging experience in making such gains irreversible.
Sovereignty, territorial integrity and national unity are legitimate concerns for any government.
We contend that opening and broadening the political space is the best way to ensure that each group and each individual becomes part of the greater collective project.
The military, all political parties, ethnic minority groups, civil society, and indeed every son and daughter of Myanmar has a role to play in this country's transition.
Only mutual compromise, respect and understanding can lay the foundations for durable peace, national reconciliation and democracy.
My second message is on addressing the humanitarian needs of Myanmar's people.
I am glad I have been able to return to see the progress made in the Irrawaddy Delta. The loss of some 130,000 people was tragic, but the rebuilding I saw today was impressive.
The tragedy showed the resilience of the people of Myanmar. It also demonstrated that people throughout the world care deeply about Myanmar and its people.
Above all, the response to Cyclone Nargis proved the value of engagement over isolation.
The unprecedented cooperation between Myanmar, the United Nations and ASEAN through the Tripartite Core Group, with the support of the donor community, has demonstrated that humanitarian imperatives and the principles of sovereignty do not conflict.
Humanitarian assistance -- in Myanmar as elsewhere -- should never be held hostage to political considerations. We can and must work together to ensure access to humanitarian and development assistance to all those in Myanmar who need it.
This brings me to my third message. It is time for Myanmar to unleash its economic potential.
Myanmar sits in the middle of Asia's economic miracle. Harnessing Myanmar to the rapid advances taking place around it is the surest way to raise living standards.
I welcome the Government's policy of opening up to outside trade and investment, and its efforts to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, control HIV, combat human trafficking and curtail opium production.
But the reality is that millions continue to live in poverty. Standards of living in Myanmar remain among the lowest in Asia.
The people of Myanmar need jobs, they need food security and they need access to health care.
We must work to ensure that the people of Myanmar can benefit from and contribute to the regional and global economy.
We must recognize that the region and the world have much to gain from a stable, prosperous and democratic Myanmar. We must work together for that goal.
The Government of Myanmar must seize the moment.
It must take advantage of the opportunities that the international community is prepared to offer to the people of Myanmar.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I came here as a friend.
My duty is to uphold the ideals and principles of the United Nations Charter.
My role is to encourage all of you – the Government, political parties, ethnic groups, civil society – to move forward together as one people and one nation.
Nothing is insurmountable or impossible when the people's interest is placed above divisions.
The region and the world are changing fast. Myanmar only stands to gain from engagement -- and from embarking on its own change.
The Government of Myanmar has repeatedly stated that cooperation with the United Nations is the cornerstone of the country's foreign policy.
We ask it to match deeds with words.
