U.S. seeks dialogue with Myanmar but sanctions stay
Mon Sep 28, 2009 10:37pm BST
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The United States will embark on a new policy of engagement with Myanmar's military government while keeping sanctions in place, hoping to twin economic pressure with political dialogue to spur democratic reforms.
The new U.S. policy [ID:nN2892144] , formally unveiled on Monday, marks a new stage in Washington's relations with the isolated Southeast Asian country, which is preparing next year to hold its first election in two decades.
WHY WERE SANCTIONS IMPOSED?
The United States first imposed broad sanctions on Myanmar, formally known as Burma, in 1988 after the military junta cracked down on student-led protests.
Washington has gradually tightened sanctions on the generals who rule the country, in a largely unsuccessful attempt to force them into rapprochement with Nobel Peace laureate and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been in detention, or "protective custody" for 14 of the last 20 years.
President Barack Obama renewed the sanctions in May. The United States has banned all imports from Myanmar, restricted financial transactions, frozen the assets of certain financial institutions and extended visa restrictions on junta officials.
The European Union, Australia, New Zealand, Canada and Japan have all imposed various sanctions on Myanmar's government.
WHAT IS THE NEW U.S. POSITION?
Existing U.S. sanctions will remain in place pending evidence of concrete political progress in Myanmar.
"Lifting sanctions now would send the wrong signal," Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell told reporters. He said Washington reserved the right to impose additional sanctions if the situation in Myanmar deteriorates.
But the two sides are now planning direct meetings. The first contacts are expected this week on the sidelines of the U.N. General Assembly in New York. Campbell will take part for the U.S. side in talks designed to forge a new way ahead.
"We know the process may be long and difficult," Campbell said. "It is important that the Burmese people gain greater exposure to broader ideas."
WHY NOW?
Myanmar is one of the most economically and politically isolated countries on the planet. In Washington concerns have been growing about suspected contacts between Myanmar's rulers and North Korea, which has defied international calls to abandon its nuclear program.
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said in July that the United States was concerned about the possible transfer of nuclear technology from North Korea to Myanmar.
Myanmar calmed some jitters when it moved to enforce a U.N. Security Council resolution against Pyongyang after it tested a nuclear device in May. Washington is hoping broader U.S. engagement with Myanmar may forestall closer ties between the two Asian outcasts.
U.S. officials hope to promote engagement before Myanmar's planned elections next year, which the junta says will end almost five decades of military rule. Analysts say the elections could simply provide a new fig leaf for army control.
Campbell said Washington would reinforce the necessity of allowing opposition parties to participate fully. "We are skeptical that the elections will be either free or fair, but we will stress to the Burmese the conditions that we consider necessary for a credible electoral process," he said.
WHAT DO THE BURMESE SAY?
Myanmar officials have said publicly that they remain committed to moving toward democracy, although not in a form imposed by the outside world.
"The transition to democracy is proceeding," Myanmar Prime Minister Thein Sein told the 192-nation U.N. General Assembly on Monday. "Our focus is not on the narrow interest of individuals, organizations or parties but on the larger interest of the entire people of the nation."
Aung San Suu Kyi's political party said she supported the U.S. engagement, but only if opposition groups are involved in any dialogue.
Suu Kyi was sentenced to another 18 months under house arrest last month for allowing an American intruder to stay at her home for two nights.
Pro-democracy campaigners in the United States said Washington should implement further sanctions if Myanmar's government does not stop "mass atrocities" against civilians.
"We also hope that U.S. engagement with the regime should not be an open-ended process, but with a reasonable timeframe and clear benchmarks," Aung Din, the executive director of the U.S. Campaign for Burma, said in a statement.
(Editing by Chris Wilson)
Saturday, October 10, 2009
U.S. seeks dialogue with Myanmar but sanctions stay
Obama's Nobel Peace Prize triumph hailed by many
Obama's Nobel Peace Prize triumph hailed by many
By GREGORY KATZ (AP) – 26 minutes ago
LONDON — The surprise choice of President Barack Obama for the Nobel Peace Prize drew praise from much of the world Friday even as many pointed out the youthful leader has not yet accomplished much on the world stage.
The new president was hailed for his willingness to reach out to the Islamic world, his commitment to curtailing the spread of nuclear weapons and his goal of bringing the Israelis and Palestinians into serious, fruitful negotiations.
Archbishop Desmond Tutu of South Africa, who won the prize 1984, said Obama's award shows great things are expected from him in the coming years.
"In a way, it's an award coming near the beginning of the first term of office of a relatively young president that anticipates an even greater contribution towards making our world a safer place for all," he said. "It is an award that speaks to the promise of President Obama's message of hope."
He said the prize is a "wonderful recognition of Obama's effort to reach out to the Arab world after years of hostility.
In the Kenyan city of Kisumu, the home province of Obama's father, local radio shows interrupted broadcasting to have live phone-ins so callers could congratulate Obama on his win. Traders in the market huddled around hand-held radios and touts shouted the news from the windows of local minibuses — known as matatus.
"When I heard it on the radio I said Hallelujah!" said 65-year-old James Andaro. "It's God's blessing. This win is for Africa."
Matatu driver Ajos Rambanya, 27, said: "I am very happy. Someone who is good is known by his deeds and Obama has proven that."
Another former Nobel winner, Mohamed ElBaradei, director general of the International Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna, said Obama has already provided outstanding leadership in the effort to prevent nuclear proliferation.
"In less than a year in office, he has transformed the way we look at ourselves and the world we live in and rekindled hope for a world at peace with itself," ElBaradei said. "He has shown an unshakable commitment to diplomacy, mutual respect and dialogue as the best means of resolving conflicts. He has reached out across divides and made clear that he sees the world as one human family, regardless of religion, race or ethnicity."
Still, some said the award came too soon, in light of the lack of tangible progress toward the vital goals of bringing peace to the Middle East, persuading Iran to give up its nuclear ambitions and improving relations with North Korea.
"The award is premature," said Eugene Rogan, director of the Middle East Center at Oxford University in England. "He hasn't done anything yet. But he's made clear from the start of his presidency his commitment to promote peace. No doubt the Nobel committee hopes the award will enhance his moral authority to advance the cause of peace while he's still president."
Massimo Teodori, one of Italy's leading experts of U.S. history, said the Nobel decision is a clear rejection of the "unilateral, antagonistic politics" of Obama's predecessor, George Bush.
"The prize is well deserved after the Bush years, which had antagonized the rest of the world," Teodori said. "President Obama's policy of extending his hand has reconciled the United States with the international community."
Teodori mentioned Obama's efforts to reach out to former adversaries and his landmark speech in Cairo addressed to the Muslim world.
"For now it's still intentions rather then fully implemented policies, but they are deserving ones," Teodori said.
Reaction was far more muted in some Islamic countries. In Pakistan's central city of Multan, radical Islamic leader Hanif Jalandhri, said he was neither happy nor surprised by Obama's award.
"But I do hope that Obama will make efforts to work for peace, and he will try to scrap the policies of Bush who put the world peace in danger," said Jalandhri, secretary general of a group that oversees 12,500 seminaries. "This prize has tripled Obama's responsibilities, and we can hope that he will try to prove through his actions that he deserved this honor."
Others were stunned.
"I don't think Obama has done anything for peace," said shop owner Rana Naveed, 38, in Multan. "I am shocked."
Associated Press Writers Abisalom Omolo in Kogelo, Kenya, Celean Jacobson in Johannesburg, Alessandra Rizzo in Rome and Khalid Tanveer in Multan, Pakistan contributed to this story.
Copyright © 2009 The Associated Press. All rights reserved.
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Burma's Suu Kyi Meets With Western Diplomats
Burma's Suu Kyi Meets With Western Diplomats
Friday, October 09, 2009
RANGOON, Burma : AP — Burma's junta leader has allowed detained Burma pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi to meet Western diplomats to discuss sanctions imposed against the military-ruled country, government officials said Friday.
The Nobel Prize winner, who remains under house arrest, was driven to a government guesthouse to meet with diplomats of the United States, Great Britain and Australia, according to the officials who spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak to the press.
The meeting lasted about one hour. After it concluded, Suu Kyi was driven back to her lakeside residence, where she has spent 14 of the last 20 years under house arrest.
Suu Kyi sent a letter to junta leader Senior Gen. Than Shwe on Sept. 26, stating her willingness to cooperate with the military government to have the sanctions lifted and seeking permission to meet with Western diplomats in order to understand positions of governments that imposed the sanctions.
The 64-year-old democracy icon had previously welcomed sanctions as a way to pressure the junta to achieve political reconciliation with the pro-democracy movement. Suu Kyi's opposition party has insisted on concessions from the government if they are to work together, particularly the freeing of political prisoners.
Suu Kyi requested meetings with diplomats from the U.S., EU and Australia and said she needed to meet her party to understand their position on sanctions.
After the letter, Burma Relations Minister Aung Kyi met with Suu Kyi twice within a week. The second meeting took place Wednesday.
Details of these talks have not been disclosed, but the spokesman for her National League for Democracy, Nyan Win, said Friday that he hoped the junta would also agree to her second request in the letter -- a meeting with her opposition party's members.
Last week, a court rejected Suu Kyi's appeal against the extension of her widely condemned house arrest.
The court ruling against Suu Kyi upheld her August conviction for breaking the terms of her house arrest by briefly sheltering an uninvited American at her home earlier this year. She was sentenced to an additional 18 months of house arrest -- which means she cannot participate in elections scheduled for next year, the first in Burma in two decades.
Suu Kyi's legal team said they plan to appeal to the Supreme Court within 60
Thursday, October 8, 2009
Exiled Myanmar activist backs sanctions
Exiled Myanmar activist backs sanctions
Economic restrictions target the regime, do not affect the people, Htun says
Detained leader Aung San Suu Kyi has called for the lifting of sanctions
"Some of the sanctions do hurt the people, " U.N. envoy to Myanmar Gambari says
U.S. Congressman Webb says "reciprocal gestures" needed by Myanmar
October 8, 2009 -- Updated 0313 GMT (1113 HKT)Next Article in U.S. »
NEW YORK (CNN) -- An activist exiled from Myanmar called for the government to release pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and urged the U.S. to continue sanctions against it.
Protesters demand release of Aung San Suu Kyi in front of the United Nations in New York on Wednesday.
Thaung Htun, Myanmar's government-in-exile's unofficial representative to the United Nations, on Wednesday told CNN's Christiane Amanpour that "it is not the right time even to think about lifting sanctions." He wants the United States to continue to pressure Myanmar's military regime with economic sanctions as it pursues talks with the south Asian nation, also known as Burma.
Sanctions will continue, according to the Obama administration, but it noted that such a policy has not worked as a one-tiered strategy. Even as the United States has settled on moving toward diplomacy, detained leader Suu Kyi has called for lifting the sanctions.
Suu Kyi's detention has been a key component in the United States' political tangle with Myanmar.
Critics of the country's ruling junta have accused the regime of convicting Suu Kyi, 64, to keep her from participating in 2010 elections.
Sanctions coupled with diplomacy could be most effective in dealing with Myanmar, Htun said on the CNN interview program "Amanpour."
In advocating tougher sanctions, Htun said economic restrictions target the regime and do not affect the nation's people.
Don't Miss
Suu Kyi accepts U.S. shift on Myanmar
According to the CIA, more than 30 percent of Myanmar's population lives in poverty.
"The Burmese people are poor, and economy is getting worse because of the mismanagement of the regime," Htun said. "Actually, the regime is getting more money, you know, in the last 20 years. Now they are having $2.6 billion ... just from the sale of gas to Thailand, but they don't use that money for the people."
Others disagree on the effects of sanctions on the country's people.
"[Suu Kyi] does not want to hurt the people of Myanmar," Ibrahim Gambari, the U.N. envoy to Myanmar, told Amanpour. "Some of the sanctions do hurt the people."
Myanmar Prime Minister Gen. Thein Sein has called the sanctions "a form of violence" that do not "promote human rights and democracy."
Senator Jim Webb, the first congressman to visit Myanmar in a decade, said the U.S. State Department "has been clear that they're not going to move forward on issues like sanctions unless there are further reciprocal gestures.
"But we have seen the beginning of a removal of the paralysis," the Virginia Democrat said on "Amanpour" on Wednesday. "Aung San Suu Kyi has been able to meet twice now over the past week with government leaders."
But she is still detained and last week she lost the appeal of the 18-month sentence recently added to time she was already serving. She was sentenced in August for breaching the terms of her house arrest after an incident in May in which an uninvited American, John Yettaw, stayed at her home. Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, has been confined in her house for about 14 of the past 20 years.
Htun says it's too early to tell whether more talks with Myanmar will affect Suu Kyi's detention or how the regime treats political adversaries.
"If we look at the reality on the ground, there is no improvement," he said.
"There is more violence in the last seven months, more political prisoners, more arrests, and more military attacks in the ethnic minority areas. That's why we need to be very cautious and we need to put pressure on the regime until these benchmarks can be fulfilled by the regime."
US Must Understand Myanmar’s Diversity
US Must Understand Myanmar’s Diversity
By Nehginpao Kipgen
http://www.koreatim es.co.kr/ www/news/ opinon/2009/ 10/165_52931. html
Developments are indicating that the Obama administration is starting to ease tension with the military junta of Myanmar (Burma). At the U.N. headquarters in New York on Sept. 23, Hillary Clinton said the U.S. will be ``moving in a direction of both engagement and continued sanctions.''
Clinton is reiterating the comment she made earlier this year during her maiden visit to Asia as secretary of state.
The announcement comes at a time when the world awaits what the U.S. government's policy review on Myanmar might be. The outcome of the 9-month long policy review is something not unexpected. The Obama administration understands the ineffectiveness of either engagement or sanction by itself, without a coordinated international approach.
In another development, Myanmar's foreign minister was allowed a 24-hour visit to Washington, D.C. on the night of Sept. 18. This visit happens after years of the U.S. sanctions since the late 1990s, under which the military generals were banned from traveling to the United States, except for international organizations' meetings.
Under the 2003 Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act, the White House needs to approve a waiver to allow Myanmarese officials attending the U.N. General Assembly to travel more than 25 miles out of New York.
Though Nyan Win did not meet with the Obama administration officials, he met with Myanmarese Embassy staff, the U.S.-Asian Business Council and James Webb, a democrat senator from Virginia, who recently returned from a visit to Myanmar. Webb has been a vocal proponent of engagement.
In anticipation of a softer tone at the ongoing U.N. General Assembly and from the Obama administration, the Myanmarese military junta on Sept. 17 released over 7,000 prisoners, which included about 100 political prisoners. Both the Myanmarese opposition and U.N. secretary General Ban Ki-moon welcomed the news.
While the U.S. is starting to engage Myanmar, it must understand the ethnic diversity of this Southeast Asian nation. What is today called Myanmar came into being at the 1947 Panglong Agreement. In fact, the correct name of the country should be the ``Union of Burma'' and not just Myanmar. The military junta changed from Burma to Myanmar in 1989, and as a result, it becomes the ``Union of Myanmar.''
Primarily based on dialectical variations, the military junta identifies ``135 races'' in the Union of Myanmar. In fact, the peoples of Myanmar were under two separate British administrations before it gained independence in 1948: ``Burma Proper'' and ``Frontier Areas.''
The Burma Proper was predominantly occupied by ethnic Burmarns, while Frontier Areas belonged to other ethnic nationalities, which are now identified as ``ethnic minorities.' '
The Union of Burma has the longest armed insurgency in the entire Southeast Asian region. While the military has persuaded more than a dozen armed groups to sign ceasefire agreements, there are still armed groups operating along the Indo-Myanmar and Thai-Myanmar borders.
These armed groups are neither terrorists nor separatists. They are demanding autonomy under a federal government, a foundation in which the Union of Myanmar was established in 1947.
The conflicts in Myanmar are not only political, but also ethnical. Only restoring democracy is unlikely to restore the trust and confidence of the so-called ``ethnic minorities.' '
The U.S. government and the international community need to understand the complexity nature of the conflicts. Though the Myanmarese military junta has the power to suppress ethnic armed insurgents, given the army strength of over 400,000 without any foreign enemy, the aspirations of ethnic minorities cannot simply be suppressed by force. The root cause of the conflicts needs to be addressed.
There are two different stages in the ongoing democratic struggle in Myanmar. While a majority of the ethnic Burmarns may be satisfied with the restoration of a democratic government, the overwhelming ethnic minority population, which constitutes a little less than 40 percent of the country's total population but occupies more than two-thirds of the land, will continue to demand their fundamental political rights.
In order to find a way out for Myanmar, the Obama administration is doing the right thing by applying both engagement and sanction tools. The administration needs to continue to put pressure on the military junta to release all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and the 1991 Nobel peace laureate. Sanctions should not be unconditionally lifted before any tangible changes are happening inside the country.
The new policy will provide a platform for the U.S. government to have access to both the engagement and isolation groups. With the engagement agenda, the Obama administration can now work with members of Association of Southeast Asian Nations, China, India, and Russia. With the continued sanction policy, the administration can still work together with the European Union, its traditional ally.
While the policy shift is a welcome move, the Obama administration needs to understand the root cause of conflicts in Myanmar. The U.S. engagement should not be just with the military junta and the NLD, but inclusive. The plights and aspirations of ethnic minorities should always be part of the solutions.
