Peaceful Burma (ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းျမန္မာ)平和なビルマ

Peaceful Burma (ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းျမန္မာ)平和なビルマ

TO PEOPLE OF JAPAN



JAPAN YOU ARE NOT ALONE



GANBARE JAPAN



WE ARE WITH YOU



ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေျပာတဲ့ညီညြတ္ေရး


“ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတာ ဘာလဲ နားလည္ဖုိ႔လုိတယ္။ ဒီေတာ့ကာ ဒီအပုိဒ္ ဒီ၀ါက်မွာ ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတဲ့အေၾကာင္းကုိ သ႐ုပ္ေဖာ္ျပ ထားတယ္။ တူညီေသာအက်ဳိး၊ တူညီေသာအလုပ္၊ တူညီေသာ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ရွိရမယ္။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတာ ဘာအတြက္ ညီၫြတ္ရမွာလဲ။ ဘယ္လုိရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္နဲ႔ ညီၫြတ္ရမွာလဲ။ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ဆုိတာ ရွိရမယ္။

“မတရားမႈတခုမွာ သင္ဟာ ၾကားေနတယ္ဆုိရင္… သင္ဟာ ဖိႏွိပ္သူဘက္က လုိက္ဖုိ႔ ေရြးခ်ယ္လုိက္တာနဲ႔ အတူတူဘဲ”

“If you are neutral in a situation of injustice, you have chosen to side with the oppressor.”
ေတာင္အာဖရိကက ႏိုဘယ္လ္ဆုရွင္ ဘုန္းေတာ္ၾကီး ဒက္စ္မြန္တူးတူး

THANK YOU MR. SECRETARY GENERAL

Ban’s visit may not have achieved any visible outcome, but the people of Burma will remember what he promised: "I have come to show the unequivocal shared commitment of the United Nations to the people of Myanmar. I am here today to say: Myanmar – you are not alone."

QUOTES BY UN SECRETARY GENERAL

Without participation of Aung San Suu Kyi, without her being able to campaign freely, and without her NLD party [being able] to establish party offices all throughout the provinces, this [2010] election may not be regarded as credible and legitimate. ­
United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon

Where there's political will, there is a way

政治的な意思がある一方、方法がある
စစ္မွန္တဲ့ခိုင္မာတဲ့နိုင္ငံေရးခံယူခ်က္ရိွရင္ႀကိဳးစားမႈရိွရင္ နိုင္ငံေရးအေျဖ
ထြက္ရပ္လမ္းဟာေသခ်ာေပါက္ရိွတယ္
Burmese Translation-Phone Hlaing-fwubc

Wednesday, September 24, 2008

The secret arm ,A.G. NOORANI ,A well-documented expose of the CIA’s record in covert operations.



http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/stories/20081010252007700.htm

THE rake’s career which is the Central Intelligence Agency’s record reflects the United States’ pursuit of its interests in the Cold War. No one is better qualified to record it than John Prados. He is one of the foremost historians of national security affairs. Author of books like Presidents’ Secret Wars and The Hidden History of the Vietnam Wars, he is a senior fellow of the National Security Archive, the scourge of official secrecy and skulduggery.


This is a thoroughly researched and well-documented expose of the CIA’s record in covert operations. The book contributes important new detail to the understanding of many CIA operations, including those in Italy, Korea, Poland, Iran, Guatemala, Hungary, China, Tibet, the Philippines, Indonesia, Syria, Iraq, Cuba, Bolivia, the Congo, Ghana, Vietnam and Laos, Kurdistan, Chile, Angola, Afghanistan and Nicaragua.

It provides a first-hand view of actions in Somalia, Bosnia, Iraq, and other more recent activities. All this is related to specific presidential decisions by the White House and moderated by congressional oversight procedures.

“The conclusions of this inquiry tend to bear out the critics. American undercover actions have resulted in upheavals and untold suffering in many nations while contributing little to Washington’s quest for democracy. Despite considerable ingenuity, technological wizardry, operational flexibility, and an impressively competent cadre of secret warriors, the results of covert operations have been consistently disappointing. Yet the very drive to maintain and use these capabilities has had consequences – often unforeseen – both for America’s image around the globe and for constitutional control of the United States Government by its own people.”

The record which the author sets out of the CIA’s doings over the decades in various parts of the world is riveting. From bribing and assassinating politicians to interfering in elections and the democratic process, it has left little undone.

The results are dismal. On the other hand, it has failed to provide intelligence when its masters had a right to the intelligence, on Pokhran II, for instance.

As a result, it has debased the political process at home as well and undermined democratic accountability. “The worst aspect of direct White House involvement in a covert action was the squandering of a President’s political capital on a marginal issue. The prestige of the presidency, openly committed to an effort at the very margins of legality in international relations, left Ronald Reagan damaged. Project Democracy muddied the waters further by skirting the law of the land. There are many wise reasons for eschewing such a policy.”

This, in a country where there is a statute governing the CIA and where Congressional Committees perform the duty of oversight.

The author’s conclusion is damning:

“In making the world safe for democracy, the resort to covert means almost immediately calls into question the disinterestedness and sincerity of American purpose. The United States has never felt itself able to take issues involved in a secret war to the United Nations. In those cases where matters went to the U.N. in the face of U.S. inaction – Burma, Tibet, Cuba – Washington actively discouraged public debate or even vetoed resolutions in the Security Council. The secret war in Nicaragua led Washington – for the first time in history and in violation of its own international undertakings – to reject the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice. That same event led to the casting of a veto at the U.N. Security Council, again the first time in history that the veto was employed to protect a covert operation. None of this advanced the cause of democracy. In all the secret wars from 1947 to the present, no covert operation ever led to a vibrant democracy, and quite a few resulted in dictatorships. Many political actions had the effect of inhibiting the free expression of democratic beliefs.” The Court, in fact, censured the U.S. It had little effect on American behaviour.


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