The more Myanmar works in partnership with the United Nations to respond to its people's needs and aspirations, the more it affirms its sovereignty.
Similarly it is incumbent on the international community as whole to work together to help Myanmar meet our shared goals: a united, peaceful, prosperous and democratic future, with full respect for the human rights of all the country's people.
Kyae zoo tin bar tae.
ဂုဏ္သေရ႐ွိ လူႀကီးမင္းမ်ား၊ ဧည့္သည္ေတာ္မ်ားႏွင့္ေရာင္းရင္းမိတ္ေဆြမ်ားခင္ဗ်ား
ဒါဟာ တႏွစ္ေက်ာ္အတြင္း ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကို ဒုတိယအႀကိမ္ေျမာက္လာေရာက္ျခင္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ႏွစ္ႀကိမ္စလုံး ဟာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕အနာဂတ္အတြက္ အေရးႀကီးတဲ့အခ်ိန္မ်ားပင္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ပထမ ကၽြန္ေတာ္လာေရာက္တဲ့အခ်ိန္ဟာ နာဂစ္မုန္တုိင္း၀င္ေရာက္ၿပီးခ်ိန္အတြင္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီ ေၾကာက္မက္ ဘြယ္သဘာ၀ေဘးအႏၱရာယ္ဟာ အသက္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာကုိယူသြားခဲ့တယ္၊ ၾကမ္းတမ္းတဲ့အေျခအေနေတြကုိလဲ ဖန္တီးခဲ့တယ္၊ တကမၻာလုံးရဲ႕ ႏွလုံးသည္းပြတ္ေတြကုိလဲခံစားရေအာင္လႈပ္ကုိင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕လုိအပ္ ေနခ်ိန္မွာ ကမၻာက ရက္ရက္ေရာေရာ တုန္႔ျပန္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ကယ္ဆယ္ေရးနဲ႔ ျပန္လည္ထူေထာင္ရန္ႀကိဳးပမ္းခ်က္ျဖစ္တဲ့ သင္တုိ႔ရဲ႕ ထင္႐ွားတဲ့ ပ့ံပုိးကူညီမႈမ်ားအတြက္ အား လုံးကုိ ေက်းဇူးတင္႐ိွပါေၾကာင္း ဒီေန႔ ဒီေနရာကေန ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေရးအရ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ေျပာၾကားလုိပါတယ္။
သင္တုိ႔ဟာ အသက္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာကုိကယ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္၊ လူ႔အသုိင္းအ၀ုိင္းကုိျပန္လည္႐ွင္သန္လန္းဆန္းေစပါတယ္၊ ေထာင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာေသာျပည္သူေတြကုိ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ ေနထုိင္မႈဘ၀မ်ားအား ျပန္လည္အသက္ဆက္ေစႏိုင္ခဲ့ပါ တယ္။
ဂုဏ္သေရ႐ိွလူႀကီးမင္းမ်ားခင္ဗ်ား
အာ႐ွတုိက္သားတေယာက္အေနနဲ႔ေရာ အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္အေနနဲ႔ပါ နာဂစ္မုန္တုိင္းဒဏ္ကုိ ေၾက ကြဲစြာခံစားရမိပါတယ္။
ကၽြန္ေတာ္ဟာ အာ႐ွတုိက္ရဲ႕ ဒုတိယေျမာက္အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္ပါ။ ပထမေျမာက္ပုဂၢဳိလ္ကေတာ့ ျမန္ မာႏိုင္ငံသား ဦးသန္႔ပါ။ သူ႔ရဲ႕မွတ္ဉာဏ္ကုိ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ျမတ္ႏိုးၾကည္ညိဳပါတယ္။ သူရဲ႕ပညာ႐ိွစကားကုိလဲ အ မွတ္ရပါတယ္။
ဦးသန္႔ကဆိုမိန္႔ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ “လူသားတဦးခ်င္းစီရဲ႕တန္ဘုိးဟာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ရဲ႕အဘုိးတန္ပိုင္ဆိုင္မႈေတြအနက္ အလြန္ထူးျခားၿပီး အလြန္တန္ဘုိး႐ိွလွပါတယ္။ အစုိးရမ်ား၊ စံနစ္မ်ား၊ အေတြးအေခၚမ်ားနဲ႔ အသင္းအပင္းအ ဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား ၀င္လိုက္ ထြက္လုိက္နဲ႔ ျဖစ္ေနေပမင့္ လူသားဂုဏ္ရည္ကေတာ့ ဆက္လက္တည္႐ိွ ေနမွာပါ” တဲ့။
ဒါေၾကာင့္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ျပန္လာခဲ့တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္အေနနဲ႔ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ တရား၀င္ဆႏၵျပင္းျပမႈမ်ားရ႐ိွေစႏိုင္ရန္အတြက္ ဒီႏိုင္ငံျပည္သူ မ်ားအား ကူညီႏိုင္ေရးကုိ အေရးအႀကီးဆုံးအျဖစ္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ဦးထိပ္ပန္ဆင္သယ္ေဆာင္လာပါတယ္။
ကုလသမဂၢဟာ လူအမ်ားရဲ႕ အခြင့္အေရးမ်ား၊ ခ်မ္းသာသုခမ်ား၊ ဂုဏ္အ႐ိွန္အ၀ါမ်ားအတြက္ ေဆာင္႐ြက္ေပး ေနပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာ စိတ္ႀကိဳက္ေ႐ြးခ်ယ္လုပ္ေပးေနျခင္း မဟုတ္ပါ။ ဒါဟာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ရဲ႕တာ၀န္ပုိင္းပါ။