Nehginpao Kipgen is a researcher on the rise of political conflicts in modern Myanmar (1947-2004) and general secretary of the U.S.-based Kuki International Forum (www.kukiforum. com). He has written numerous analytical articles on the politics of Myanmar and Asia for many leading international newspapers. He can be reached at nehginpao@yahoo. com.
アウンサンスーチーさんと全ての政治囚の釈放を求めるデモ行進のご案内（10/11、17時～）
【転送・転載歓迎】
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ビルマ市民フォーラム メールマガジン 2009/10/6
People's Forum on Burma
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在日ビルマ人のみなさんからデモ行進のご案内をいただきました。
転送させていただきます。
ＰＦＢ事務局 宮澤
http://www1.jca.apc.org/pfb/
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
■■■ Free ビルマ！Free アウンサンスーチー !！
■■
■ アウンサンスーチーさんと全ての政治囚の釈放を求めるデモ行進のご案内
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■日時：2009年10月11日（日）
■集合場所：大塚台公園
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18：30（予定）中池袋公園・解散
＊日本のみなさんに、ビルマの政治囚やビルマ情勢への理解を
深めていただけるよう、パンフレットを配布しながら、都内をデモ行進します。
■主催：在日ビルマ人民主化活動家のみなさん
（問合せ 080-3424-2759）
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アウンサンスーチーさん控訴棄却：スーチーさんは無罪！スーチーさんと全ての政治囚の釈放を求めて・・・・
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
ビルマ市民フォーラム メールマガジン 2009/10/6
People's Forum on Burma
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米国人男性を家に入れたことが国家防御法違反にあたるとして有罪判決
（禁固3年）を受けたアウンサンスーチーさんの控訴審で、2日（金）、ヤンゴン
管区裁判所は一審の有罪判決を支持し、控訴を棄却しました。
この日、在日ビルマ人の皆さんは、アウンサンスーチーさんの無罪を主張し、
在日ビルマ大使館前で抗議行動を行いました。
今週も引続きスーチーさんを含むすべての政治囚の釈放と対話の促進を
軍政に働きかけるよう国連事務総長に要請するため、表参道・国連大学前で
アピール行動を行っています（6日～9日15時～16時）
本日6日には、フランスの歌手・女優のジェーン・バーキンさんの呼びかけにより、
著名なアーティストがアウンサンスーチーさんの釈放を求めて
静かな座り込みを行うそうです（現地時間夜9時～11時）。
いとうせいこうさんが、この日、日本でもTシャツを着て、ジャーン・バーキンさんたちの
抗議運動への連帯、ビルマの人々への連帯を呼びかけています！
この静かな座りこみ運動にあたり、ジェーン・バーキンさんたち中心メンバーは
いとうせいこうさんの「ミャンマー軍事政権に抗議するＴシャツ」を着て座り込み
をするそうです。
みなさんのできる形で、ぜひアウンサンスーチーさんやビルマの人々への
連帯、民主化支援をお願いします。
ビルマ市民フォーラム
事務局 宮澤
▼詳しくは、いとうせいこう さんのブログをクリック：
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▼ジェーン・バーキンさん
デモ座り込みの内容はこちらから（英語）
http://www.janebirkin.net/uk/vigilance.html
▼いとうせいこう さん
「ミャンマー軍事政権に抗議するＴシャツ」について
http://www.cataloghouse.co.jp/cat_order/tsuhan/burma/index.html
▼「アウンサンスーチー」by ジェーン・バーキン
YouTube ビデオクリップ（日本語字幕）
http://www.youtube.com/watch?gl=JP&hl=ja&v=xeP-PkEcf-g
YouTube ジェーン・バーキン、ビルマについて語る
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HiworBVpzaY&feature=related
【参考】ジェーン・バーキンさん関連記事
*産経ニュース 2009年9月15日
日本はミャンマー軍政に圧力を 来日の歌手バーキンさん
http://sankei.jp.msn.com/world/asia/090915/asi0909152007000-n1.htm
*時事ドットコム 2009年9月15日
スー・チーさん解放訴え＝来日中のＪ・バーキンさん、国会議員に
http://www.jiji.com/jc/zc?k=200909/2009091500779
*asahi.com 2009年9月17日
来日のジェーン・バーキンさん「ミャンマー制裁強化を」
http://www.asahi.com/national/update/0915/TKY200909150300.html
★☆★☆★☆★☆★☆★☆★☆★☆★☆★☆★☆★☆★☆
＜＜ぜひ皆さんもビルマ民主化運動のサポーターになってください！＞＞
“Please use your liberty to promote ours.”
― Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
「あなたの自由を、私たちの自由獲得の闘いのために行使してください。」
― アウンサンスーチー
*ビルマ市民フォーラムのメルマガに登録する
*ビルマ市民フォーラムの会員になる
*ビルマ市民フォーラムの活動に寄付をする
→ http://www1.jca.apc.org/pfb/
*チャリティCDを買って、ビルマ・サイクロン被災者を支援する
→ http://freeaungsansuukyi.blogspot.com/
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Tuesday, October 6, 2009
THE ONLY WAY TO HAVE CHANGE IN BURMA IS TO FORCE THE REGIME-2007-SEPT-28- BY ZOYA PHAN
JUST TO REMIND EVERYBODY
PHONE HLAING
AlJazeeraEnglish
September 29, 2007
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Sir David Frost talks to Zoya Phan, an exile from Mynamar, formerly knowns as Burma, and Razali Ismael, former UN envoy to the country, about the current violence and why the people are agitating f...
Sir David Frost talks to Zoya Phan, an exile from Mynamar, formerly knowns as Burma, and Razali Ismael, former UN envoy to the country, about the current violence and why the people are agitating for change.
Category: News & Politics
Tags: Al Jazeera David Frost Burma Myanmar Razali Ismail Zoya Phan
Monday, October 5, 2009
“ရခိုင္ျပည္ကို ရခိုင္ေတြက အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခြင့္ရခ်င္လို႔….”
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“ရခိုင္ျပည္ကို ရခိုင္ေတြက အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခြင့္ရခ်င္လို႔….”
Saturday, 03 October 2009 17:36 ဧရာဝတီ
ရခိုင္လူမ်ိဳး သမိုင္း ပညာရွင္တဦးျဖစ္သည့္ ေဒါက္တာေအးေက်ာ္ ထိုင္းႏုိင္ငံ ဘန္ေကာက္ၿမိဳ႕သို႔ ေခတၱ ေရာက္ရွိစဥ္ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္၏ ေနာက္ခံ သမိုင္း၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အေျခအေနႏွင့္ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ေနာက္ခံသမိုင္း၊ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာ အေရးႏွင့္ အျမင္မ်ားအား ဧရာဝတီ သတင္းေထာက္ ဘေစာတင္က ေတြ႕ဆုံေမးျမန္းထားသည္ မ်ားကို ေဖာ္ျပလိုက္ပါသည္။
ေဒါက္တာေအးေက်ာ္သည္ လက္ရွိတြင္ အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စု နယူးေယာက္ၿမိဳ႕၌ အၿငိမ္းစား ပါေမာကၡ တဦးအျဖစ္ ေနထိုင္လ်က္ရွိသည္။ ေဒါက္တာေအးေက်ာ္၏ ကုိယ္ေရးအက်ဥ္းကိုလည္း ေအာက္တြင္ ပူးတြဲ ေဖာ္ျပထားပါသည္။
ေဒါက္တာေအးေက်ာ္
ေမး။ ။ လြတ္လပ္ေရးမရမီ ရခိုင္ျပည္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအေျခအေနေတြကို ေျပာျပေပးပါ။
ေျဖ။ ။ ျမန္မာ့ေတာ္လွန္ေရးသမိုင္းမွာ ရခိုင္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြဟာ အၿမဲတမ္းေရွ႕က ပါ၀င္ခဲ့တယ္၊ အဂၤလိပ္ ကိုေတာ္လွန္တဲ့ေနရာမွာေရာ ဂ်ပန္ကိုေတာ္လွန္တဲ့ေနရာမွာပါ ေရွ႕တန္းကပါပဲ ၊ ရခိုင္ေတြဟာ ဘာကို လုိခ်င္ လို ့ေတာ္လွန္ေရးမွာ ေရွ႕တန္းက ပါရသလဲဆိုရင္ ရခိုင္ျပည္ကို ရခိုင္ေတြက အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခြင့္ ရခ်င္လို ့ျဖစ္တယ္၊ အဂၤလိပ္ေခတ္က ထင္ရွားတဲ့ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြကို ေျပာပါဆိုရင္ ဆရာေတာ္ဦးစိႏၱာ၊ ဆရာေတာ္ ဦးပညာ သီဟ၊ ဦးညိဳထြန္း၊ ဦးေအာင္ဇံေ၀၊ ဦးေက်ာ္မင္း၊ ဦးဘေစာ စတဲ့ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေတြဟာ ရခိုင္ျပည္ေတာ္လွန္ေရး ရခိုင့့္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ေလာကက ထိတ္ထိတ္ႀကဲေတြပဲေပါ့၊ ျမန္မာတႏိုင္ငံလံုးအတြက္ ဆိုရင္ေတာ့ ဆရာေတာ္ ဦးဥတၱမ ဟာ နံပါတ္တစ္ပါပဲ။
အဲဒီကာလက ရခိုင္ေတြရဲ့ အေနအထားကို ခြဲစိပ္ၾကည့္မယ္ဆိုရင္ ၿဗိတိသွ်ေတြရဲ့ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ ေရးထဲမွာ ပါ၀င္တဲ့ အပိုင္းကတပိုင္းနဲ ့ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္း ဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ လြတ္လပ္ေရး တိုက္ပြဲေတြထဲမွာ ပါ၀င္တဲ့အပိုင္းေတြကို လည္း ေတြ ့ရပါမယ္။
ဦးညိဳထြန္းဆိုတာက ၁၉၃၆ ခုႏွစ္ ေက်ာင္းသားသပိတ္မွာ ပါ၀င္ခဲ့တဲ့ ေက်ာင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ တဦးလည္း ျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ သူဟာ ရခိုင္အသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းမွာေရာ ဗမာအသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းမွာပါ လူသိမ်ားတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ေခါင္းေဆာင္တဦးပါ၊ ဒီကေန ့ျမန္မာသမိုင္းမွာ မတ္လ(၂၇)ရက္ေန ့ကို ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေန႔ရယ္လို ့သတ္မွတ္ ထားၾကတယ္၊ ဦးညိဳထြန္းေခါင္းေဆာင္တဲ့ ရခိုင္ေတြဟာ ဂ်ပန္ကို မတ္လ(၂၇)ရက္ထက္ေစာၿပီး ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ လ (၁၂)ရက္လား (၁၃)ရက္လား က်ေနာ္အေသအခ်ာ မမွတ္မိေတာ့ဘူး။ အဲဒီကတည္းက စၿပီး ဖက္ဆစ္ ဂ်ပန္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကို ရခိုင္ျပည္က စေတာ္လွန္ခဲ့တယ္။ ဒါကို ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းရဲ့ မိန္႔ခြန္းေတြ ထဲမွာ လည္း ပါပါတယ္။ ေမၿမိဳ ့မိုးၾကည့္ေရးတဲ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းမိန္ ့ခြန္းမ်ားထဲမွာ ရွာေဖြေတြ ့ရွိႏုိင္ပါတယ္။ ေလ့လာၾကည့္ပါ။
ေမး။ ။ လြတ္လပ္ေရး ရၿပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ပိုင္း ရခိုင္ျပည္ရဲ႕အေျခအေနကေရာ ဘယ္လိုရွိပါသလဲ။
ေျဖ။ ။ ရခိုင္ေတြဟာ အဂၤလိပ္ကိုေတာ္လွန္တဲ့ေနရာမွာေရာ။ ဂ်ပန္ကိုေတာ္လွန္တဲ့ေနရာမွာပါ ေရွ႕တန္းက ပါ၀င္ခဲ့တယ္ဆိုတာကို ေျပာခဲ့ၿပီးၿပီ၊ အဲသလို ဗမာအပါအ၀င္ အျခားေသာ တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြနဲ ့အတူတကြ လြတ္လပ္ေရးတုိက္ပြဲ ဆင္ႏႊဲခဲ့တာရဲ႕ တကယ့္ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္က ဘာလဲဆုိရင္ ရခိုင္ေတြဟာ မိမိတို ့ရခုိင္ျပည္ ကို ရဖို႔ပါပဲ၊ တန္းတူအခြင့္အေရး ရဖို ့ပါပဲ၊ ဖက္ဒရယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စုမွာ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ ရဖုိ ့ပါပဲ၊ ဒါေပမယ့္ တကယ္တမ္း ျမန္မာ ႏိုင္ငံလြတ္လပ္ေရးရရွိလာတဲ့အခါ ရခိုင္ေတြအတြက္ ဘာမွမရခဲ့ဘူး၊ ျပည္နယ္ အဆင့္ ေလးေတာင္ သတ္မွတ္ေပးတာကို မခံခဲ့ရဘူး၊ ရခိုင္ေတြ မြန္ေတြဟာ ဦးႏုကို ျပည္နယ္ေပးဖို ့ေတာင္းဆိုေပ မယ့္ ဦးႏု ဟိုလိုလို ဒီလိုလို ေ၀့လည္ေၾကာင္ပတ္လုပ္ခဲ့တာေၾကာင့္ ရခိုင္ေတြရဲ့ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္မျပည့္၀ခဲ့ရဘူး၊ ဦးႏုဟာ သူ ့ပါတီအက်ိဳးကိုသာ ၾကည့္ခဲ့လို ့တကယ္အေရးပါတဲ့ National Interest (အမ်ိဳးသားအက်ိဳး အျမတ္) ကို ဆံုးရႈံး ေစခဲ့တယ္။
ေမး။ ။ လြတ္လပ္ေရးရၿပီး ဆယ္ႏွစ္ ကာလအတြင္း ရခိုင္ျပည္မွာ ဘာေတြ ျဖစ္ေနခဲ့ပါသလဲ။
ေျဖ။ ။ ဦးႏုရဲ့ ဖဆပလ ေခတ္မွာ ရခိုင္ျပည္မွာ အဓိကလႊမ္းမိုးတဲ့ ပါတီႀကီးနွစ္ခုရွိတယ္၊ ဖဆပလ နဲ ့ရတည (ရခိုင္ စည္းလံုးညီညြတ္ေရး ပါတီ)ေတြပါ၊ ရတညရဲ႕ေခါင္းေဆာင္က ဦးေက်ာ္မင္းျဖစ္တယ္၊ သခင္ဦးေက်ာ္ရင္ တို႔လည္း ႏိုင္ငံေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈထဲမွာ ပါတယ္၊ ဦးေအာင္ဇံေ၀၊ ေတာင္ကုတ္က ဦးေက်ာ္တင္ စတာေတြက ဖဆပလေတြ၊ လြတ္လပ္ေရးရၿပီးေနာက္ ဖဆပလ ႏွစ္ျခမ္းကြဲခ်ိန္မွာ တည္ၿမဲ (ဖဆပလ)နဲ ့သန္ ့ရွင္း (ဖဆပလ) ဆိုၿပီး ရွိလာတယ္၊ ဒီေတာ့ သန္ ့ရွင္းဖဆပလ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ျဖစ္တဲ့ ဦးႏုဟာ တိုင္းျပည္ရဲ႕ အက်ိဳး ထက္ သူ ့ပါတီအက်ိဳးကိုပဲ ၾကည့္တဲ့အေနနဲ ့ေမယုခရိုင္ဆိုတာ လုပ္လာတယ္၊ အဲဒီမွာရွိတဲ့ ဘဂၤါလီ ေတြကို မဲရဖို ့အတြက္ မ်က္ႏွာသာေပးတယ္၊ မွတ္ပံုတင္ ျပဳလုပ္ေပးတာေတြ ရွိလာခဲ့တယ္၊ ကိုလိုနီေခတ္က ဘဂၤါလီ ေတြဟာ ရခိုင္ျပည္ကို အလုပ္လာလုပ္တယ္၊ စပါးရိတ္တယ္။ လယ္ထြန္တယ္။ ၿပီးရင္ ျပန္သြားၾကတယ္၊ ဒါေပမယ့္ ဦးႏုက မဲရဖို ့အတြက္ မ်က္ႏွာသာေပးတာနဲ ့ဘဂၤါလီေတြဟာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအဆင့္ထိကို တိုးတက္ လုပ္ေဆာင္လာတာကို ေတြ ့လာရတယ္။ သူတို ့အထဲက စူလတန္ မာမြတ္ဆိုတာ ဟာ ထင္ရွား တဲ့သူ တဦး ပါ၊ ရခိုင္ေတြရဲ႕ရတည ကေတာ့ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ရရွိေရးကို တစိုက္မတ္မတ္ ဆက္လုပ္လာခဲ့တယ္။