ကုလသမဂၢရဲ႕ ျပတ္သားၿပီးတာ၀န္ခြဲေ၀ကာ ျပဌာန္းႏွစ္ႁမႇဳပ္ေဆာင္႐ြက္ျခင္းကို ျမန္မာျပည္သူမ်ားအား ျပသ ရန္ကၽြန္ေတာ္လာေရာက္တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒီေန႔ ဒီေနရာမွာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ေျပာပါရေစ။ ျမန္မာ- သင္သည္ အထီးက်န္မဟုတ္ပါ။
စည္းလုံးညီၫြတ္တဲ့၊ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းတဲ့၊ ေပါႂကြယ္၀တဲ့ ေခတ္သစ္ဒီမုိကေရစီ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအတြက္ သင္တုိ႔နဲ႔အတူ အလုပ္လုပ္ရန္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ လုိလားပါတယ္။
ဆင္းရဲတြင္းမွ႐ုန္းထႏိုင္ရန္ သင္တုိ႔ကုိကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ကူညီလုိပါတယ္။
ႏိုင္ငံတကာအသုိင္းအ၀န္းရဲ႕ ေလးစားခံရတဲ့ တာ၀န္သိတဲ့အဖြဲ႕၀င္ေနရာကုိ သင္တုိ႔ႏိုင္ငံရယူႏိုင္ရန္အတြက္ သင္တုိ႔နဲ႔အတူ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ လုပ္ေဆာင္လုိပါတယ္။
အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရး၊ တည္တံ့တဲ့ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးနဲ႔ ေရ႐ွည္ခံ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးတုိးတက္မႈမ်ားအတြက္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ တုိ႔ သင္တုိ႔ကုိကူညီလုိပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမင့္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္အေလးအနက္ျပဳေျပာပါရေစ - ဒီမုိကေရစီနဲ႔ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးေလးစားလိုက္နာမႈမ႐ိွလွ်င္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးေသာ္၄င္း၊ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးတုိးတက္မႈေသာ္၄င္း ႐ွင္သန္မွာမဟုတ္ပါဘူး။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ ခၽြင္းခ်က္မဟုတ္ပါ။
ဂုဏ္သေရ႐ိွလူႀကီးမင္းမ်ားခင္ဗ်ား
စိန္ေခၚမႈေတြက အမ်ားႀကီးပါ။ ဒါေပမင့္ ေက်ာ္လႊားလုိ႔မရႏိုင္တာေတာ့ မဟုတ္ပါ။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းတဲ့၊ ဒီမုိကေရစီစံနစ္႐ိွတဲ့ သာယာ၀ေျပာ ေပါႂကြယ္၀တဲ့အနာဂတ္ကုိ ကာကြယ္ထိန္းသိမ္း ရမဲ့ကိစၥဟာ ႐ႈပ္ေထြးတဲ့လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း အေတြ႕အႀကဳံမ်ားအရ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ သိ႐ိွရပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအတြက္ မည္သည့္ စိန္ေခၚမႈကုိမဆုိ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံခ်ည္းသက္သက္ မေျဖ႐ွင္းႏိုင္ပါ။ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး၊ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးတုိးတက္ေရးနဲ႔ လူအခြင့္အေရးဟာ အျပန္အလွန္ ႏြယ္႐ွက္ ဆက္စပ္ေနပါတယ္။
ဒီအခ်က္ေတြကုိ တူညီတဲ့အာ႐ုံစုိက္ အေလးထားမႈမ႐ိွပဲ ေျပာဆုိေဆာင္႐ြက္ျခင္းဟာ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရး၊ တည္တ့ံ တဲ့ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးနဲ႔ သာယာ၀ေျပာေရးတုိ႔ရဲ႕ အလားအလာေကာင္းျခင္းကုိ ေမွးမွိန္ ေသးသိမ္ေစပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမင့္၊ ေတြ႕ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးေရးနဲ႔ျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးအတြက္ စစ္မွန္တဲ့ဆႏၵ႐ိွမယ္ဆုိရင္ အခက္အခဲအားလုံး ကုိ ေက်ာ္လႊားေအာင္ျမင္မွာပါ။
‘အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရး၊ ဒီမုိကေရစီအသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရးနဲ႔ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးကုိ အျပည့္အ၀ အေလးထားေရးအတြက္ ေစာင့္ဆုိင္းဘုိ႔ ျမန္မာဟာအခ်ိန္ဘယ္ေလာက္ၾကာၾကာႀကိဳးပမ္းႏိုင္မွာလဲ’ ဆုိတာဟာ ယေန႔ေမးခြန္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ႐ွင္းလင္းေျပာျပပါရေစ။ အမ်ဳိးသားေရးအတြက္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားအားလုံး ေဆာင္ရြက္ရမွာျဖစ္ပါ တယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ မွတ္ပုံတင္ထားတဲ့ႏိုင္ငံေရးပါတီမ်ားမွကုိယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားနဲ႔ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရးေလ့လာ ေနတဲ့ လက္နက္ကုိင္အုပ္စုမ်ားနဲ႔ ယမန္ေန႔ကေတြ႕ခဲ့စဥ္မွာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ေျပာခဲ့တာပါ။ ဒီမိုကေရစီလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္နဲ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအတြက္ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ ျပဌာန္းႀကိဳးပမ္းမႈကုိ ဂုဏ္ျပဳရန္အတြက္ သီးျခားစီ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ေျပာၾကားအားေပး ခဲ့တာပါ။
သုိ႔ေသာ္၊ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကုိ ေျမာ္မွန္းထားတဲ့ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးနဲ႔ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္ပန္းတိုင္ မ်ားကိုေရာက္႐ိွရန္ အဓိကတာ၀န္မွာ ႏိုင္ငံ့အစုိးရေပၚက်ေရာက္လ်က္႐ိွေနပါတယ္။
ဒီတာ၀န္မ်ားကုိေက်ပြန္စြာမေဆာင္႐ြက္ႏိုင္လွ်င္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ားအား သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ ‘စြမ္းရည္ အျပည့္အ၀ကုိ နား လည္သေဘာေပါက္ျခင္း’ မွ ဟန္႔တားထားရာေရာက္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။
ဒီတာ၀န္မ်ားကုိေက်ပြန္စြာမေဆာင္႐ြက္ႏိုင္လွ်င္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ားရဲ႕ ဂုဏ္သေရ႐ိွစြာေနထုိင္ႏိုင္ခြင့္နဲ႔ ပုိမုိ လြတ္လပ္မႈျဖင့္ သာလြန္ေကာင္းမြန္တဲ့ လူမႈအဆင့္အတန္းမ်ားခံစားခြင့္ကုိ ျငင္းပယ္ရာေရာက္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။
ဒီ အေျခခံစည္းမ်ဥ္းမ်ားဟာ ‘ကၽြႏု္ပ္တုိ႔သည္ ျပည္သူမ်ားျဖစ္ၾကသည္’ ဆုိတဲ့စကားမ်ားျဖင့္ အဖြင့္နိဒါန္းခ်ီထား တဲ့ ကုလသမဂၢပဋိဉာဥ္စာတမ္းရဲ႕ ေက်ာ႐ိုးအတြင္းမွာတည္႐ိွေနပါတယ္။
ဒီ မြန္ျမတ္တဲ့စကားမ်ားကုိ လြတ္လပ္တဲ့ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံရဲ႕ စတင္ေရးဆြဲခဲ့တဲ့ ဖြဲ႕စည္းအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ပုံအေျခခံဥပေဒကလဲ ပဲ့တင္ထပ္ထားပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕အနာဂတ္မွာ ဒီစည္းမ်ဥ္းစည္းကမ္းမ်ားကုိ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ဘုိ႔ ေသခ်ာေစေရးအတြက္လဲ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ အတူတကြလုပ္ေဆာင္ၾကရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒီအခ်က္ကုိ ကြန္ေတာ္စိတ္ထဲမွာထည့္ထားၿပီး အမွာစကား ၃ ခုကို သယ္ေဆာင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ပထမဦးစြာအေနနဲ႔ ဘယ္ေဒသမွာမဆုိ လူသားဂုဏ္ရည္ကုိ အေလးထားေလးစားျခင္းဟာ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးနဲ႔ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳး တုိးတက္ေရးအတြက္ မ႐ိွမျဖစ္လုိအပ္ခ်က္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာလူ႔အခြင့္အေရးေၾကညာစာတမ္းကုိ ပထမ စတင္လက္ခံခဲ့တဲ့ ကုလသမဂၢ အဖြဲ႕၀င္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားမွာ တႏိုင္ငံအပါအ၀င္ျဖစ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ႏိုင္ငံေရး၊ စီးပြါးေရးနဲ႔ လူမႈေရးတုိးတက္မႈမ်ားအတြက္ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးနဲ႔ အေျခခံလြတ္လပ္မႈမ်ားအား ေလးစား ဘုိ႔ အမ်ားဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္ဆႏၵကို ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံက ေစာစီးစြာ ေထာက္ခံခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ကံမေကာင္းအေၾကာင္းမလွစြာပဲ ဒီျပဌာန္းႀကိဳးပမ္းမႈဟာ အမွန္တကယ္မွာ အံ၀င္ခြင္က်မႈ မ႐ိွခဲ့ပါ။ ျမန္မာ့လူ႔အ ခြင့္အေရးမွတ္တမ္းဟာ အလြန္အမင္း စုိးရိမ္ေသာကျဖစ္စရာအေၾကာင္းအရာအေနနဲ႔ တည္႐ွိေနလ်က္ပါ။
ျမန္မာအစုိးရဟာ သူ႔ရဲ႕ရည္မွန္းခ်က္မ်ားျဖစ္တဲ့ တည္ၿငိမ္မႈ၊ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးနဲ႔ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရး တုိ႔ကုိ ေျပာဆုိေနပါတယ္။
အႏွစ္ ၂၀ အတြင္း ပထမဆုံးအေနနဲ႔က်င္းပမွာျဖစ္တဲ့ လာမဲ့ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲဟာ ဂုဏ္ထယ္တင့္တယ္ေစလုိလွ်င္ အားလုံးပါ၀င္ၿပီး အျမင္ၾကည္လင္မႈ ႐ိွရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ ေ႐ွ႕ဆက္မဲ့ခရီးမွာ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးကုိေလးစားလုိက္နာမႈ အျမစ္တြယ္ရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒါေၾကာင့္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အပါအ၀င္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားအားလုံးကုိ အျမန္ဆုံးလႊတ္ေပးရမယ္လုိ႔ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ေျပာခဲ့တာပါ။