ေမး။ ။ ဦးႏုက အဲ့ဒီလို လုပ္ခဲ့ေတာ့ ဘာေတြ ဆက္ျဖစ္လာခဲ့ပါသလဲ။
ေျဖ။ ။ အဓိက အေၾကာင္းရင္းကေတာ့ ၁၉၅၈။ ၅၉။ ၆၀ ကာလမ်ားမွာ ဖလပလ ႏွစ္ျခမ္း ကြဲလာတယ္၊ ႏွစ္ျခမ္းကြဲလာေတာ့ ဖဆပလ အားနည္းလာတယ္၊ အဲဒီမွာ ဦးႏုက သူ ့ပါတီ အႏိုင္ရဖို ့ေမယုခရိုင္ကို ဘဂၤါလီ ေတြကို ၀င္ခြင့္ျပဳတယ္၊ အဲဒီလို ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ျခင္းက ဒီကေန႔ျပည္ပမွာ က်ယ္က်ယ္ေလာင္ေလာင္ အသံထြက္ေန တဲ့ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာဆိုတဲ့ ျပႆနာေတြကို ျဖစ္ေပၚေစတဲ့ အေၾကာင္းအရင္းပါပဲ။
ေမး။ ။ ဒီရိုဟင္ဂ်ာဆိုတဲ့ အသံုးအႏႈန္းဟာ ဘယ္တုန္းက စေပၚခဲ့တယ္ဆိုတာ သိပါသလား။
ေျဖ။ ။ ၁၉၆၀ ၀န္းက်င္ေလာက္မွာ စေပၚခဲ့တယ္လို ့ထင္တယ္။ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆိုေတာ့ စူလတန္ မာမြတ္ ဆိုတဲ့ ဘဂၤါလီႀကီးဟာ အမတ္ျဖစ္ခဲ့ေပမယ့္ တခါမွ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာဆိုတဲ့ စကား ကို သံုးစြဲခဲ့တာ မေတြ ့ရပါဘူး၊ လြတ္လပ္ေရးမတိုင္မီက ျမန္မာ့သမိုင္းမွာေရာ ရခိုင္သမိုင္းမွာေရာ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာဆိုတဲ့ ေ၀ါဟာရဟာ မရွိခဲ့ပါဘူး၊ လြတ္လပ္ေရးရၿပီးခါစမွာေရာ မရွိခဲ့ပါဘူး။
ေမး။ ။ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာဆိုတဲ့ ေ၀ါဟာရကေရာ ဘယ္လို အဓိပၸာယ္ကို ေဆာင္ပါသလဲ။
ေျဖ။ ။ ဆရာႀကီး ဦးသာထြန္း က်န္းမာစဥ္တုန္းက သူရန္ကုန္ကိုလာတုိင္း က်ေနာ့္ဆီကို၀င္တယ္၊ သူနဲ႔ လက္ဖက္ရည္ေသာက္ရင္း စာအေၾကာင္းေပအေၾကာင္း သမုိင္းအေၾကာင္း ေတြကို ေဆြးေႏြးတယ္၊ အဲဒီ အခါမွာ ဒီေ၀ါဟာရကို ဆရာႀကီး ဦးသာထြန္းက အခုလို ဆိုပါတယ္။ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ဆိုတာ ရခိုင္စကား လြင့္ဂ်ာက ျဖစ္လာတဲ့စကားျဖစ္တယ္။ လြင့္ဂ်ာဆိုတဲ့ အဓိပၸာယ္က ဥပမာ သစ္ပင္ေတြက သစ္ရြက္ေတြေၾကြရင္ ေလထဲ မွာ ၀ဲၿပီး ဦးတည္ရာမဲ့ လြင့္ေနတာကို ဆိုလိုတယ္၊ ဒီ ဘဂၤါလီေတြကိုမွ အခုလို ဆိုလိုတာမဟုတ္ပါဘူး၊ ရည္ ရြယ္ခ်က္ ဦးတည္ခ်က္မရွိဘဲ လြင့္ေနတဲ့ဘယ္သူ ့ကိုမဆို ရခိုင္ဘာသာစကားနဲ ့လြင့္ဂ်ာလို႔ ဆိုတယ္။ ဒါကို ဘာသာေဗဒနဲ ့ဆန္းစစ္ၾကည့္ရင္လည္း လြင့္ဂ်ာကေန ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာလို ့ေျပာင္းလဲလာတယ္ဆိုတာ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္တယ္ လို ့က်ေနာ္ တကၠသိုလ္ ပညာပေဒသာ စာေစာင္မွာ က်ေနာ္ေရးခဲ့ဖူးတယ္။ ယရလ၀ ဆိုတဲ့ ဗ်ည္းေတြဟာ အသံေျပာင္းလဲတဲ့ သေဘာရွိ တယ္။
(ဆရာႀကီး ဦးသာထြန္းမွာ ဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္း ဦးႏု လက္ထက္က ရခိုင္-ျမန္မာ ပညာရွိႀကီးျဖစ္သည္။ ဦးႏု ကိုယ္တိုင္
ပ႑ိတ္ (ပညာရွိ) ဘြဲ႔ အပ္ႏွင္းခဲ့ဖူးေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ အယ္ဒီတာ)
ေမး။ ။ အခုကာလမွာ ရခိုင္လူမ်ိဳးေတြက ဒီရိုဟင္ဂ်ာဆိုတဲ့အသံကိုေတာင္ မၾကားခ်င္ေလာက္ ေအာင္ျဖစ္ ေနၾကတာ ဘာေၾကာင့္ပါလဲ။
ေျဖ။ ။ ဒီရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ဆိုတာျဖစ္လာဖို ့ရခိုင္ျပည္မွာ အရင္းခံတာက မူဂ်ာဟစ္ေတြျဖစ္တယ္။ သူတို ့ဟာ ရခိုင္ျပည္မွာ ေနရာရဖို ့ေျမရဖို ့သူပုန္ထၾကတယ္။ သူတို ့ဟာ အစက ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္က ဘဂၤါလီေတြပါ၊ ေရွးတုန္းက သူတို႔ေတြဟာ အလုပ္လုပ္ၿပီးရင္ သူတို ့ေနရပ္ကို ျပန္ၾကတယ္၊ ေနာက္ၾကာလာေတာ့ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ႏိုင္ငံ ကိုယ္တိုင္က လူဦးေရေပါမ်ားလြန္းလို႔ ေနရထိုင္ရအခက္အခဲ ရွိလာတယ္။ ဒီအခါ ဦးႏုက ေမယုခရိုင္အျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ထားတဲ့ ဘူးသီးေတာင္၊ ေမာင္းေတာ၊ ရေသ့ေတာင္နယ္ေတြကို မြတ္စလင္ ျပည္နယ္ ထူေထာင္ဖို႔ ့မူဂ်ာဟစ္ေတြ ႀကိဳးစားခဲ့တယ္၊ အဲဒီမူဂ်ာဟစ္ေတြက နာမည္သစ္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာကို တင္ သြင္းလာတဲ့အခါ ရခိုင္ေတြက လံုး၀လက္မခံပါဘူး၊ မိမိတိုင္းျပည္ရဲ့ နယ္ေျမေတြကိုေရာ ဘာသာ သာသနာ ကိုပါ အႏၱရာယ္ျပဳႏိုင္တဲ့ ဒီ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာဆိုတာကို ရခိုင္ေတြက အသံကိုပင္ မၾကားႏိုင္တာျဖစ္တယ္။
ေမး။ ။ ဒီရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ေပၚေပါက္လာရတဲ့ ေနာက္ခံ အေၾကာင္းတရားက ဘာေတြမ်ားျဖစ္ႏိုင္ပါသလဲ။
ေျဖ။ ။ အင္မတန္ေမးသင့္တဲ့ ေမးခြန္းေကာင္းတခုပါပဲ၊ တကယ္ေတာ့ ဒီရိုဟင္ဂ်ာဆိုတာက အေပၚယံ ျပႆနာပါ၊ တကယ္နက္ရႈိင္းတဲ့ အရင္းခံက“အစၥလမ္၀ါဒ လႊမ္းမိုး ျပန္႔ပြားေရး”ဆိုတဲ့ဟာက အရင္းခံ ျပႆနာပါ၊ အဲဒီလႈပ္ရွားမႈကို ေက်ာေထာက္ေနာက္ခံျပဳေပးတာက အာဖရိကတိုက္ ေျမာက္ပိုင္းက တိုင္းျပည္ ေတြ၊ အေရွ႕အလယ္ပိုင္းက ႏိုင္ငံေတြက ေငြေၾကးေတြ၊ လက္နက္ေတြ စသျဖင့္ လုိအပ္တာေတြကို ထုနဲ႔ ထည္နဲ ့ပံ့ပိုးၿပီး လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနတာကို ေတြ ့ရတယ္၊ အေရွ ့ေတာင္အာရွကဆိုရင္ မေလးရွားႏိုင္ငံမွာရွိတဲ့ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြက ဒါကို အားေပးတယ္။ မြတ္စလင္ ဘာသာျပန္႔ပြားဖို ့လႊမ္းမိုးဖို ့နယ္ေျမရရွိေစဖို ့အင္တိုက္ အားတိုက္ ကူညီတယ္၊ ဒါေၾကာင့္ သူတို ့ဟာ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာအမည္ကို သံုးၿပီး ျမန္မာတိုင္းရင္းသား၊ ရခိုင္တိုင္းရင္း သား ျဖစ္ဖုိ ့အားထုတ္လာတယ္၊ တကယ္ေတာ့ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာဆိုတာ လူမ်ိဳးလည္းမဟုတ္ဘူး၊ျမန္မာတိုင္းရင္းသား လည္းမဟုတ္ဘူး။
ေမး။ ။ ျပည္တြင္းမွာေတာ့ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာဆိုတာကို နအဖက အသိအမွတ္လည္း မျပဳဘူး၊ ဘယ္တုန္းကမွလည္း မရွိခဲ့ဘူးလို႔ အတိအလင္းဆိုပါတယ္၊ ဒါေပမယ့္ ျပည္ပမွာရွိတဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသား လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားေကာင္စီမွာ တိုင္းရင္း သား အခြင့္အေရးရဖို႔ ႀကိဳးစားေနတာေတြကိုေတာ့ ၾကားဖူးတယ္၊ ဒါေပမယ့္ ရခိုင္ေတြက ကန္႔ကြက္လို ့အခု အခ်ိန္ ထိေတာ့ ေအာင္ျမင္မႈမရေသးပါဘူး။ တိုင္းရင္းသားဆိုတာ ဘယ္သူေတြကို သတ္မွတ္ခဲ့ သလဲ ဆိုတာ ကို သိခ်င္ပါတယ္။
ေျဖ။ ။ ၁၉၇၈ ခုနွစ္က ရန္ကုန္မွာ လမ္းစဥ္ပါတီေခတ္က တိုင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားနဲ ့ဆိုင္တဲ့ ဥပေဒတရပ္ကို သတ္မွတ္ဖို ့ဆရာေဒါက္တာေမာင္ေမာင္ရယ္၊ ဆရာႀကီး ဦးစံသာေအာင္ ရယ္။ က်ေနာ္တို ့ေတြ ့ဆံုေဆြးေႏြး ခဲ့ဖူးပါတယ္။ ေဒါက္တာေမာင္ေမာင္က ဥပေဒ ပညာရွင္၊ က်ေနာ္က သမိုင္း၊ ဦးစံသာေအာင္က အဲဒီတုန္း က အထက္တန္းပညာဦးစီးဌာနက ညႊန္ၾကားေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္ေပါ့၊ ေနရာကေတာ့ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ေကာင္စီ ရံုးခန္းမွာပါ။
အဲဒီမွာ က်ေနာ္က ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ တိုင္းရင္းသားအျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ေရးအတြက္ဆိုရင္ ဘိုးေတာ္ဘုရား စစ္တမ္း ဆိုတာရွိတယ္၊ ခရစ္သကၠရာဇ္ ၁၈၀၀ ေက်ာ္ေလာက္က စစ္တမ္းေကာက္ခဲ့တာ၊ အဲဒါဟာ အင္မတန္ျပည့္စံု တယ္၊ အဲဒီမွာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအတြင္းမွာ ေနထိုင္လာတဲ့ လူမ်ိဳးေတြ အားလံုးကို က်က်နန စစ္တမ္းေကာက္ထား တာရွိတယ္၊ ရခိုင္ေတြ၊ ကရင္ေတြ၊ မြန္ကိုေတာ့ တလိုင္းလို႔ေခၚတယ္၊ အဲဒီဟာကို မူတည္ၿပီးရင္ ဆံုးျဖတ္ရင္ မေကာင္းဘူးလားလို႔ က်ေနာ္က အႀကံေပးတယ္။
အဲဒီအခါ ဆရာေဒါက္တာေမာင္ေမာင္က မေစာလြန္းဘူးလားလို႔ျပန္ေမးတယ္၊ ဒါဆိုရင္ သမိုင္းမွာအေရးပါတဲ့ အလွည့္အေျပာင္းျဖစ္တဲ့ ခရစ္သကၠရာဇ္ ၁၈၂၄ ခုႏွစ္က စသင့္တယ္လို႔ေျပာခဲ့တယ္၊ ၁၈၂၄ က ျမန္မာျပည္ ကို အဂၤလိပ္ေတြစသိမ္းတဲ့ ႏွစ္ပါ၊ ဒါကို ေဒါက္တာေမာင္ေမာင္က သေဘာတူလို႔ အဲဒီမတိုင္မီက ေနထိုင္ခဲ့တဲ့ လူမ်ိဳးေတြကို တိုင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ိဳးမ်ား အျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္တယ္လို ့ ဥပေဒ ျပဳခဲ့တယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာဆို တဲ့ အသံုးအႏႈန္း မရွိခဲ့ဘူး။
ေဒါက္တာေအးေက်ာ္ ကိုယ္ေရးအက်ဥ္း
ေဒါက္တာေအးေက်ာ္ကို ၁၉၃၉ ခုႏွစ္ က ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ ေတာင္ကုတ္ၿမိဳ႕နယ္ တန္းလြဲေခ်ာင္း ႐ြာမ ရြာသစ္ တြင္ ေမြးဖြားခဲ့သည္။
ေဒါက္တာေအးေက်ာ္ ဆည္းပူးရရွိခဲ့ေသာ ပညာရပ္ဆိုင္ရာ ဘြဲ႕မ်ားမွာ B.A (History and Religion) ရန္ကုန္ တကၠသိုလ္ (၁၉၅၉) ၊ B.A (Honors) Oriental History ရန္ကုန္ တကၠသိုလ္ (၁၉၆၀) ၊ M.A (History of Asia) ရန္ကုန္ တကၠသိုလ္ (၁၉၆၄) ၊ B.L (Law) ရန္ကုန္ တကၠသိုလ္ (၁၉၆၆) ၊ PhD (History of Southeast Asia) Monash University. Australia. 1979 စသည့္ ဘြဲ႔မ်ားကို ရရွိခဲ့သည္။
ေဒါက္တာေအးေက်ာ္သည္ ကထိက (သမိုင္းဌာန) ရန္ကုန္တကၠသိုလ္ (၁၉၆၂-၁၉၈၀) ။ တြဲဖက္ ပါေမာကၡ (သမိုင္းဌာန) ဖယတ္ တကၠသိုလ္၊ ခ်င္းမိုင္၊ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံ (၁၉၈၂-၈၄) ။ ကထိက (ေခတ္သစ္ ဘာသာေဗဒႏွင့္ သဒၵေဗဒ ဌာန) ေကာ္နဲ တကၠသိုလ္၊ နယူးေယာက္၊ အေမရိကန္ ျပည္ေထာင္စု၊ (၁၉၈၄- ၈၉) ။ ဘာသာျပန္ ကၽြမ္းက်င္သူ ( သကၠတစာေပ ဌာန) ဟားဗတ္ တကၠသိုလ္၊ အေမရိကန္ ျပည္ေထာင္စု၊ (၁၉၉၁-၀၂) ။ တြဲဖက္ ပါေမာကၡ (သက္ႀကီးမ်ားအတြက္ စဥ္ဆက္မျပတ္ ပညာသင္ၾကားေရး အစီအစဥ္) နယူးေယာက္ တကၠသိုလ္၊ အေမရိကန္ ျပည္ေထာင္စု၊ (၁၉၉၃- ၉၅) ။ တြဲဖက္ပါေမာကၡ (အာရွသုေတသန ဌာန) နယူး ေယာက္ တကၠသိုလ္၊ အေမရိကန္ ျပည္ေထာင္စု (၁၉၉၆- ၉၉)၊ လြတ္လပ္ေသာ အာရွအသံ (R.F.A) ျမန္မာပိုင္း အစီအစဥ္တြင္ အႀကံေပး အယ္ဒီတာ (၃ႏွစ္ခန္႔)အျဖစ္ တာဝန္မ်ား ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့ၿပီး ယခုအခါ အေမရိကန္ ျပည္ေထာင္စု နယူးေယာက္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္ အၿငိမ္းစားယူ၍ ျမန္မာ့အေရးဆိုင္ရာမ်ားကို ေဆာင္႐ြက္ ေနထိုင္လ်က္ရွိသည္။
ေဒါက္တာေအးေက်ာ္ ေရးသားထုတ္ေ၀ခဲ့သည့္ စာအုပ္မ်ား -
၁၊ ရွမ္းလူမ်ိဳးမ်ား၏ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈမ်ားႏွင့္ ရိုးရာဓေလ့ (၁၉၆၈)
၂၊ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ အမ်ိဳးသားပညာေရးသမိုင္း (၁၉၇၀) စာအုပ္ျဖင့္
၁၉၇၁ခုႏွစ္အတြက္ အမ်ိဳး သားစာေပဆုကို ဆြတ္ခူးခဲ့သည္။
၃၊ ရခိုင္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ား၏ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈမ်ားႏွင့္ ရိုးရာဓေလ့ (၁၉၇၃)
၄။ On the Birth of Modern Family Law in Burma and Thailand. Singapore (1990)
၅၊ The Voice of young. Cornell University, March 1990
၆၊ Code and Custom in Burma and Thailand. Scotland. 1993
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အမွန္တရား
written by Burmese Buddhist, October 05, 2009
ေဒါက္တာ ဦးေအးေက်ာ္ ေျပာသြားတာေတြကို အျပည့္အ၀ အၾကြင္းမ႐ွိ ေထာက္ခံပါတယ္
+0 ေက်းဇူးတင္ပါတယ္
written by Aung Mrin Soe, October 05, 2009
သမိုင္းမွန္ေတြကို သတၱိရွိရွိ ျပတ္ျပတ္သားသား ေျပာျပေပးတဲ့ သမုိင္းပညာရွင္ ဆရာႀကီးေဒါက္တာ
ေအးေက်ာ္ကို အထူးပဲ ေက်းဇူး တင္ပါတယ္။
+0 သိထားသင့္တယ္
written by မင္ဆက္ရခိုင္, October 05, 2009
ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ဆိုတ့ဲ ဘဂၤလီေတြ ပတ္သတ္တ့ဲ သိသင့္တ့ဲ အင္တာဗ်ဳးတစ္ခုပါ။ လူသားမ်ားဆိုင္ရာ လႈ႔အခြင့္အေရး ကို က်ဴပ္တို႔ ေလးစားပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ က်ဴပ္တို႔အိမ္ကို လာျပီး ၂ ျခမ္းခြဲဖို႔ လုပ္ရင္ေတာ့ က်ဳပ္တို႔ ခံမွာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ဆိုတ့ဲ သူေတြကုိ ေထာက္ခံ တ့ဲ သူေတြဟာ ဒီျပႆနာ သူတို႔ ေခါင္းေပၚ မက်ေသးလို႔ ဒီလို႔ ေျပာေနတာပါ။ ဒီေနရာ လူ႔ အခြင့္ေရး န႔ဲ ကိုင္ေပါက္လို႔ မရပါဘူး။
+0 ဝင္ေျပာၾကည့္မယ္ေနာ���.....
written by white peacock, October 05, 2009
ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ကေတာ့ ေလွသၾကီးရူးနဲ႔ ေလွလူး လိုျဖစ္ေနျပီး။ အာဏာရူး စစ္ဗိုလ္ေတြနဲ႔ နားလည္မႉ လြဲေနတဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသား လူထုနဲ႔ေတာ့ ေတြ႔ေနျပီး။ ကိုယ့္တိုင္းျပည္တြင္းမွာ ရိွတဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသားလူထု ကိုေတာင္ မ်ွမ်ွတတ ေနရာခ် မအုပ္ခ်ဴပ္နိုင္တဲ့ ဒီစစ္အစိုးရလက္ေအာက္မွာ ျပည္ပက အေျခ လာခ်တဲ့ လူမ်ိဳး ေတြတြက္ ဆိုရင္ေတာ့ မစဥ္းစားနဲ႔ေတာ့။ စစ္စိုးရရဲ႕ ေငြမ်ား တရားႏိုင္ ဥပေဒရယ္၊ လူကိုခင္ရင္ မူကိုျပင္တယ္ လူကိုမုန္းရင္ မူကိုသံုးတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ ဝါဒ ေအာက္မွာ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြ အဆင္မေျပတာ ရိွတလို၊ ရခိုင္လူမ်ိဳးေတြ နစ္နာတာေတြလဲ ရိွပါတယ္။ အားလုံးစြတ္စြပ္ မတြန္းၾကပါနဲ႔။ ႏိုင္ငံတြင္းမွာ ရိွတဲ့ တိုင္းရင္သား လူမ်ိဳးေပါင္းစံုရဲ႕ အက်ိဳးစီးပြားကို ထိေရာက္စြာ သယ္ပိုးႏိုင္တဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသား လူထု တင္ေျမာက္တဲ့ အစိုးရေအာက္မွာ စည္းလုံးစြာရိွမွ အားလံုးတြက္ အဆင္ေျပဆုံး ျဖစ္မယ္လို႔ ျမင္တယ္။
+1 ...
written by Bagan Thar, October 05, 2009
I wish future politicians of Myanmar will not sell their land and dignity at the expense of our own people to suppose their political cause.
We all ( Burmese, Rakhine, Shan, kachin, etc) are minors compared to Bengali, Indian, and Chinese.
If we read history it is clear to see that British put a layer between them and us- Indians in administration.
Politicians close their eyes in this aspects and one even said colonial time is better.
We all must be united.To be united we all must TRY TO understand each other.
While we must look after those people wo is part of us already, we must protect Rakhine land and all border states for any further infiltration.
+0 ဟုတ္ပါမလား
written by အမွန္, October 04, 2009
လူဦးေရး ၅ သိန္း ၆ သိန္း ေလာက္ရွိတ႔ဲ ဒီရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ လူမ်ိဳးေတြက ိုဘာသာ သာသနာကို အႏၱရာယ္ ျပဳမည္သူေတြ အျဖစ္ ေၾကာက္ေနၾကတယ္ ဆိုတာ ရယ္စရား ျဖစ္မေနဘူးလား ကိုယ္႔ကိုးကြယ္တ႔ဲ ဘာသာ သာသနာကို ကိုယ္ကိုယ္တိုင္ ျဖတ္ဆီးေနတ႔ဲ နအဖ အၾကမ္းဖတ္ အုပ္စုကို ဘာသာ သာသနာ ျဖတ္ဆီးသူေ တြအျဖစ ္မျမင္ၾကဘူးလား
+1 ...
written by Mtll123, October 04, 2009
hav u ever went to Rakhein State...the place where these Rohingya people are living..how they survive their live..
-1 ...
written by KZ, October 04, 2009
When these people going to realise and exercise the democracy? I don't think Rohingya problem is not connecting with any Islamization. Come on! wake up! Guys,
-2 တန္ဖိုးရိွတဲ ့ သမိုင္းပညာရွင္ပါ..................
written by thant kyaw oo, October 04, 2009
ပညာတတ္ ၿမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသား တစ္ေယာက္အၿဖစ္ ဂုဏ္ယူသလို. ........ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာနဲ ့ ပါတ္သက္လို ့ ၿမန္မာနိုင္ငံသား တစ္ေယာက္အေနနဲ ့သမိုင္းေၾကာင္း အေၿခအၿမစ္ကို ေရေရ ရာရာ သိလိုက္ရလို ့ အထူး ေက်းဇူး တင္ပါတယ္ခင္ဗ်ာ..........
က်ေနာ္ ရခိုင္လူမ်ဳိး မဟုတ္ေပမဲ ့ ရခိုင္ တိုင္းရင္းသား ညီကိုမ်ား ရခိုင့္ေၿမေပၚမွာ ကမာၻတည္သ၍ တည္ရိွနိုင္ၿပီး ဘာသာ သာသနာကို ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ႏိုင ္ၾကပါေစ။
+2 No Rohinjer in Myanmare
written by iRobot, October 04, 2009
I support Dr Aye Kyaw's comment. There is no Rohinjer in our country.
+3 ...
written by ျပည္ခ်စ္, October 04, 2009
ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ အတြက္ အရမ္းအေရးပါတဲ့ အင္တာဗ်ဴးတစ္ခုပါ...
+0 This is true
written by payonsae, October 04, 2009
This is true and I strongly support the writer and the topic... . I don't like our government, but I have to stand their side for this time for good cause, for our country sake. Please don't take it wrong, we have our own history. If you guys want to say bad about the military government, you can say in many way but please not mention with human right (or) to accept them as our citizens. Please do not look for short term... Please
+1 အမွန္တရားဆိုတာ ေပ်ာက္ကြယ္သြားရိုး���ရွိပါ
written by အမွန္တရား, October 04, 2009
ဒီစကားကိုဘဲ မၾကာခဏ ၾကားရတာ ဖတ္ရတာ စိတ္ ပင္ပန္းပါတယ္
သန္း ၆၀ ေက်ာ္ရွိ ျမန္မာျပည္သူေ တြဟာ လက္ရွိ ရွိေနတ႔ဲ စစ္အစိုးရႏွင္႔ တရားဥပေဒကို မယံုၾကည္ၾကလို႔ ဒီမိုကေရစီ စနစ္ကို တစိုက္မက္မက္ ေတာင္းဆိုေနၾကသူေတြဟာ ဘာမဟုတ္တ႔ဲ နအဖ စစ္အစိုးရရ႔ဲ တရားဝင္ မက်ေသာ စကားတခြန္းကို လက္ခံယူျပီး ျငင္းခံုေနမယ႔္ အစား တရားဝင္ အစိုးရ တစ္ရက္ ျဖစ္ထြန္းလာတ႔ဲ အခါက်မွ ရွင္းယူတာ ပို မေကာင္းဘူးလား မည္သူမွန္သလဲ ဆိုတာ အမွန္တရားက ဆံုးျဖတ္ေပးပါ လိမ္႔မယ္ အမွန္တရား ဆိုတာ ေပ်ာက္ကြယ္သြားရိုး မရွိပါ
+0 To Dr. Aye Gyaw
written by REALITY, October 04, 2009
Saya Dr. Aye Gyaw,
I respect your knowledge. If you don't mind, please let me write this comment to you as a reminder.
You currently live in a country which has freedom of religion and no discrimination in races.
Please let me mention about Los Angeles, the city I live .There is no little Saigon, no little Tokyo, no Thai town, no Korea town and many other communities before 1900 in LA. All those different people are Americans whom are guaranteed by US constitution to get the same rights. They can vote any candidate they want. They can travel anywhere they want. They can be elected. They can pursue any education they want. They can believe anything they want or they have right not to believe. They can be black, brown or white.
Please be broad-mided since you live in the country which is a champion of Democracy and freedom.
Please do not hurt others believe while you are trying to make somebody believed in your statement. Be fair and Be professional. I hope you will find many ways to promote your race without hurting other races and religion.
After all, we all are citizens of the world, brother Dr. Aye Gyaw.
+2 Thank ku
written by maung thin, October 03, 2009
Dear
Dr Aye kyaw
We need to know that true.We want to know Rohinjar.
+0 MR
written by U ZAW WIN, October 03, 2009
Dear Aye Kyaw
Most educate people are working and thinking for global and human rights.This is latest digital World. NOT COLONY WORLD.
MR ZAW WIN, ENGLAND
+0 ...
written by shwe bamar, October 03, 2009
That's right.
-4 ...
written by Htwe Htwe, October 03, 2009
Now I know who were responsible for the racist Burmese Citizenship Law of 1982.
The law denied citizenship to those who could not prove that their ancestors had lived in Burma before 1824 was exactly similar to Nuremberg Laws which denied German citizenship to Jews.
Any ethnic or religious group has their own fair share of thieves, murderers and trouble makers. Most the Muslims living in Rakhine state want to provide for their family similar to people from other ethnic or religious groups.
Thousands and thousands of Chinese and Indian and other Muslims who were born and raised in Burma and could not even speak languages other than Burmese were denied the chance to pursue professional degrees, the chance to travel and sometimes the chance to seek medical treatment because they could not go Rangoon or Mandalay.
You and your family lived in United States, the country which has a strongest anti-discrimination law. You, your family and your children would not be denied of US citizenship just because you did not come to US before their independence in 1776.
They could not give you less money than an American of European origin just because you are a Rakhine. You and your family enjoy the fruits of a society which cherishes non-discrimination.
+3 Good but it might leave to conflict
written by upanna, October 03, 2009
မသိေသးတဲ့ ေရွးက သမိုင္းေၾကာင္းေတြကို သိရတာ အေတာ္ဗဟုသုတ ရပါတယ္
ေရွးေခတ္အ ာဇာနည္းေတြရဲ့စ ိတ္ဓာတ္ေတြက အံ့အခန္းေလာက္ေ အာင္ပါပဲ
ခုေခတ္ မ်ိဳးဆက္သစ္ေတြ အတြက္ မျဖစ္မေန သိသင့္ သိထိုက္တဲ့ အရာေတြပါ
သုိ႔ေသာ္လည္း တစ္ခ်ိုဳ႔အသံုး အနွဳံးေတြကို တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြ အခ်င္းခ်င္း စိတ္၀မ္းကြဲစရာေတြ
ျဖစ္ေစ နိုင္သလားလို႔ စိုးရိမ္မိပါတယ္
+4 အရမ္းေကာင္းတယ္....