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးသန္းေ႐ႊနဲ႔ မေန႔ကနဲ႔ဒီေန႔ ေတြ႕ရတဲ့အခါ ေဒၚစုၾကည္ကုိေတြ႕ဘုိ႔ေတာင္းဆုိခဲ့ပါတယ္။ သူကျငင္းပယ္ လုိက္တဲ့အတြက္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္မ်ားစြာစိတ္ပ်က္ခဲ့ရပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာအစိုးရဟာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးပြင့္လင္းမႈရဲ႕ က႑သစ္မွာ ျပဌာန္းႀကိဳးပမ္းမႈကိုျပသႏိုင္မဲ့ အခြင့္အေရးထူးတခု ဆုံး႐ႈံး သြားၿပီလုိ႔ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ယုံၾကည္လုိက္ပါတယ္။
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အားေတြ႕ဆုံခြင့္ေပးလိုက္ျခင္းဟာ ၂၀၁၀ ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပဲြကုိ အမ်ားယုံၾကည္လက္ခံႏိုင္မႈ ႐ိွေစေရးအတြက္ အေရးႀကီးတဲ့ အဓိပၸါယ္႐ိွေသာေဆာင္႐ြက္မႈကုိ စတင္လုပ္ေဆာင္ရန္ အစုိးရကဆႏၵ႐ိွေၾကာင္း ကိုေဖာ္ျပတဲ့ အေရးႀကီးတဲ့ျပယုဂ္ျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။
ဒီနိုင္ငံရဲ႕အနာဂတ္အတြက္ ျပည့္၀တဲ့ ပါ၀င္ေဆာင္႐ြက္ႏိုင္ခြင့္အား ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားအားလုံးကုိ အမွန္တကယ္ ေပးရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ပါ၀င္ေဆာင္႐ြက္လုိသူမ်ားအားလုံး လြတ္လပ္တက္ႂကြစြာပါ၀င္မႈမ႐ိွလွ်င္ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးဟာ မျပည့္စုံႏိုင္ပါ။
သက္ဆုိင္တဲ့ပုဂၢဳလ္မ်ား၊ တုိင္းရင္းသားအုပ္စုမ်ားနဲ႔လူနည္းစုမ်ားအားလုံးပါ၀င္တဲ့ စစ္မွန္တဲ့ ေတြ႕ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးမႈ လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ကုိ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ စတင္ေဆာင္႐ြက္ရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ျပည္သူအမ်ားဟာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးေဆြးေႏြးမႈမွာ လြတ္လပ္စြာအေျခအတင္ေျပာႏုိင္ရမယ္၊ လြတ္လပ္စြာပါ၀င္ႏိုင္ရမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္မွာ အဓိပၸါယ္႐ိွစြာပါ၀င္ႏိုင္ေရးအတြက္အေထာက္အကူျဖစ္ေစမဲ့ သတင္းအ ခ်က္အလက္မ်ားကုိ လြတ္လပ္စြာ သိ႐ွိရယူႏိုင္ရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဂုဏ္သေရ႐ိွ လူႀကီးမင္းမ်ားခင္ဗ်ား
အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းမႈတုိင္းဟာ ခက္ခဲလွပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ သက္ဦးဆံပုိင္စံနစ္ကေန ကုိလုိနီစံနစ္၊ အခု
တခါ လြတ္လပ္တဲ့ႏိုင္ငံအျဖစ္ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းခဲ့ပါတယ္။
သမုိင္းဟာ လတ္တေလာမွာ နာက်င္ဘြယ္ျဖစ္ရပ္မ်ားအပါအ၀င္ ‘အေမြ’ႏွစ္မႊာပူးကို သေနၶေဆာင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
လက္နက္ကုိင္ပဋိပကၡ နဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံေရးေ႐ွ႕မတုိးသာေနာက္မဆုတ္သာအေျခအေနေတြပါ။
အခ်ဳပ္အျခာပုိင္ဆုိင္မႈ၊ နယ္ေျမတည္တံ့ခုိင္ၿမဲမႈ နဲ႔ အမ်ဳိးသားညီၫြတ္ေရးတုိ႔ဟာ ႏိုင္ငံတုိင္းရဲ႕ တရား၀င္ စိုးရိမ္ ေသာကမ်ား ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ႏိုင္ငံေရး၀န္းက်င္ကုိ ဖြင့္ေပးျခင္းနဲ႔ ခ်ဲ႕ထြင္ျခင္းဟာ ပုိမုိႀကီးမားတဲ့ စုေပါင္းေဆာင္႐ြက္ျခင္းရဲ႕ အစိတ္အပုိင္းအ ျဖစ္ အုပ္စုတစုခ်င္းနဲ႔ လူတဦးခ်င္းပါ၀င္ႏိုင္မႈအတြက္ အာမခံရန္ အေကာင္းဆုံးနည္းလမ္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ကၽြန္ ေတာ္တုိ႔ ရဲရဲႀကီးေျပာႏိုင္ပါတယ္။
စစ္တပ္၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအဖြဲ႕အစည္းအားလုံး၊ တုိင္းရင္းသားလူနည္းစုမ်ား၊ အမ်ားျပည္သူနဲ႔သက္ဆိုင္ေသာအဖြဲ႕အ စည္းမ်ားနဲ႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ သားသမီးတုိင္း အမွန္တကယ္ကုိ ႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရးမွာပါ၀င္ၾကရမွာ။