written by Burmese, October 03, 2009
မွန္တယ္... ေဒါက္တာေအးေက်ာ္ ေျပာတာ ေထာက္ခံတယ္...ေမးတဲ့သူကလည္း ေမးသင့္တဲ့ ေမးခြန္းေတြကို ေမးသြားတယ္....စစ္အစိုးရက ဗမာႏိုင္ငံမွာ ဒီရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ လူမိ်ဳး မရိွဘူးလို ့ အတိအလင္း ဆိုတာကလည္း လက္ခံတယ္။ တစ္သက္လံုး လိမ္လာတဲ့ အစိုးရ ဒီတစ္ခါ အမွန္အတိုင္း ေျပာတာကိုေတာ့ ၾကိဳက္တယ္။ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာဆိုတာ တကယ္ေတာ့ ဦးေအးေက်ာ္ ေျပာသလို ဗမာျပည္မွာ မူဆလင္ ဘာသာနဲ ့နယ္ေျမကို ထူေထာင္ခ်င္ေနတဲ့ လူမိ်ဳးေတြပါ....လူမိ်ဳးနဲ ့ ဘာသာ တရားကို ကာကြယ္ဖို ့အတြက္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ဆိုတာ စစ္အစိုးရကို ဆန္ ့က်င္ဖို ့အတြက္ တစ္ခုတည္းနဲ ့ေတာ့ လက္မခံသင့္ဘူး ထင္တာပဲ။
[Ye Yint Thet Zwe] လာမယ့္ေဘးေျပးေတြ
ေရာက္လာမယ့္ အဓမၼ ေန ့ရက္မ်ားအတြက္
ဇာတ္တူသား စားသူမ်ားရဲ ့
အလိုတူ အလိုပါေတြက
မိုးတြင္းဖားေတြလို
သူခိုးေသေဖာ္ညွိၾက ။
ေဟာဒီ
တို ့ခ်စ္တဲ့ေျမေပၚမွာ
မတရားမႈမ်ား
အားေကာင္းေမာင္းသန္ ၊
လိမ္ညာလွည့္ဖ်ားမႈမ်ား
အားေကာင္းေမာင္းသန္ ၊
ႏွစ္ေထာင့္တဆယ္ ႏွပ္ေၾကာင္းမ်ား
အားေကာင္းေမာင္းသန္ ၊
ႏွစ္ေထာင့္တဆယ္ အက္ေၾကာင္းမ်ား
အားေကာင္းေမာင္းသန္ ၊
ယံုၾကည္ခ်က္ သံမဏိ ဓါးသြား
ႏွစ္ကာလမ်ားထဲမွာ
ဟိုတိမ္း ဒီယိမ္း
ေဒ၀ဒတ္ရဲ ့ဇာတ္သိမ္းမ်ိဳး
ဒီေရ ဒီေျမေပၚမွာ
ဒီလိုလူေတြနဲ ့အတူ အသက္ရွင္ခဲ ့ရေတာ့
အေကာင္းဆံုးကိုေမွ်ာ္လင့္
အဆိုးဆံုးအတြက္လည္း အသင့္ျပင္ထားၾက
တပ္လွန္ ့သံၾကားတယ္
ငါတို ့
လာမယ့္ေဘးေျပးေတြ ့ရံုပါပဲ ၊
ေၾကာက္ေမႊးပါ ဇာဂနာနဲ ့ႏႈတ္ရမွာပါပဲ၊
(၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲေန ့ရက္မ်ားသို ့)
ရဲရင့္သက္ဇြဲ (၂၀၀၉ ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၂)
အရပ္သားအျမင္နဲ႔ စစ္သားအထင္-ဦးေအာင္ခင္
ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ ဒီမုိကေရစီစနစ္တည္ေဆာက္ခ်င္တဲ့ အရပ္သားအဖြဲ႔အစည္းေတြနဲ႔ စစ္အစုိးရတုိ႔ ေစ့စပ္ေဆြးေႏြးတဲ့အဆင့္ကုိ မေရာက္ႏုိင္ေသးဘဲ လိပ္ခဲတည္းလည္းျဖစ္ေနရတဲ့ အေျခခံအေၾကာင္းတခုက အရပ္သားရဲ႕ သမုိင္းအျမင္နဲ႔ စစ္သားရဲ႕ သမုိင္းအျမင္ ကြဲျပားျခားနားေနလုိ႔ပါပဲ။ စစ္တပ္တုိင္းမွာ သီးျခားအသြင္လကၡဏာရွိတယ္။ အရပ္သားနဲ႔စစ္သားဟာ သမုိင္းအျမင္ခ်င္း မတူတာမ်ားပါတယ္။ စစ္ဗိုလ္ရဲ႕ အေတြးအေခၚဟာ စစ္တပ္ရဲ႕သမုိင္းအျမင္က လႊမ္းမုိးေလ့ရွိတယ္။
အရပ္သားဟာ သူေတြ႔ရွိတဲ့ အခ်က္အလက္ေပၚမွာမူတည္ၿပီး သမုိင္းေရးတယ္။ မိမိေတြ႔ရွိတဲ့ အခ်က္အလက္ကုိလုိက္ၿပီး သုံးသပ္မႈနဲ႔ အဓိပၸာယ္ေဖာ္မႈလည္း ေျပာင္းသြားရပါတယ္။ ကုိယ္ျဖစ္ခ်င္တာကုိ ေရးလုိ႔မရဘူး။ ကုိယ္ထင္တာကုိမေရးဘဲ ေတြ႔တဲ့အတုိင္းေရးတာကုိ သတၱိရွိတယ္လုိ႔ ေျပာတာပါပဲ။ ဗမာစစ္တပ္က သမုိင္းေရးသလုိ လုိခ်င္တာေတြထည့္ၿပီး မလုိခ်င္တာ ကုိ ဖယ္ထုတ္လုိ႔မရပါဘူး။ လူသတ္တာကုိ ကယ္တင္တာလုိ႔ ေရးလုိ႔မရပါဘူး။ အေနာက္တုိင္းမွာ နာမည္ႀကီးတဲ့ စစ္သမုိင္းဆရာေတြဟာ အရပ္သားေတြပါ။ ဗမာျပည္မွာေတာ့ စစ္ဗုိလ္ကသာ စစ္သမုိင္းကုိ ေရးခြင့္ရွိသလုိ ျဖစ္ေနတယ္။
စစ္တပ္ကုိအယုံတင္သြင္းရာမွာ သမုိင္းကုိ ၀ါဒျဖန္႔ပစၥည္းအျဖစ္ အသုံးျပဳၿပီး ပုံႀကီးခ်ဲ႕ေလ့ရွိတယ္။ ဒီလုိေျပာပါမ်ားလာေတာ့ စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြကုိယ္တုိင္ ဂ်ပုိးကုိလိပ္လုိ႔ ယုံၾကည္လာတာပါပဲ။ ဒါကုိ စိတ္ပညာမွာ auto-suggestion လုိ႔ေခၚတယ္။ ၂၀ ရာစုအေစာပုိင္းမွာ ျပင္သစ္စိတ္ပညာရွင္တဦး Emile Coue 1857-1926 ေတြ႔တဲ့နည္းပါ။ မိမိကုိယ္မိမိ ကယ္တင္ရွင္လုိ႔ အႏွစ္ (၅၀) နီးပါး ၀ါဒျဖန္႔လာတဲ့ စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြဟာ သူတုိ႔၀ါဒျဖန္႔တာကုိ သူတုိ႔ကုိယ္တုိင္ ျပန္ယုံေနတဲ့အတြက္ ေနရာတကာ စစ္ဗိုလ္က ဦးေဆာင္ခြင့္ရွိေၾကာင္း ဥပေဒျပဳတာျဖစ္တယ္။
ဥပမာ အေမရိကန္နဲ႔ အဂၤလိပ္ စစ္အင္အားႀကီးမားလုိ႔ ဂ်ပန္စစ္႐ႈံးရတာ တကမာၻလုံး သိတယ္။ ဂ်ပန္႔လက္ေအာက္ခံ ဗမာစစ္တပ္က ဂ်ပန္ကုိေတာ္လွန္ၿပီး အဂၤလိပ္နဲ႔ အေမရိကန္ဘက္က ကူတုိက္ေပးတယ္။ ဗမာစစ္တပ္ မကူလည္း အဂၤလိပ္/အေမရိကန္က ႏုိင္မွာပါပဲ။ ဗမာစစ္တပ္က ေတာ္လွန္လုိ႔ ဂ်ပန္စစ္႐ႈံးတာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ ဂ်ပန္ကုိ ေတာ္လွန္တဲ့အတြက္ ဗမာစစ္တပ္သာ အျမတ္ထြက္သြားတယ္။ ဂ်ပန္နဲ႔လက္တြဲၿပီး အဂၤလိပ္၊ အေမရိကန္တပ္ကုိ သြားတုိက္မယ္ဆုိရင္ ဗမာစစ္တပ္ဟာ အိႏၵိယလြတ္လပ္ေရးတပ္ဖြဲ႔လုိ အဂၤလိပ္စစ္တပ္ရဲ႕ ကူလီဘ၀ကုိ ေရာက္သြားမွာ ေသခ်ာတယ္။
ဒီအျဖစ္အမွန္ကုိမထုတ္ေဖာ္ဘဲ တပ္မေတာ္ကေတာ္လွန္လုိ႔သာ ဂ်ပန္စစ္႐ႈံးသလုိလုိ တျပည္လုံးကုိ ၀ါဒျဖန္႔ထားတာ စစ္တပ္ရဲ႕ သမုိင္းအျမင္ပါပဲ။ ဗမာစစ္တပ္တုိက္ယူလုိ႔ လြတ္လပ္ေရးရတာလုိ႔ စစ္ဗိုလ္ေတြယူဆထားတာဟာ မွားယြင္းတဲ့သမုိင္းအျမင္ပါ။ ျမန္မာ့လြတ္လပ္ေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈသမုိင္းမွာ ဖက္ဆစ္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးဟာ အခန္းက႑ေလးတခုသာျဖစ္တယ္။ စစ္ၿပီးေခတ္ လြတ္လပ္ေရးႀကိဳးပမ္းမႈဟာ ႏွလုံးရည္တုိက္ပြဲသာျဖစ္တယ္။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ ဗမာစစ္တပ္ဟာ အဂၤလိပ္စစ္တပ္ရဲ႕ လက္ေအာက္ခံ ျဖစ္ေနလုိ႔ လြတ္လပ္ေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈမွာ တုိက္႐ုိက္မပါ၀င္ႏုိင္ခဲ့ဘူး။
ေခတ္ပညာတတ္ စစ္ဗိုလ္ဆရာ၀န္ စာေရးဆရာ ေဒါက္တာေမာင္ေမာင္ညိဳ လုိဟာမ်ဳိးကေတာင္ ဂ်ပန္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကုိ အႀကီးအက်ယ္ ေအာက္ေမ့ေနတယ္။ ၁၉၇၃ ခုနွစ္က တုိက်ဳိမွာ က်ေနာ္ သမုိင္းသုေတသနလုပ္ေနတုန္း ေဒါက္တာေမာင္ေမာင္ညိဳနဲ႔ ခဏဆုံမိေတာ့ ဂ်ပန္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးအေၾကာင္း ဘာေတြေရးထားသလဲလုိ႔ သူကေမးတယ္။ ဂ်ပန္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကုိ အေလးအနက္ထားသူ သိပ္မရွိေၾကာင္း ေျပာျပေတာ့ ေဒါက္တာေမာင္ေမာင္ညိဳ အေတာ္မေက်မနပ္ ျဖစ္သြားတယ္။ ဂ်ပန္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကုိ ေမွးမွိန္ေသးသိမ္ေအာင္ က်ေနာ္က တမင္ေျပာတဲ့ပုံစံနဲ႔ သူ႔ခရီးသြားမွတ္တမ္းမွာ ၁၉၇၇ က ေရးထားတယ္။ စစ္ဗုိလ္ဆရာ၀န္ ေဒါက္တာေမာင္ေမာင္ညိဳလည္း စစ္တပ္၀ါဒျဖန္႔တာကုိ ယုံၾကည္သူပါပဲ။
အခုေတာ့ ဂ်ပန္ကုိ ဗမာစစ္တပ္က တြန္းလွန္လုိက္တယ္ဆုိတဲ့ စိတ္ကူးယဥ္ခ်က္ကုိ အမ်ားယုံၾကည္လာေအာင္ ပုံႀကီးခ်ဲ႕၀ါဒျဖန္႔ၿပီး ႏုိင္ငံေရးအာဏာကုိ လက္၀ါးႀကီးအုပ္ထားတယ္။ ဂ်ပန္ကုိ တုိက္ထုတ္သူဟာ ဗမာစစ္တပ္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ပုံႀကီးခ်ဲ႕တာကုိနားေထာင္ၿပီး လူငယ္ေတြ ႀကီးျပင္းလာရတယ္။ ဗမာစစ္တပ္ရဲ႕ ပုံႀကီးခ်ဲ႕ဇာတ္လမ္းအရ အဂၤလိပ္စစ္တပ္၊ အေမရိကန္စစ္တပ္၊ တ႐ုတ္၊ ကရင္၊ ကခ်င္၊ ခ်င္း၊ နာဂနဲ႔ ျမန္မာအရပ္သားေတြကေတာ့ ဂ်ပန္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးမွာ မပါသလုိ ျဖစ္ေနတယ္။
တကယ္ေတာ့ ဂ်ပန္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကုိ ပထမဆုံး စတင္ဆင္ႏႊဲသူဟာ ကရင္နဲ႔ ခ်င္းအမ်ဳိးသားေတြပါ။ ကရင္တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြနဲ႔ အတူ ပထမဆုံးေသာ ဂ်ပန္ဆန္႔က်င္ေရးတုိက္ပြဲ ဦးေဆာင္ဆင္ႏႊဲခဲ့သူ ၿဗိတိသွ်ဗိုလ္မႉး Hugh Paul Seagrim ျဖစ္တယ္။ ကရင္ေျပာက္က်ားအဖြဲ႔က ဂ်ပန္စစ္တပ္ကုိ ပထမဆုံးေတာ္လွန္တာျဖစ္တယ္။
၁၉၄၂ ခုႏွစ္ ေဆာင္းဦးရာသီမွာ ကေလးၿမိဳ႕ကုိ ဂ်ပန္သိမ္းပုိက္ထားတုန္း ကင္းလွည့္တဲ့ ဂ်ပန္စစ္သားကုိ ဇုိျပည္သူ႔စစ္က ေျဖာင္ပစ္တဲ့အတြက္ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္ကတည္းက ခ်င္းေတာ္လွန္ေရးစတယ္လုိ႔ ဆုိႏုိင္ပါတယ္။ ကေလးၿမိဳ႕အနီးမွာ ဂ်ပန္တပ္ဖြဲ႔တဖြဲ႔ အနားယူေနစဥ္ ၁၉၄၂ ခုႏွစ္ ဒီဇင္ဘာ (၂၃) ရက္ေန႔မွာ ဇုိျပည္သူ႔စစ္က လွ်ပ္တျပက္၀င္တုိက္လုိ႔ ဂ်ပန္ (၁၂) ဦး က်သြားတယ္။ ဒီတုိက္ပြဲသတင္းကုိ ဒီဇင္ဘာ (၂၆) ရက္ေန႔မွာ ဘီဘီစီအဂၤလိပ္ပုိင္းက ေၾကညာတယ္။ ဒါဟာ အရပ္သားေရးတဲ့ သမုိင္းပါ။ စစ္တပ္ကုိ ကယ္တင္ရွင္လုိ႔ ျပည္သူလူထုက မယူဆပါဘူး။
စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ကုိ သစၥာရွိတဲ့စစ္တပ္ဟာ အဲဒီစစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္အလြဲသုံးစားလုပ္တာကုိ ခံရတယ္။ ဗုိလ္ေန၀င္းနဲ႔ ဗုိလ္သန္းေရႊဟာ သာဓကေတြပဲ။ ဒီကေန႔ စစ္ဗိုလ္ေတြလက္ခံတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအယူအဆကုိ ေနာက္တေန႔မွာ စစ္ဗိုလ္ေတြ ေမ့သြားႏုိင္တယ္။ ၁၉၆၂ ကစၿပီး ဗမာစစ္တပ္တခုလုံးက ယုံၾကည္ပါတယ္လုိ႔ ေႂကြးေၾကာ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဆုိရွယ္လစ္၀ါဒကုိ ၁၉၈၈ ေရာက္ေတာ့ ယုံၾကည္တဲ့စစ္ဗိုလ္ တေယာက္မွမရွိေတာ့ဘူး။ ဒါဟာ ဗမာစစ္ဗိုလ္ေတြရဲ႕ ခံယူခ်က္လား။
အျပင္လူက ျမန္မာျပည္ကုိ နားလည္ဖုိ႔လုိအပ္သလုိ ျမန္မာေတြကလည္း မိမိကိုယ္မိမိ အကဲျဖတ္ဖုိ႔လုိအပ္ေၾကာင္း အေမရိကန္သမုိင္းဆရာႀကီး ဂြန္ေကဒီ ၁၉၅၇ ခုႏွစ္က ေျပာဖူးတယ္။ ဗမာစစ္အစုိးရက အႏွစ္ (၅၀) နီးပါး ကုိယ္ရည္ေသြး ၀ါဒျဖန္႔ခဲ့တာေၾကာင့္ ျမန္မာ့သမုိင္းျဖစ္ရပ္မွန္ကုိ သိႏုိင္ဖုိ႔ မလြယ္ပါဘူး။ အျဖစ္မွန္ကုိမသိရင္ တဘက္နဲ႔တဘက္ နားလည္ဖုိ႔နဲ႔ ျပႆေျဖရွင္းဖုိ႔ ခက္ခဲႏုိင္တယ္။
ဥပမာ အဂၤလိပ္ကုိလုိနီနယ္ခ်ဲ႕ဟာ တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးေတြကုိ စိတ္၀မ္းကြဲျပားေအာင္လုပ္ၿပီး ျမန္မာျပည္ကုိ ေသြးစုပ္ျခယ္လွယ္ တယ္ဆုိတာနဲ႔ ဖက္ဆစ္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးဆင္ႏႊဲလုိ႔ လြတ္လပ္ေရးရတာဆုိတဲ့ ၀ါဒျဖန္႔ခ်က္ေတြကုိ ယုံၾကည္ေလေလ တုိင္းရင္းသားျပႆနာ ေျဖရွင္းရတာ ခက္ေလေလပါပဲ။ ျမန္မာ့ျပႆနာဟာ တုိင္းရင္းသားအေရးမွာ အေျခခံတယ္လုိ႔ဆုိတယ္။ ဗမာလူမ်ဳိး ေရာက္မလာမီကတည္းက ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ တုိင္းရင္းသားအမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးရွိေနတယ္။ တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြဟာ ဗမာမင္းကုိ သစၥာခံလုိက္၊ တ႐ုတ္လက္ေအာက္ေရာက္သြားလုိက္၊ ထုိင္းကုိသစၥာခံလုိက္နဲ႔ ေနာက္ဆုံး အဂၤလိပ္လက္ထက္ေရာက္ေတာ့မွ သူတုိ႔ဘ၀ဟာ လုံၿခံဳသြားတဲ့သေဘာပါပဲ။ ေရွးကတည္းက ဗမာမင္းနဲ႔ တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြ အကြဲကြဲအၿပဲၿပဲျဖစ္လာတာကုိ အဂၤလိပ္က လုိသလုိ အသုံးခ်သြားတာပါပဲ။
ဖက္ဆစ္ဂ်ပန္စစ္ဗိုလ္ကလည္း သူ႔ကုိယ္သူကုိယ္ ကယ္တင္ရွင္လုိ႔ ယူဆတာပဲ၊ ၁၉၄၅ မွာ ဂ်ပန္လက္နက္ခ်ၿပီး စစ္တပ္တခုလုံး ဖ်က္သိမ္းလုိက္ေတာ့မွ ကယ္တင္ရွင္၀ါဒ နိဂုံးခ်ဳပ္သြားတယ္။ စစ္ၿပီးေခတ္ဂ်ပန္မွာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းအေတာ္ၾကာ စစ္တပ္မရွိဘူး။ အေမရိကန္စစ္တပ္နဲ႔ ဂ်ပန္အရပ္သားအစုိးရက ပူးတြဲအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ပါတယ္။ စစ္ဗိုလ္ေတြေၾကာင့္ တုိင္းျပည္ပ်က္စီးခဲ့ရတဲ့အေျဖစ္ကုိ နာၾကည္းခဲ့တဲ့ ဂ်ပန္ႏုိင္ငံမွာ စစ္မႈထမ္းအလုပ္ကုိ ဂုဏ္ယူစရာလုိ႔ မယူဆၾကေတာ့ဘူး။ စစ္႐ႈံးလုိ႔ရရွိလုိက္တဲ့ အက်ဳိးအျမတ္ကေတာ့ ဂ်ပန္ျပည္မွာ စစ္၀ါဒကြယ္ေပ်ာက္ၿပီး ဒီမုိကေရစီစနစ္ ထြန္းကားလာတာပါပဲ။
[info_ngo_hrn] 10月18日HRN& 東大主催シンポ「今そこにある危機 ダルフール・ジェノサイドに何ができるか」
HRN メールマガジン購読者のみなさま
いつもお世話になります。このたび、ヒューマンライツ・ナウでは、東京大学「人間の安全保障」プログラムと共催にて、以下のシンポジウムを開催いたし
ま
す。
HRNとしてははじめてとなりますが、アフリカでジェノサイドに匹敵するといわれる事態が発生しているスーダン、ダルフール地方の人権状況をとりげたシ
ンポジウムの開催です。
是非ご参加いただきますようよろしくお願いいたします。
HRN事務局長 伊藤和子
ーーーーーーーー
東京大学「人間の安全保障」プログラム ＆ ヒューマンライツ・ナウ 共催シ
ンポジウム
今そこにある危機
ダルフール・ジェノサイドに何ができるか
Genocide in Darfur: It is our responsibility
参加をご希望の方は、こちらからのご登録が必要となります (外部のサーバーへ
ジャンプします)。
Please register from here.
http://human-security.c.u-tokyo.ac.jp/symposium/sympo20091018.htm
日時： 2009年10月18日（日） 13:30-17:00
Date & Time: 13:30-17:00 Sunday, October 18, 2009
場所： 東京大学駒場キャンパス 18号館ホール
Venue: Hall, Build.18 of Komaba Campus, the University of Tokyo
開会挨拶 (13:30-13:40) Opening Remarks
山影 進 Susumu YAMAKAGE
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科長
Dean, Graduate School of Arts and Sciences, the University of Tokyo
学生の発表 Presentation by Students (13:40-13:50)
第一部: Part I (13:40-13:50)
講 演 Speeches (13:50-15:00)
木寺 昌人 Masato Kitera
外務省国際協力局長・前アフリカ審議官:
Director-General of International Cooperation Bureau/ Former
Director-
General for Sub-Saharan African Affairs
サリー・オスマンSalih Osman
スーダン国会議員・弁護士
Member of National Parliament in Sudan/ Advocate
休 憩 Break (15:00-15:20)
第二部: Part I (13:40-13:50)
パネルディスカッション Panel Discussion (15:20-16:45)
伊藤 和子 Kazuko ITO
ヒューマンライツ・ナウ事務局長:
Human Rights Now
コメンテーター Commentator (15:20-16:45)
サリー・オスマンSalih Osman
スーダン国会議員・弁護士
Member of National Parliament in Sudan/ Advocate
パネリスト Panelists (15:20-16:45)
ヨハン・セルス Johan Cels
UNHCR 駐日代表: Representative of UNHCR Tokyo
土井 香苗 Kanae DOI
ヒューマン・ライツ・ウォッチ： Human Rights Watch
佐藤啓太郎 Keitaro SATO
外務省アフリカ紛争・難民問題担当大使兼国連改革担当大使:
Ambassador in Charge of Peace Building and Refugee-Related Issues in
Africa/ Special Envoy for UN Reform
福井美穂 Miho Fukui
難民を助ける会:
Association for Aid and Relief Japan
学生からのメッセージ Message from Staff (16:45-16:50)
学生スタッフ Student Staff
閉会挨拶 Closing Remarks (16:50-17:00)
丸山 真人 masato MARUYAMA
東京大学総合文化研究科「人間の安全保障」プログラム運営委員長:
Chair of Human Security Program, the University of Tokyo Human Rights
Now
-スタッフより-
アフリカ、スーダン、そしてダルフールというと、「遠いところ」、「無関係な
ところ」、「知らないところ」、というイメージがもしかしたらあるかもしれま
せん。しかし、ダルフールの人々も私達と同じように、日々笑い、悲しみ、生き
ているということを思ったとき、このとてつもなく大きな人権侵害に無関心では
いられないと私達は考えました。そして勉強していくうちに、ダルフールと日本
は、世界の様々な利害や思惑を背景に密接に関係していることが少しずつ分かっ
てきました。ダルフールのことにもっと関心をもっていただきたい、そして望む
らくは何か少しでも人権侵害を止める一助になりたい。そんな思いで、私たち学
生が中心となってこのシンポジウムを企画しました。 私たちに何ができるのか？
大学を通じて、NGOを通じて、政府を通じて、国連を通じて。ダルフールにつ
いて何も知らなくても大歓迎です。様々な視点からダルフール問題について一緒
に話し合いましょう。
使用言語および参加方法について
参加をご希望の方は、こちらをご覧ください(外部のサーバーへジャンプします)。
/ Please register from here.
当シンポジウムは英語（同時通訳あり）で行われます。/ Simultaneous
interpretation (ENG/JPN) will be provided.
個人情報の管理については慎重かつ厳重に対処しますので、差し支えのない範囲
でご回答下さいますよう、お願いいたします。
定員になり次第参加申し込みの受け付けを締め切らせて頂く場合がございます。
あらかじめご了承下さい。
主催
(特定非営利活動法人)ヒューマンライツ・ナウ
東京大学大学院総合文化研究科 「人間の安全保障」プログラム
東京大学ジェノサイド研究会
Fw: [BurmaInfo] 今週のビルマのニュース（0937号）アウンサンスーチー氏の控訴棄却 米国が新政策を正式発表 草の根無償資金協力1件 ほか
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
ビルマ市民フォーラム メールマガジン 2009/10/5
People's Forum on Burma
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
ビルマ情報ネットワーク（BurmaInfo）からのメールを転送させていただき
ます。（10月2日付 今週のビルマのニュース【0937号】）
（重複の際は何卒ご容赦ください。）
ＰＦＢ事務局 宮澤
http://www1.jca.apc.org/pfb/
━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
ビルマ情報ネットワークの「今週のビルマのニュース」をお送りします。
「今週のビルマのニュース」バックナンバー
http://www.burmainfo.org/news/this_week.php?mode=3
「きょうのビルマのニュース」もご利用ください。
http://www.burmainfo.org/news/today.php?mode=2
ビルマ情報ネットワーク （www.burmainfo.org）
秋元由紀
========================================
今週のビルマのニュース Eメール版
2009年10月2日【0937号】
========================================
【アウンサンスーチー氏の控訴、棄却される】
・5月に米国人男性を家に入れたことが国家防御法違反とされ、
8月に有罪判決（禁固3年）を受けた民主化指導者アウンサン
スーチー氏の控訴審で、ヤンゴン地裁は2日、一審の有罪判決を
支持し、氏の控訴を棄却する判決を出した（2日AFPほか）。
【米国が新しいビルマ政策を正式に発表】
・米国務省は28日、制裁と同時に対話も活用する
新しいビルマ政策を正式に発表した。国務省によれば、
民主主義や人権などについて軍政との直接対話を始める。
制裁については「（ビルマ側で）改革に向けた具体的な
進展があるまでは、既存の制裁を維持する」と明記している
（28日国務省）。
・民主化指導者アウンサンスーチー氏が軍政トップ・タンシュエ
将軍宛ての書簡を準備したと、氏の弁護人が述べた。
書簡で氏は「制裁を解除するために、軍政と協力する用意がある」
とし、まず既存の制裁の効果について制裁を課している国から
説明を受けた上で、国民民主連盟（NLD）の幹部らと協議する
ことを望んでいる（25日VOAほか）。
書簡は、制裁に関する氏の立場の変更を示すものではない。
【ウェッブ米上院議員がヒアリングを開催】
・米議会上院外交委員会のアジア太平洋小委員会
（委員長＝ウェッブ上院議員）で30日、ビルマ政策についての
ヒアリングが行われた。証人としてキャンベル国務次官補の
ほかに、ジョージタウン大学のスタインバーグ教授ら3人の
ビルマ専門家が呼ばれ、米国の対ビルマ制裁の効果や、
軍政が来年に実施を予定している総選挙の問題点などに
ついて証言した。制裁を支持する専門家や民主化運動団体
からは証人が呼ばれなかったため、ビルマ人僧侶や活動家
からは批判の声も上がった（1日CNSほか）。
【カチン武装勢力と軍政との緊張状態が続く】
・軍政と停戦協定を結んでいる武装勢力の一つ、カチン
独立機構（KIO）は、軍部の改編をめぐり軍政との8回目の
交渉会議をした。軍政はKIOの軍部を国境警備隊として
国軍の指揮下に入れるよう求めている。KIOは、国境警備隊
への改編には応じているものの、国軍の指揮下に入るのを
拒んでおり、交渉は行き詰っている。武力紛争に発展する
恐れもあり、緊張状態が続いている（1日日イラワディほか）。
【ビルマへの政府開発援助（ODA）約束状況など】
9月29日 草の根無償資金協力
ヤンゴン管区のリハビリ病院の施設拡充のため 9万3,750ドル
【イベント情報】
・在日ビルマ人民主化活動家のみなさん
アウンサンスーチーさん高裁判決日にあたって～
スーチーさんは無罪！スーチーさんと全ての政治囚の
釈放を求める抗議行動
（在日ビルマ大使館前、2日14時～）
・ビルマ・ダディンジュ祭（灯祭り）
主催：ミャンマー文化福祉協会（MCWA）
（板橋都税事務所（東武東上線「大山駅」、4日13時半～）
・在日ビルマ人共同行動実行委員会ほか
国連事務総長に対しスーチーさんを含むすべての政治囚
の釈放と対話の促進を軍政に働きかけるよう
要請するアピール行動
（国連大学前、6日～9日15～16時）
・難民映画祭「Burma VJ」
（イタリア文化会館 10月3日18時半、
ドイツ文化センター 6日17時）
・東京大学大学院総合文化研究課
第88回人間の安全保障セミナー「カレン族難民の現状と今後」
講師 税田芳三（UNHCRメソト事務所所長）
（東京大学駒場キャンパス18号館4階、5日15時～）
・在日ビルマ難民たすけあいの会主催ワークショップ
聞くことからはじめるビルマ難民ソーシャルワーク
第一回「証言・軍事政権下での生活と民主化デモ～ビルマ難民の原因」
（南大塚地域文化創造館、18日18時）★要申込
・日本ビルマ救援センター
月例ビルマ問題学習会「マウンマウンティンの世界」
（大阪ボランティアセンター、16日19時～）
【もっと詳しい情報は】
「きょうのビルマのニュース」
http://www.burmainfo.org/news/today.php?mode=2
ビルマ情報ネットワーク
http://www.burmainfo.org/
【お問い合わせ】
ビルマ情報ネットワーク 秋元由紀
====================================
今週のビルマのニュース Eメール版
2009年10月2日【0937号】
作成： ビルマ情報ネットワーク
協力： ビルマ市民フォーラム
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▽メーリングリストの参加・退会・アドレス変更について
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在日ビルマ人抗議行動のお知らせ：明日スーチーさん控訴審・判決言渡しをうけて
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ビルマ市民フォーラム メールマガジン 2009/10/1
People's Forum on Burma
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米国人を無断で自宅に泊めたとして、一審で有罪判決をうけ、
現在自宅軟禁中のビルマ民主化指導者アウンサンスーチーさんの
控訴審につき、明日、１０月２日（金）判決が言い渡される予定
です。
これを受けて、在日ビルマ人の民主化活動家の皆さんは、アウン
サンスーチーさんの無罪を主張、氏の早期釈放と民主化に向けた
対話の開始を求め、下記の通り抗議行動を行いますので、
在日ビルマ人に代わってお知らせいたします。
万が一、判決言い渡しが延期された場合等は、抗議行動への
参加人数は少なくなることが予想されますが、予定時間通り
実施するそうです。
ビルマ市民フォーラム
事務局 宮澤
http://www1.jca.apc.org/pfb/
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明日(10/2) ：アウンサンスーチーさん控訴審 判決
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明日、高裁判決言い渡しを受けて
在日ビルマ人民主化活動家、ビルマ大使館前・抗議行動のお知らせ
“アウンサンスーチーさんは無罪！
軍政はスーチーさんを含むすべての政治囚の釈放し、全ての
関係者を含め民主化に向けて対話を！“
●日時：１０月２日（金）１４：００～１６：００
＊午後昼過ぎから集まりだす参加者もいるだろうとのことでした。
●場所：在日ビルマ（ミャンマー）大使館前
アクセス：東京都品川区北品川4-8-26
ＪＲ「品川」駅 高輪口から徒歩15分、京急「北品川」駅から徒歩3分
●参加者：
在日ビルマ人共同行動実行委員会（JAC）ほか在日ビルマ人の
民主化活動家の皆さん
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[info_ngo_hrn] 10/3 ・ 4 グローバルフェスタご案内
ヒューマンライツ・ナウ メルマガご講読者のみなさまへご案内
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地球と世界の今を、楽しみながら知る２日間
『 グローバルフェスタＪＡＰＡＮ2009 』
10/3（土）4（日）10：00～17：00
日比谷公園・入場無料
< http://www.gfjapan.com/ >
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今週末の10月3日（土）・10月4日（日）、
東京日比谷公園にて国際協力イベント
「グローバルフェスタJAPAN2009」が開催されます。
ヒューマンライツ・ナウでもブースを出展し、ビルマや
インド等のパネル展示、報告書やグッズなどを販売します。
ぜひ皆さまお誘い合わせのうえ、ご来場ください！
ヒューマンライツ・ナウのブースはオレンジエリア20番です。
＊会場マップ
< http://www.gfjapan.com/web/02_place/ngo.html >
グローバルフェスタは、国際協力の日10月6日を記念して
1999年から毎年開催されている国内最大級の国際協力の
イベントです。各ＮＰＯ／ＮＧＯからの活動報告のほか、
各国大使館やエスニック料理などのブースも多数出店します。
またステージではさまざまなゲストによるトークイベントや
パネルディスカッション、ライブも行われます。
4日には、今年６月に刊行されたヒューマンライツ・ナウの
書籍『人権で世界を変える30の方法』の帯にコメントを寄せて
くださった知花くららさんのトークショーもあります！
＊くわしくはウェブサイトをご覧ください。
< http://www.gfjapan.com/ >
国際協力について、広く深く知ることのできる２日間です。
どうぞ週末は皆さまで日比谷公園へお越しください。
ヒューマンライツ・ナウのブースでスタッフ一同お待ちして
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Dr. Kyi May Kaung addresses Senator Webb
Dr. Kyi May Kaung addresses Senator Webb
This is a letter to Senator Webb, expressing disappointment on Wednesday's Congressional US Policy Hearing, from a respected friend, Dr Kyi May Kaung. To many of you, she may require no introduction - but to the rest of you, read on and you will learn.
"We must take sides. Neutrality helps the oppressor, never the oppressed. Sometimes we must interfere. . . There is so much injustice and suffering crying out for our attention . . . writers and poets, prisoners in so many lands governed by the left and by the right." Elie Wiesel, Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech, 1986, Oslo.
Senator Webb,
I was disappointed by your Hearing yesterday, which I saw as rather one-sided. No representatives of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, her lawyer Jared Genser, representatives of the National League for Democracy, or the NCGUB (the Exile Government, elected to their constituencies in Burma in the 1990 elections), Burmese refugees and dissidents, Burmese monk survivors of the 2007 Saffron Revolution, the US Campaign for Burma, scholars who have not advocated removing sanctions, representatives of major non-profits working for change in Burma, other stakeholders or known strong supporters of Aung San Suu Kyi such as Speaker Nancy Pelosi, Barbara Boxer, Diane Feinstein or Mitch McConnell were present. Here is Sen. McConnell’s “two tests for the new US policy from his website: http://mcconnell. senate.gov/ record.cfm? id=318402&start=1
I request that you place this Statement on the official record of the Hearing of September 30th, 2009.
You conducted the Hearing single-handed and was noticeably harsher in your questions towards Kurt Campbell, who explicated the new US policy and took a measured approach, and towards Professor David Williams, who was the only one among the witnesses who mentioned gross human rights violations in Burma and the stepped up military campaigns against the ethic minorities, being conducted right now as military attacks against the Kokang Chinese, the Rohingya in the west, the Kachin in the north and in addition to the on-going longest civil war against the Karen in the east. In many cases it was the Naypyidaw (former Rangoon government) which violated the ceasefires.
Professor Williams said, “Before the 2010 elections, the mountains will flow with blood.” The continuous and constantly increasing stream of refugees into all the neighboring countries are evidence of this.
Dr. Williams also testified that he thought after 2010 it would not be a civilian government, though it would be civilianized. As Burmese, we have seen too much of the trick of army brass changing into civilian clothes and continuing in power, directly or from behind the scenes, to think much of the promises of the 2010 so-called “election.” Professor Williams concluded by saying “This effort won’t shift the game, it will only give the game away.”
I am relieved that the US State Department’s new Burma policy will in fact be a limited engagement policy, subject to concrete and substantial changes (political and economic reforms of a structural nature) on the part of the Burmese military regime, and that the US government reserves the right to impose or extend sanctions whenever it sees fit.
Please allow me to tell you who I am and my qualifications for talking about Burma.
I am a Burmese-born scholar and long time democracy advocate who has been studying Burma all her adult life. My 1994 Ph.D. dissertation from the University of Pennsylvania was on the detrimental effects of a highly centralized command economy and the political economy of Burma in relation to those of Zaire, the then Soviet Union, India and the People’s Republic of China. I studied the design of political-economic systems and the rundown economies produced by having a dictatorship or one party system. My thesis is on Scholarly Commons http://repository. upenn.edu/ dissertations/ AAI3116650/
available from Proquest http://repository. upenn.edu/ dissertations/ index.221. html
and a summary available from Asian Survey
http://caliber. ucpress.net/ toc/as/35/ 11
I also study the economic relationship between nations and I was the first to start pointing out in 2002 that to study Burma we also need to look at China and India. Today, I am happy to see this view is being increasingly taken up, including by you at yesterday’s Hearing.
In addition I have publicly debated David Steinberg and others about sanctions and Burma several times since 2002. Here are some links –
http://www.fpif. org/fpiftxt/ 3917
http://news. bbc.co.uk/ 2/hi/programmes/ hardtalk/ 7026645.stm
For the BBC Hardtalk interview, I went at the request of the NCGUB or National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma or the Exile Government, as one of the members of their Technical Advisory Network.