အျပန္အလွန္ အေပးအယူလုပ္ၫိႇႏိႈင္းျခင္း၊ ေလးစားျခင္းနဲ႔ နားလည္မႈတုိ႔သာလွ်င္ ၾကာ႐ွည္တည္တ့ံမဲ့ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္း ေရး၊ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးနဲ႔ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရးတုိ႔အတြက္ အေျခခံအုတ္္ျမစ္ခ်ေပးႏိုင္မွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ကၽြန္ေတာ္ရဲ႕ ဒုတိယအမွာစကားကေတာ့ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ားရဲ႕ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာတဲ႔လိုအပ္ခ်က္မ်ားကုိ ေဖာ္ျပ လုိပါတယ္။
ဧရာ၀တီျမစ္၀ကၽြန္းေပၚေဒသမွာျဖစ္ထြန္းခဲ့တဲ့တုိးတက္မႈမ်ားကုိ ၾကည့္ျမင္ႏိုင္ရန္ ျပန္လည္ေရာက္႐ိွလာႏိုင္စြမ္း အတြက္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္၀မ္းသာလွပါတယ္။
အလုိခ်င္ဆုံးကေတာ့ နာဂစ္မုန္တုိင္းဒဏ္ကုိတုန္႔ျပန္ျခင္းဟာ သီးျခားခြဲျခားထားျခင္းအေပၚ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္႐ြက္ ႏိုင္ျခင္းရဲ႕တန္ဘုိးကုိ သက္ေသျပႏိုင္တာပဲ။
အလႉ႐ွင္အသုိင္းအ၀န္းရဲ႕ကူညီပံ့ပုိးမႈျဖင့္ ‘သုံးပြင့္ဆုိင္ ေက်ာ႐ိုးအုပ္စု’အျဖစ္ ျမန္မာ၊ ကုလသမဂၢနဲ႔ အာဆီယံတုိ႔ အတြင္း မႀကံဳစဖူးပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္႐ြက္ျခင္းဟာ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာမႈအေရးပါျခင္းနဲ႔ အခ်ဳပ္အျခာအာဏာပုိင္မႈရဲ႕ စည္းမ်ဥ္းစည္းကမ္းတုိ႔ဟာ ပဋိပကၡ မျဖစ္ၾကဘူးဆုိတာ သက္ေသျပသြားပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံနဲ႔ မည္သည့္ေနရာတြင္မဆုိ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာမႈအကူအညီဟာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအတြက္တုန္႔ျပန္ရမဲ့ ဓားစာ ခံ မျဖစ္သင့္ပါဘူး။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ႐ိွ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာမႈနဲ႔ တုိးတက္မႈအေထာက္အကူမ်ား လုိအပ္ေနသူအားလုံး ရ႐ိွႏိုင္ေရးအာမခံခ်က္႐ိွေအာင္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ အတူတကြေဆာင္႐ြက္ႏိုင္ရမယ္၊ လုပ္ကုိလုပ္ရမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
အခုဟာကေတာ့ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ရဲ႕ တတိယ အမွာစကားျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
အခုအခ်ိန္ဟာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအေနနဲ႔ သူရဲ႕ စီးပြါးေရးစြမ္းအင္အလားအလာေကာင္းမ်ားကို ထုတ္ေဖာ္ဘုိ႔အခ်ိန္ ျဖစ္ ပါတယ္။
‘အာ႐ွစီးပြါးေရးအံ့ဘြယ္’ အလယ္မွာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာရပ္တည္ေနပါတယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံအ၀ွမ္းမွာ လ်င္ျမန္တဲ့တုိးတက္မႈ မ်ားအတြက္ ျမန္မာကုိ ‘ကႀကိဳးဆင္ေစျခင္းဟာ’ လူေနမႈအဆင့္အတန္းျမင့္မားေရးအတြက္ အေသခ်ာဆုံးနည္း လမ္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာအစုိးရရဲ႕ ကုန္သြယ္မႈအတြက္ ျပင္ပကိုလမ္းဖြင့္ေပးျခင္း၀ါဒ၊ ေထာင္စုဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးတုိးတက္မႈရည္မွန္းခ်က္မ်ား ရေအာင္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းမႈ၊ အိတ္ခ်္အုိင္ဗီြေရာဂါထိန္းခ်ဳပ္မႈ၊ လူကုန္ကူးမႈတုိက္ဖ်က္ေရးနဲ႔ ဘိန္းထုပ္လုပ္မႈအဆုံးသတ္ ေရးတုိ႔ကုိ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ႀကိဳဆုိပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမင့္ အမွန္လက္ေတြ႕မွာေတာ့ ျပည္သူသန္းေပါင္းမ်ားစြာဟာ ဆက္လက္ဆင္းရဲေနဆဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ လူေနမႈအဆင့္အတန္းဟာ အာ႐ွရဲ႕ အနိမ့္ဆုံးထဲမွာပါ၀င္ေနတုန္းပါ။
ဒီျမန္မာျပည္သူမ်ားဟာ အလုပ္မ်ားလိုအပ္ေနပါတယ္။ စားနပ္ရိကၡာဖူလုံမႈေတြလုိအပ္ေနပါတယ္။ က်န္းမာေရး ေစာင့္ေ႐ွာက္ခံယူႏိုင္မႈေတြ လုိအပ္ေနပါတယ္။
ေဒသဆုိင္ရာနဲ႔တကမၻာလုံးဆုိင္ရာ စီးပြါးေရးမွ အက်ဳိးအျမတ္ရႏိုင္ေအာင္နဲ႔ ပါ၀င္ပံ့ပုိးေပးႏိုင္ေရးအတြက္ ျမန္မာ ျပည္သူမ်ားကို အာမခံရဘုိ႔ ကြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ လုပ္ေပးရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
တည္ၿငိမ္ၿပီး သာယာ၀ေျပာေပါႂကြယ္တဲ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွ ေဒသနဲ႔ကမၻာက အက်ဳိးအျမတ္ေတြပုိမုိရ႐ွိလာ မွာကုိ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီရည္မွန္းခ်က္အတြက္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ေဆာင္႐ြက္ေပး ရပါ့မယ္။