I have been closely associated with The Free Burma Coalition when it was working on sanctions, with The Burma Fund and the NCGUB. Most recently, (winter of 2008-2009) I worked on a Transition Plan for Burma, commissioned by the NCGUB. I compiled the plans and ideas of 6-7 internationally recognized scholars and Burma experts; several economists; including an expert on money and banking and economic development; a human geographer who has studied Burmese agriculture extensively and is alarmed about the mass landlessness taking place in Burma as the junta takes over the land of Cyclone Nargis victims; an MP of a western government friendly with Burma and constitutional scholars. I also looked at past papers prepared for the democracy movement since 1990. These consultants published and unpublished works are much more detailed and show a much better understanding of Burma than anything that David Steinberg or Thant Myint U have ever written. In fact these two and others in the same camp are widely known as regime apologists. Maybe that is why they were invited onto your panel.
To my knowledge (I stopped work on this project in mid-March 2009), none of the scholars and dissidents consulted advocated lifting sanctions. Most of the experts instead advocated structural reforms of a political and economic nature. The sentence “Sanctions will be gradually lifted” did work its way into the official report, after it had passed from my hands, but this can be seen as subject to concrete changes from the SPDC’s side, and in line with Daw Suu’s recent letter indicating her willingness to help lift sanctions and asking to be better informed. She cannot truly make an informed decision without access to the internet and other international media as she continues under a more severe house arrest since the sham trial conducted against her, towards the end of which you were allowed to see her.
My advice to you and Secretary Clinton and everyone working on this new policy is to be extremely careful that you are all not used by the junta, while Burma is left worse off than before 2010.
In my opinion you need to show you are not more motivated by playing to an American audience by going to secure American Mormon John Yettaw’s release, and talking about recovering the bones of US war dead from World War II in Burma, but not even issuing a statement or making any moves to help in the case of Burmese-born US Citizen Kyaw Zaw Lwin (Nyi Nyi Aung) who was arrested on Sept 3 as he arrived at Rangoon airport from Bangkok. See – Jonathan Hulland “As an American is Tortured in Burma, Where’s the Outrage?”
http://www.huffingt onpost.com/ jonathan- hulland/as- an-american- is-torture_ b_303297. html
This article was published two days ago and has already been widely cited and linked on the Internet.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, U Tin Oo of the NLD, Kyaw Zaw Lwin and all the more than 2000 political prisoners need to be free and able to freely organize and conduct their political activities. Otherwise 2010 will remain the farce it is.
I will be cc.ing this statement to Amnesty International and other organizations and individuals.
I commend you for your spearheading efforts, but much more needs to be done.
The SPDC needs to be held accountable for its actions. Otherwise you are sending the wrong message.
Sincerely,
Kyi May Kaung (Ph.D.)
Sunday, October 4, 2009
ENC wants ethnic groups to contest 2010 elections
Please read the difference between U Aye Tha Aung and ENC. The question is
who are the representatives for non-Burman ethinics ?
CRPP or ENC or what ?
ENC wants ethnic groups to contest 2010 elections
by Mungpi
Friday, 02 October 2009 23:31
New Delhi (Mizzima) - A group of Burma’s ethnic political organizations in exile – the Ethnic Nationalities Council (ENC) - has urged US Senator James Webb not to condemn the junta’s 2010 election before it takes place but to call for more inclusiveness and for it to be free and fair.
In a letter to Sen. Webb, a strong advocate of engagement with the Burmese regime, two days before he hosted a Congressional hearing on Burma, the ENC urged the Virginian Senator that the US can best help by “Not condemning the 2010 elections before they are held.”
“But instead call for a more inclusive election process that will be free and fair. Electoral assistance can be offered either directly or indirectly through neighbouring countries,” said the letter dated September 28, 2009.
The le tter, a copy of which is in Mizzima’s possession, was sent to Senator Webb in appreciation for his interest in the Burma issue and as an explanation on the nature of the complex problems of Burma’s diverse ethnic minorities.
Webb on Wednesday hosted a Congressional hearing on Burma where four experts gave their testimony on what should be the policy of the US towards Burma and the potential role that the US can play in bringing change in the military-ruled Southeast Asian nation.
The letter signed by Saw David Thaw, General Secretary of the ENC, states that ‘in principle’ ethnic nationalities in Burma cannot accept the junta’s 2008 constitution and does not believe that the 2010 elections will lead to democracy.
But the ENC argues that since the ethnics are left with little or no choice, they will have to participate in the elections, because “If there are no opposition parties, the military’s candidates will win by default. The military (and the majority ethnic ‘Burman’) candidates will then become the “elected representatives” of the seven ethnic states.”
Besides, the ENC said, if the ethnic armed ceasefire groups refuse to participate, they will be forced to revert to armed struggle, which will then cause further complications.
Burma under the current administration has seven states, which are home to seven major ethnic groups, and seven divisions, which have no particular attachment to any et hnic groups but are mostly known as habitats of the majority Burmans.
In view of the ENC’s policy of ethnic groups having a voice in Burma’s national politics, participating in governance and development of their homelands, the letter urged Senator Webb not to condemn the 2010 elections until it takes place but to urge the Burmese junta to make it more inclusive and free and fair.
The letter also states that the US can best help the people of Burma by providing assistance in civic education on elections and helping civil organizations that are educating potential political candidates on how to run for office and on democratic governance. And also to support groups that are educating the people about their rights and preparing local organizations on how to monitor the forthcoming elections.
The letter, which for the first time reveals ENC’s policy, states that ENC’s short-term policy is to support eligible ethnic groups in running for office in the 2010 elections.
It also said the ENC’s long-term policy is to develop a robust civil society that will be capable of holding an elected government accountable to the people.
“While the Burmese military will remain in control after the 2010 elections, it is our hope that representatives elected by the people will be able to help hold the military accountable to their own constitution,” said the letter.
“It is also our hope that the new government will be=2 0more open to negotiating a political solution with the ethnic groups that are still engaged in armed struggle,” added the letter.
In contrast to the ENC’s policy, the Committee Representing Peoples’ Parliament (CRPP), a group formed with 1990 election winning parties, said unless the regime amends the 2008 constitution, the elections would be meaningless and the CRPP would not contest.
Aye Thar Aung, Secretary of the CRPP, told Mizzima on Friday, “Without amending the 2008 constitution, the ethnics can do nothing even if they participate and are elected. They would just end up as puppets of the junta.”
He said the CRPP as well as Aung San Suu Kyi’s party – the National League for Democracy – have both demanded that the junta release political prisoners, amend the 2008 constitution, and recognize the 1990 election results.
“Unless these demands are met, we the CRPP and the ALD, will not participate in the elections,” Aye Thar Aung, who is also secretary for the Arakan League for Democracy, said.
“And without the junta fulfilling these demands, I would like to urge ethnic groups and others not to participate in the elections,” he added.
The CRPP, formed in September 1998, is an alliance of ethnic political parties that won elections in 1990, which the junta refused to honour. Its members include the NLD, ALD, Shan National League for Democracy (SNLD), Mon National Democratic Front (M NDF) and Zomi National Congress (ZNC).
Burma’s military rulers, as the fifth step of its seven-step roadmap to democracy, said it will hold general elections in 2010, that will elect a semi-civilian government based on the 2008 constitution, which according to the junta was approved by over 90 per cent of voters in May last year.
Critics said the junta’s roadmap is to buy-time and to cement the role of military in Burma’s future politics.
ပတၱနိကၠဳဇၨနကံေဆာင္သပိတ္ အထေျမာက္ဟု သံဃာ့တပ္ေပါင္းစုအဖြဲ႔မွ မိန္႔ၾကား
http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/Oct09/030909b.php
NEJ / ၃ ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၂၀၀၉
ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ ဗဟန္းၿမိဳ႕နယ္ရွိ ေက်ာင္းတိုက္တခုမွ သိမ္တသိမ္တြင္ သံဃာအပါး (၂၀) ခန္႔နွင့္ ပတၱနိကၠဳဇၨန ကမၼ၀ါစာရြတ္ဖတ္ကာ သပိတ္ေမွာက္ကံေဆာင္ လုိက္ၾကေၾကာင္း ျပည္တြင္းမွ သံဃာေတာ္တပါးကို ကိုးကားၿပီး ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလုံးဆိုင္ရာ သံဃာ့တပ္ေပါင္းစုအဖြဲ႔မွ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရးရာတာ၀န္ခံ အရွင္ဣႆရိယက မိန္႔ၾကားသည္။
“အခုသပိတ္က တတိယအႀကိမ္ သပိတ္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ တကယ္သပိတ္ရဲ႕ ေအာင္ျမင္ျခင္းကေတာ့ ၁၉၉၀ သပိတ္နဲ႔ ၂၀၀၇ သပိတ္ေတြကတည္းက ဒါတကယ့္ကို ေအာင္ျမင္ၿပီးသားပါ။ အဲဒီသပိတ္က အခုထက္ထိ ျပန္ၿပီးေတာ့ လွန္ရျခင္းလည္း မရိွေသးပါဘူး။ ပထမနဲ႔ ဒုတိယအႀကိမ္ေတြမွာ ေမွာက္ထားတဲ့သပိတ္ကို ျပန္ၿပီးေတာ့ ခိုင္ၿမဲသြားေစဖို႔၊ အားလုံးကလည္း ဒီသပိတ္မလွန္ရေသးဘူးဆိုတာ သိသြားေစဖို႔၊ ဆက္ၿပီးေအာင္ေအာင္ျမင္ျမင္ ျပဳလုပ္ႏိုင္ဖို႔ကို ဦးဇင္းတို႔က ထပ္ၿပီးေတာ့ လုပ္တာပါ” ဟု အရွင္ဣႆရိယက မိန္႔သည္။
ျပည္တြင္း၌ လွ်ိဳ႕၀ွက္ၿပီး ေနရာေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ား၌လည္း သပိတ္ေမွာက္လိုက္သည္ဟု ျပည္တြင္းမွ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားက သတင္းပါးေၾကာင္း၊ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံ၊ သီရိလကၤာ၊ အိႏၵိယ ႏိုင္ငံေတြက သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားကလည္း အားလုံးစုေပါင္းၿပီး သပိတ္ေမွာက္ ကံေဆာင္လိုက္သည့္အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ ယေန႔တြင္ ပတၱနိကၠဳဇၨနကံေဆာင္သပိတ္ အထေျမာက္ေအာင္ျမင္သြားသည္ဟု ၎က ဆက္လက္မိန္႔ၾကားသည္။
ထို႔ျပင္ ေမာ္လၿမိဳင္ၿမိဳ႕၌လည္း သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားက သပိတ္ေမွာက္ ကံေဆာင္လိုက္ၾကေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
Can U.S. talk tame Burma's military leaders?
Can U.S. talk tame Burma's military leaders?
UPI ASIA.COM
By Zin Linn
Column: Burma Question
Published: October 02, 2009
Bangkok, Thailand — The United States has announced it will hold direct talks with Burma’s military junta, hoping that talks will succeed where years of sanctions have failed in achieving democratic reforms. Speaking to the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee in Washington on Wednesday, Kurt Campbell, the assistant secretary of state for East Asia, said, “Through a direct dialogue, we will be able to test the intentions of the Burmese leadership.”
Burma’s military regime announced two weeks ago that – as a peaceful, modern and disciplined democratic nation – it had terminated the prison terms of 7,114 prisoners due to their good conduct and discipline and in consideration of their families. The prisoners were released from their respective jails on Sept. 17 to enable them to serve the interests of the state after realizing the government’s compassion and goodwill.
And yet, on Friday a Burmese court denied the appeal of democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi to overturn her recent sentencing to another 18 months of house arrest.
The prisoner release is another of the regime’s twist-and-turn policies ahead of next year’s elections. It seemed timed to reduce international pressure on the junta ahead of the start of the U.N. General Assembly in New York.
“Every one of those prisoners is a human being, and it is unacceptable that the junta uses them as bargaining chips to deceive the international community,” said David Scott Mathieson, a Thailand-based researcher for Human Rights Watch.
Bo Kyi, an executive of the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners Burma, also believes the releases were intended to relieve international pressure. “If the military authorities were honest enough and really want national reconciliation, they ought to release all political prisoners including key figures, such as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Khun Tun Oo and all student leaders,” he said.
It was no coincidence that the announcement of the prisoner releases came on the eve of the blood-spattered anniversary of the junta’s military coup on Sept. 18, 1988. It was also the second anniversary of the Saffron Revolution in which scores of Buddhist monks were killed and hundreds jailed.
The regime hoped the release of prisoners would decrease anti-junta demonstrations on the anniversary.
Two years ago the leadership of Burma's brave monks encouraged a nationwide revolution against the military command. Hundreds of thousands of monks and citizens launched more than 150 demonstrations throughout the nation. On Sept. 26 the military began its ruthless crackdown on monks and protesters, arresting thousands and killing dozens.
The junta’s announcement said the prisoners were being released on humanitarian grounds so they could participate in multiparty elections next year. But out of the 7,114 released inmates, only 128 are political prisoners.
According to the AAPPB, more than 2,000 political prisoners remain in jail, including at least 124 activists who are in poor health. The association said the majority of the released inmates were criminals.
So far more than 40 members of the National League for Democracy have been released, according to a spokesman for the group. Three of them were elected members of Parliament in 1990 – the country’s last election, the results of which were ignored by the junta.
U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon welcomed the release of a batch of political prisoners in Myanmar, but urged the junta to free those still being held, including democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi. The U.N. chief has repeatedly pressed for the release of the opposition leaders and other political prisoners.
The prisoner releases came just days before the junta’s Prime Minister Gen Thein Sein attended the U.N. General Assembly for the first time in 14 years. Many political observers believe the release was intended to ward off criticism at the General Assembly and show the international community that the military regime is cooperating with the United Nations.
On Sept. 23 the secretary-general' s statement to the media on the High-Level Meeting of the Group of Friends on Myanmar came out.
In the statement, Ban Ki-moon emphasized: “As I said today in my address to the General Assembly, we will work hard for democracy, national reconciliation and human rights in Myanmar. The release of some political prisoners last week is a step in the right direction, but it falls short of our expectations. All political prisoners must be released – including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.”
Yet the amnesty for political prisoners is not enough and unbelievably late. Less than 2 percent of those released were political prisoners, while 98 percent were criminals and former military intelligence personnel. No prominent political prisoner has been freed.
According to diplomats in Rangoon, there are signs that more political prisoners may be released, but it will be done in a way to support the junta’s fraudulent 2010 elections.
During the second meeting of the Group of Friends on Myanmar at the level of Foreign Ministers, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton also called on the Burmese government to begin talks with the opposition and ethnic minorities about real democratic change in the nation.
“We believe that sanctions remain important as part of our policy but by themselves they have not produced the results that had been hoped for,” Clinton told reporters at the United Nations in New York. “Engagement versus sanctions is a false choice in our opinion, going forward we will be employing both of those tools.”
According to the NCGUB, the sanctions reinforce the legitimacy and possibility of meaningful dialogue in Burma. The goal of sanctions is not severe economic destabilization aimed at toppling the regime. They serve as a pressure mechanism to persuade the regime to recognize the crisis in the country and the need for a peaceful resolution of the crisis. They serve as part of the overall international strategy to facilitate a tripartite dialogue in Burma.
Senior General Than Shwe, who has been using so many immoral plans to clear out the NLD and its charismatic leader from Burma’s political arena, has stubbornly turned a deaf ear to calls to free Aung San Suu Kyi. He has turned down a tripartite dialogue for genuine reconciliation. If he does not release all political prisoners, including Suu Kyi, the majority of the population will not regard the coming poll as free and fair.
Clinton indicated there would be no softening of U.S. demands toward Burma and repeated calls for the military leaders to release opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi.
"We want credible democratic reform, a government that responds to the needs of the Burmese people, immediate, unconditional release of political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi," she said.
Clinton added, “The junta must also engage in a serious dialogue with the opposition and minority ethnic groups.”
The military regime in Burma has declared plans to hold the country's first election in two decades next year as part of its seven-step roadmap, which is actually designed as a sham to entrench the military's hold on power. People around the world who are interested in Burma are keenly watching the United States’ diplomatic shift toward the military-ruled country.
According to Clinton, the United States will engage directly with the Burmese authorities in order to help achieve democratic reform. But the junta will not easily yield to demands to release its political opponents.
Can Clinton tame the uncivilized military tyrant of Burma? The top U.S. diplomat should have a well-planned strategy to deal effectively with the self-serving generals if she hopes to attain political reform in exchange for reduced sanctions.
http://upiasia. com/Politics/ 2009/10/02/ can_us_talk_ tame_burmas_ military_ leaders/9338/
Suu Kyi in Burma government talks
Saturday, 3 October 2009 11:48 UK
Suu Kyi in Burma government talks
Burmese pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi has met a member of the country's ruling military government for the first time since early 2008.
Ms Suu Kyi, who is under renewed house arrest in Rangoon, met labour minister Aung Kyi, her lawyer said.
The meeting came one day after a court rejected her appeal against her 18 month sentence.
There was no official word on what they discussed, but Ms Suu Kyi has offered to help negotiate an end to sanctions.
Aung Kyi has met Ms Suu Kyi on six previous occasions, the last time in January 2008.
"The meeting lasted about 50 minutes, but I don't know what was discussed," a home ministry official told Reuters news agency.
Negotiations hope
Nyan Win, her lawyer and an official from her opposition party, the National League for Democracy, said: "I don't know what they discussed, but I believe it could be related to the letter sent last week to the senior general [Than Shwe].
Ms Suu Kyi recently made a formal offer to the military rulers to help negotiate an end to international sanctions.