ျမန္မာအစုိးရကလဲ ဒီအခ်ိန္အခါကုိ အမိအရ ရယူရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာအသုိင္းအ၀န္းက ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံျပည္သူမ်ားကုိ လက္ကမ္းရန္ျပင္ဆင္ေနသည့္ အခြင့္အလမ္း မ်ားရဲ႕ အက်ဳိးသက္ေရာက္မႈကုိ ျမန္မာအစုိးရက ရယူရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဂုဏ္သေရ႐ွိ လူႀကီးမင္းမ်ားခင္ဗ်ား
ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ဒီကုိ မိတ္ေဆြတဦးအျဖစ္ေရာက္လာခဲ့တာပါ။
ကၽြန္ေတာ့္တာ၀န္က ကုလသမဂၢပဋိဉာဥ္ရဲ႕ အေကာင္းဆုံးစံမ်ားနဲ႔စည္းမ်ဥ္းစည္းကမ္းမ်ားကုိ ထိန္းသိမ္းဘုိ႔ပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ကၽြန္ေတာ့္အခန္းက႑ကေတာ့ သင္တုိ႔အားလုံး - အစုိးရ၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား၊ တုိင္းရင္းသားအုပ္စုမ်ား၊ လူမႈအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား - ကို ျပည္သူတရပ္အေနနဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံတခုအေနနဲ႔ အတူတကြ ေ႐ွ႕ဆက္ေ႐ြ႕လ်ားဘုိ႔ အား ေပးရန္ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
က႑အားလုံးရဲ႕အေပၚမွာ ျပည္သု႕အက်ဳိးကုိထား႐ွိလုိက္တဲ့အခါ မေက်ာ္လႊားႏိုင္တာ သုိ႔မဟုတ္ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္တာ ဆုိတာ မ႐ွိပါဘူး။
ေဒသနဲ႔ကမၻာဟာ လ်င္ျမန္စြာေျပာင္းလဲေနပါတယ္။ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္႐ြက္ျခင္းမွ၊ ၿပီးေတာ့ မိမိကိုယ္တုိင္ေျပာင္းလဲ မႈကုိ စတင္လုပ္ျခင္းမွ အက်ဳိးျဖစ္ထြန္းဘို႔ ျမန္မာဟာ ရပ္တည္လုိ႔သာ ေနပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာအစုိးရက ကုလသမဂၢႏဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္႐ြက္ျခင္းဟာ ႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀ါဒရဲ႕ အေျခခံအုတ္ျမစ္ျဖစ္ တယ္လုိ႔ ထပ္ခါတလဲလဲ ေျပာလ်က္႐ွိပါတယ္။
စကားေတြနဲ႔ အလုပ္ေတြ ကုိက္ညီဘုိ႔အတြက္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ေတာင္းဆုိပါတယ္။
သူ႔ျပည္သူမ်ားရဲ႕လုိအပ္ခ်က္မ်ားနဲ႔ ျပင္းျပတဲ့ဆႏၵမ်ားကုိတုန္႔ျပန္ဘုိ႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ ကုလသမဂၢနဲ႔ ပုိမုိပူးေပါင္း လုပ္ေဆာင္ေလ ႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ အခ်ဳပ္အျခာပုိင္ဆုိင္မႈကုိ အခုိင္အမာျပဳႏိုင္ေလ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒီအတူပါပဲ။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔္ရဲ႕ေ၀မွ်ခံယူထားတဲ့ရည္မွန္းခ်က္မ်ားျဖစ္တဲ့ ျပည္သူအားလုံးရဲ႕လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးကုိ အျပည့္အ၀ေလးစားျခင္းနဲ႔အတူ ညီၫြတ္တဲ့ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းတဲ့ သာယာ၀ေျပာတဲ့ ဒီမုိကေရစီနည္းလမ္းက်တဲ့ အနာ ဂတ္အတြက္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလက္လွမ္းမွီႏိုင္ေအာင္ ကူညီရန္ အတူတကြလုပ္ေဆာင္ဘုိ႔ ႏိုင္ငံတကာအသုိင္းအ၀န္း မွာလဲ တာ၀န္႐ွိပါတယ္။
ေက်းဇူးတင္ပါတယ္။
( ၂၀၀၉ ဇူလုိင္ ၄ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ အစုိးရမဟုတ္ေသာ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ား (NGO) ၊ သံတမန္မ်ား၊ ျပည္တြင္း သတင္းေထာက္မ်ား စုစုေပါင္း ၅၀၀ ခန္႔ တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့သည့္ ဟံသာဝတီ မူးယစ္ ေဆးဝါးျပတုိက္တြင္ ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ေသာ သတင္းစာ ရွင္းလင္းပြဲ၌ ကုလသမဂၢ အေထြေထြ အတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္ မစၥတာ ဘန္ကီမြန္း ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည့္ မိန္႔ခြန္းအျပည့္အစုံကုိ ျပန္ဆုိပါသည္ )
Unofficial translation
ေမာင္ေမာင္လွႀကိဳင္
၂၀၀၉ ၀၇ ၀၆
Wednesday, July 8, 2009
BURMA: UN Chief Speaks Out Against Lack of Human Rights
By Marwaan Macan-Markar
BANGKOK, Jul 8 (IPS) - Using the power of his office, U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon achieved a rare diplomatic feat during his recent visit to military-ruled Burma. He broke a taboo by delivering a public speech about the lack of democracy and human rights in the country.
So far, the notoriously prickly regime, which controls the South-east Asian nation with an iron grip, has accepted Ban's verbal thrust without an outburst. But Burma watchers wonder how long that silence will last, given the regime is known to lash out at U.N. officials who have made public statements in the country about the debilitating effects of ignoring political and civil liberties.
"Neither peace nor development can thrive without democracy and respect for human rights," the world body's top diplomat said over the weekend to an audience of diplomats, U.N. officials and staff from aid agencies in Rangoon, the former capital. "Peace, development and human rights are closely inter-related."
"Myanmar's human rights record remains a matter of grave concern," Ban added, using the name of the country that the junta opts for, instead of Burma. "Myanmar's way forward must be rooted in respect for human rights."
Ban's speech, on the last of his two-day stay in Burma, also touched on the plight of Aung San Suu Kyi, the pro-democracy leader who has spent over 14 years either under house arrest or in Rangoon's Insein Prison. He called for the release of the Nobel Peace laureate and the over 2,100 political prisoners languishing in Burmese jails.
"Aung San Suu Kyi must be allowed to participate in the political process without further delay," Ban said after being denied a chance to meet the 64-year-old Suu Kyi, currently being held in the Insein Prison as part of a bizarre trial after a U.S. citizen showed up as an uninvited guest in her home in early May after he swam there across a lake.
Little wonder why Ban's critical comments - which shatter the illusion being created by the regime that it is on the right track as part of its "roadmap to democracy," including a planned general election in 2010 - is being welcomed in some quarters.
In the past, the junta has not been kind to the far less provocative and milder comments about the shortcomings of the regime's model for democracy and the humanitarian situation made by Ibrahim Gambari, the U.N. special envoy to Burma, and Charles Petrie, the former U.N. humanitarian coordinator in the country.
Gambari was given a dressing down by Information Minister Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan in March last year for comments the Nigerian diplomat made about flaws in the "democratic" political process being pushed by the junta. Gambari said that the U.N. wanted this push, including the new constitution, to be inclusive, accommodating the opposition.
Petrie paid a different price for speaking his mind in a press release issued in October 2007. The junta refused to renew his visa, prompting an early departure from his post, after the head of the United Nations Development Programme deplored the "deteriorating humanitarian situation" in the country
The regime described that statement as "unprecedented" and "very negative."
But by going many steps further, Ban's speech is being described as "encouraging" by the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB), the democratically elected government forced into exile after the regime refused to recognised the results of the 1990 general elections.
"This is the first time that someone has been so openly critical about the reality in Burma," says Bo Hla Tint, the foreign minister of the NCGUB. "It was important for Mr. Ban to tell the regime how the U.N. sees the problem in Burma."
"The U.N. secretary-general's role is important to bring change in Burma," the minister in the exile government told IPS. "It has to be part of a long serious political process, and not just a one-time event."
The personal commitment shown by Ban to usher in an open and inclusive democratic culture in Burma is being well received by the Association of South-east Asian Nations (ASEAN), a 10-member regional bloc of which Burma is a member.
"The prime minister, as the chair of ASEAN, supports the U.N. secretary-general's trip to Myanmar and he wants to ensure that the U.N. keeps engaging the Myanmar government," said Panitan Wattanayagorn, the acting spokesman for the Thai government. "We will see from this point onwards what more can be done now that the U.N. secretary-general has delivered his message."
Such a regional response marks a departure from the harsh comments by Western governments that saw Ban's trip as a failure, achieving barely any concessions from the junta. A key to this dismissive stance was Ban being denied access to meet Suu Kyi.
"Although we know that expectations among some in the international community was very high and they wanted the secretary-general to meet Aung San Suu Kyi, it is not fair to say the mission was a failure because the meeting did not take place," added Panitan in an interview. "The issues are much more complex and beyond this single issue."
But for the current U.N. engagement to achieve political reform in Burma more is required, say human rights groups that have continued to expose the litany of abuse in a country that has been under the grip of successive military regimes since a 1962 coup.
"Setting the standards through a speech is the easiest thing to do; achieving the standards is the difficult part," says David Scott Mathieson, Burma consultant for Human Rights Watch, a New York-based global rights watchdog. "That is where the hard work and effort is going to be." "The average person in Burma will find Ban's speech patronising," Mathieson told IPS. "They expect more from the U.N." (END/2009)
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