Reports suggest she has softened her views on sanctions in recent times, concluding that they are adversely affecting the lives of ordinary Burmese.
Earlier in the week a senior US official confirmed he had met a Burmese government minister in New York - the first such contact in more than 10 years.
That came after the US announced a new policy on Burma, which consists of a mix of sanctions and dialogue.
Aung San Suu Kyi's party won Burma's last elections in 1990 but was never allowed to take power.
Observers believe Burma's military authorities want to keep the pro-democracy leader in detention until after polls scheduled for next year. http://news. bbc.co.uk/ 2/hi/asia- pacific/8288379. stm
Thursday, October 1, 2009
[8888peoplepower] ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲဝင္ဖို႔ ျပင္တဲ့သူေတြ၊ အမွန္တရားကို ျမတ္ႏိုးၾကပါေစ (ေမာင္ဂဒိုး)
ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲဝင္ဖို႔ ျပင္တဲ့သူေတြ၊ အမွန္တရားကို ျမတ္ႏိုးၾကပါေစ
ေမာင္ဂဒိုး
နအဖ မေကာင္းဘူးဆိုတာ တကမၻာလုံးမဟုတ္ဘူး၊ စၾကာဝဠာတခုလုံးသိတယ္လို႔ ေျပာရမွာပါ။ ေရးတဲ့သူေတြ လည္း ေရးေနၾကဆဲပါပဲ။ ဘယ္လို ဘယ္ေလာက္ မေကာင္းဘူးဆိုတာဟာလည္း ေရးလို႔ကုန္ႏိုင္စရာကို မရွိပါ ဘူး။ အဲဒီေတာ့ နအဖ မေကာင္းဘူးဆိုတာ လက္ခံရင္ မေပါင္းဖို႔နဲ႔ သူတို႔နဲ႔ ဆန္႔က်င္ရာလမ္းကို သြားဖို႔သာပဲရွိ ပါတယ္။ နအဖနဲ႔ တူ႐ူရာအရပ္ကို သြားတယ္ဆိုတာ သူ႔ရဲ႕ခရီးသြားေဖၚအျဖစ္ အေဆြခင္ပြန္းဖြဲ႔တာပါ။ ေဖးမကူ ညီၿပီး သူသက္ဆိုးရွည္ဖို႔အတြက္ အင္အားကို ျဖစ္ေစတာပါ။ ျမတ္စြာဘုရား ေဟာၾကားေတာ္မူတဲ့ မဂၤလသုတ္ တရားေတာ္မွာေတာ့ “အာေသဝဏာစဗာလာနံ” လူမိုက္ကို မမွီဝဲ၊ မဆည္းကပ္၊ မေပါင္းေဖာ္အပ္ဘူးလို႔ ေဟာ ေတာ္မူပါတယ္။
ဆည္းကပ္ေပါင္းေဖာ္မိလို႔ ပ်က္စီးရတဲ့ ဇာတ္လမ္းေတြလည္း ဇာတ္ေတာ္ေတြထဲမွာေရာ ေခတ္သစ္ဇာတ္လမ္း ေတြထဲမွာပါ ေတြ႔ရတဲ့အျပင္ လူမႈအသိုင္းအဝိုင္းေတြထဲမွာလည္း ေတြ႔ေနရတာပါ။ ေမတၱာတရားကို ေရွ႕ရႈဖို႔ ေဟာေပမယ့္လည္း လူမိုက္ကို စည္႐ုံးသိမ္းသြင္းၿပီး လိုရာေရာက္ေအာင္ ဆဲြေဆာင္ယူျခင္းအားျဖင့္ ေအာင္ျမင္ ရာ၏လို႔ မေဟာပါဘူး။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ အျမင္တူသူခ်င္း၊ နအဖကိုဆန္႔က်င္တဲ့ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းခ်င္းသာ စည္းလုံးရမွာပါ။ ျပည္သူလူထုအတြင္း ညီၫႊတ္မႈရွိရမွာပါ။ ဒါမွ မတရားတဲ့ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈကို တြန္းလွန္ၿဖိဳဖ်က္ႏိုင္မွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ တ ကယ္ေတာ့ ျပည္သူလူထုက အာဏာအပ္ႏွင္းထားတဲ့ NLD အဖြဲ႔လည္းရွိၿပီးသားပါ။ အျမင္မတူ၊ သဘာထားကြဲ လြဲမႈ အနည္းငယ္ရွိႏႈိင္ေပမယ့္ NLD နဲ႔ပဲ လက္တြဲၿပီးတုိက္ပြဲဝင္တာက တရားနည္းလမ္းအက်ဆုံးနဲ႔ ေအာင္ျမင္ ဖို႔အလြယ္ဆုံးလို႔ ယူဆပါတယ္။
တဖြဲ႔နဲ႔တဖြဲ႔ အျမင္မတူ ကြဲျပားျခားနားတာကို ညိႇႏႈိင္းတိုင္ပင္ၿပီး ဆန္႔က်င္တိုက္ပြဲဝင္ရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ NLD ဟာ အေျခအေနအရ လိုအပ္ခ်က္ေတြ ရွိႏိုင္ေပမယ့္ အခုခ်ိန္ထိ ျပည္သူအေပၚသစၥာမေဖါက္ဘဲ ယုံၾကည္ခ်က္နဲ႔ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနဆဲပါ။ NLD သာမက ေက်ာင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၊ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားနဲ႔ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရး တက္ ႂကြလႈပ္ရွားသူမ်ားဟာလည္း သူ႔အတိုင္းအတာနဲ႔သူ တုိင္းျပည္အတြက္ စြန္႔စြန္႔စားစားေဆာင္ရြက္ေနၾကတာပါ။ ဒီေတာ့ ျပည္သူလူထုအေပၚ ေစတနာထားရင္ တိုင္းျပည္တိုးတက္ ထြန္းကားေစခ်င္ရင္ ဒီမိုကေရစလိုလားသူ ခ်င္း စည္းလုံးညီညြတ္စြာနဲ႔ နအဖကို တြန္းလွန္တိုက္ဖ်က္ဖို႔ပဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမယ့္ တခ်ဳိ႕က်လည္း “ဆိုး” မွႀကိဳက္တယ္လို႔ေျပာရမလိုပါ။ ကိုယ္ေလွ်ာက္လွမ္းေနတဲ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီပန္းတိုင္ ဟာ နအဖနဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းၾကံစည္မွပဲ ေရာက္ႏိုင္ေတာ့မလိုယူဆၿပီး ၂၀၁၀မွာ ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲဝင္ဖို႔ ျပင္ေနၾကတယ္။ ျပည္သူေတြအတြက္ လိုအပ္ခ်က္ကို နအဖနဲ႔ သေဘာတူညီမႈယူၿပီး ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ႏိုင္လိမ့္မယ္လို႔ ယုံၾကည္ေနၾက တယ္။ တခ်ိဳ႕ကေတာ့ “၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမွာ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးအာဏာရဲ႕ (၄၀) ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းကို ဒီမိုကေရစီအင္ အားစုေတြကို ခြဲေဝေပးပါ” ဆိုၿပီး အာဏာကို နအဖထံမွာ လက္ဝါးျဖန္႔ေတာင္းေနတယ္။ နအဖ က ဘယ္လို လိုက္ေလ်ာမႈမ်ဳိးေတြမ်ား ေပးခဲ့တဲ့သာဓကရွိခဲ့ဖူးလို႔ ဒီမိုကေရစီအင္အားစုေတြနဲ႔မတူဘဲ ဒီလိုေတာင္းဆိုမႈ ၾကံစီ မႈေတြ ျပဳၾကသလဲ မေျပာတတ္ပါ။
ကိုယ့္ရဲ႕လိုအင္ဆႏၵတခုအတြက္ နအဖရဲ႕လမ္းစဥ္အတိုင္းသြားတာ မသင့္ေတာ္သလို ျပည္သူလူထုအက်ိဳးအ တြက္ နအဖကို လိုရာေရာက္ေအာင္ ဆြဲေဆာင္ယူႏုိင္မယ္လို႔ ယုံၾကည္တာဟာလည္း စိတ္ကူးယဥ္မႈ၊ မိုက္မဲမႈ သာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ျဖစ္သင့္တဲ့လမ္း၊ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္တဲ့လမ္းကို မေလွ်ာက္ဘဲ လြယ္လြယ္နဲ႔ ေနရာရႏုိင္မယ့္လမ္းကို ေရြး ေနၾကျခင္းသာျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ဆိုခ်င္ပါတယ္။ ကိုယ္က်ဳိးစြန္႔အနစ္နာခံေဆာင္ရြက္ေနသူေတြက ေရဆန္ေလဆန္ ေလွာ္ခတ္ေနခ်ိန္မွာ “ေရေပၚလွ်ပ္ေျပး၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရး” လုပ္ဖို႔ ႀကိဳးစားၿပီး လွ်ပ္ေပၚေလာ္လီေနၾကတယ္။ တကယ္ ေတာ့ NLD အပါအဝင္ နယ္စပ္အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ား၊ ဒီမိုကေရစီအင္အားစုမ်ားနဲ႔ တသီးပုဂၢလအားလုံးဟာ နအဖ ျပဳလုပ္မယ့္ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို ဖုတ္ေလတဲ့ငပိ၊ ရွိေလတယ္လို႔ မေအာက္ေမ့ရင္ သူတို႔အၾကံအစည္ပ်က္ သြားၿပီး ေရွ႕ေလွ်ာက္လွမ္းဖို႔ ခက္သြားမွာပါ။
တကယ္လို႔ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲျဖစ္လာခဲ႔ရင္ ျပည္သူလူထုဟာ နအဖရဲ႕ဖိအားေပးခံရလို႔ ၂၀၀၈ ဆႏၵခံယူပြဲလိုမ်ား ျဖစ္သြားခဲ့ရင္ ေရွ႕ေရးဟာ စိတ္မေအးစရာပါ။ NLD အပါအဝင္ ဒီမိုကေရစီအင္အားစုမ်ား၊ ကုလသမဂၢနဲ႔ ႏုိင္ငံ တကာရဲ႕ ေတာင္းဆိုမႈေတြကို ဘာတခုမွ လိုက္ေလ်ာေသးတာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ျမန္မာျပည္အေရးဟာ ႏိုင္ငံတ ကာရဲ႕ ပူေပါင္းပါဝင္ပတ္သက္မႈ လိုအပ္တာမွန္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အေမရိကန္ရဲ႕အလားအလာ EU ရဲ႕သ ေဘာထား အစရွိသျဖင့္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာရဲ႕ ႏိုင္ငံေရးေရခ်ိန္နဲ႔တိုက္ၿပီး လုပ္ကိုင္ေနရင္ မူလလမ္းေၾကာင္း ေပ်ာက္ သြားဖို႔ပဲ ရွိပါတယ္။
ဘယ္ႏိုင္ငံတကာကမွ ျမန္မာနိုင္ငံကို ဒီမိုကေရစီလမ္းေၾကာင္းေပၚေရာက္ေအာင္ ခ်ေပးသြားမွာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ျပည္သူတသိန္းေက်ာ္ (၁၃၈၀၀၀ ဦး) ေသသြားရတဲ့ နာဂစ္မုန္တိုင္းအေရးမွာတုန္းက လူအမ်ား အားထားေမွ်ာ္ လင့္ေနတဲ့ အေမရိကန္နဲ႔ ၿဗိတိန္၊ ျပင္သစ္တို႔ရဲ႕ အဆင့္ျမင့္ေရယာဥ္ေတြဟာ ျမန္မာ့ေရပိုင္နက္အနီး ရွိေနၿပီး သားေတာင္ မုန္တိုင္းသင့္ျပည္သူေတြကို ဝင္လာၿပီး မကယ္တင္ဘဲ နအဖ သေဘာမတူလို႔ ေနာက္ေၾကာင္းျပန္ လွည့္သြားၾကတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင္႔ နိုင္ငံတကာကို ယုံစားအားထားေနလို႔မရပါဘူး။ သူတို႔လည္း သူတို႔အေၾကာင္းနဲ႔ သူတို႔ပါ။ ကိုယ္႔အားကိုယ္ကိုးၿပီးေတာ႔သာ လုပ္ကိုင္ေဆာင္ရြက္ရမွာပါ။
တေယာက္နဲ႔တေယာက္၊ တဖြဲ႔နဲ႔တဖြ႔ဲ အျမင္အယူအဆ၊ သေဘာတရား၊ လုပ္ကိုင္ပံုကြာျခားႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပ မယ့္ ကိုယ္ယုံၾကည္ရာ လမ္းေလွ်ာက္လွမ္းဖို႔အတြက္ ခိုင္လုံတဲ့အေၾကာင္းျပခ်က္ေတာ့ ရွိရပါမယ္။ ဆင္ေသကို ဆိတ္ေရနဲ႔ဖံုးတဲ့ ဆင္ေျခမ်ဳိး၊ အေၾကာင္းျပခ်က္မ်ဳိးကေတာ့ ျပည္သူကို လွည့္စားတာတမ်ိဳးမို႔ လမ္းလြဲကိုသာ ေရာက္ေစမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ “ဒီလိုပဲႀကိဳးစားလာခဲ့တာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာၾကာခဲ့ၿပီ၊ ဘာမွလည္းမေျပာင္းလဲဘူး” ဆို ၿပီး စိတ္ပ်က္ခ်င္ပ်က္ၾကပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ပန္းတိုင္မေရာက္ေသးသမွ်ေတာ့ ၾကာတယ္လို႔ထင္ေနဦးမွာပါ။ ယုံၾကည္ ခ်က္ရွိဖို႔၊ ဇြဲရွိဖို႔လိုပါတယ္။
အခုပဲ ခရီးအေတာ္ေရာက္လွပါၿပီ။ ညီညီၫြတ္ၫြတ္ ဆက္ၿပီးႀကိဳးစားရင္ ေအာင္ပြဲခံဖို႔ပဲရွိပါေတာ႔တယ္။ နအဖ ဟာ “အ႐ူးမီးဝိုင္း” ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့အခ်ိန္ပါ။ တကယ္ေတာ့ ကိုယ္ကိုယ္တိုင္ ဘာမွ ထိထိေရာက္ေရာက္ မေဆာင္ ရြက္လွဘဲ ၾကန္႔ၾကာတယ္ထင္ေနတာကိုက အားႀကိဳးမာန္တက္ စြန္႔စြန္႔စားစား အနစ္နာခံေဆာင္ရြက္ေနသူ ေတြကို ေစာ္ကားေနသလိုပါပဲ။ ေထာင္၊ ေနအိမ္အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္က်ခံေနရသူေတြ၊ ႏွစ္ရွည္ေထာင္ဒဏ္ က်ခံေနရ သူေတြဆီက စိတ္ပ်က္တဲ့ စကားမ်ဳိး ၾကန္႔ၾကာၿပီထင္တဲ့ စကားမ်ဳိး မၾကားရပါဘူး။
“ပရိယာယ္မႂကြယ္ဘူး၊ ဘာမွမေျပာင္းလဲတဲ့နည္းကို တရားေသဆုပ္ကိုင္ထားတယ္၊ နည္းဗ်ဴဟာလိုေသးတယ္၊ ေရွ႕ေရးကို မသုံးသပ္တတ္ဘူး၊ အျမင္မက်ယ္ဘူး” အစရွိသျဖင့္ အပစ္ဆိုခ်င္ရင္လည္း ဆိုၾကပါလိမ့္မယ္။ အ ျမင္က်ယ္က်ယ္နဲ႔၊ တိုင္းျပည္ေရွ႕ေရးကို ေမွ်ာ္ေတြးလို႔႔သာ အေျပာင္းအလဲျဖစ္ေအာင္ “ေတြ႔ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးေရး” ကို NLD က တစိုက္မတ္မတ္ ေတာင္းဆိုေနတာပါ။ ကလီကမာနဲ႔ ဉာဏ္မ်ားၿပီး ေတြ႔ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးေရးကို ပယ္ခ် ထားတာ နအဖပါ။ Constructive Engagement ဆိုတဲ့နည္းနဲ႔ ခ်ဥ္းကပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ အာဆီယံလည္း လက္လန္ပါၿပီ။ အျမဲတမ္းေခ်ာ့ေမာ့၊ ေဖ်ာင္းဖ်၊ ပူးေပါင္းခဲ့လို႔ ၾသဇာရွိတယ္လို႔ထင္ရတဲ့ တ႐ုတ္ကိုလည္း အခုေတာ့ လိုလားဟန္ မျပေတာ့ဘူး။ အမွန္တကယ္ ေျပာင္းလဲလိုစိတ္၊ ပူးေပါင္းလိုစိတ္ ရွိတာမဟုတ္လို႔ နအဖနဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ တဲ့ နည္းရဲ႕အက်ိဳးရလဒ္၊ ေရွ႕ေရးအလားအလာဆိုတာလည္း ဘာမွထင္ရွားရွိတာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ပူးေပါင္းလို စိတ္ရွိမွသာ အရာထင္လာႏိုင္တာပါ။
ေလာေလာဆယ္ အျဖစ္အပ်က္ကိုပဲၾကည့္ပါ၊ ၆၄ ႀကိမ္ေျမာက္ ကုလသမဂၢအေထြေထြညီလာခံ မတိုင္ခင္၊ ႏိုင္ ငံတကာရဲ႕ေထာက္ခံမႈကို လွည့္စားရယူနိုင္ဖို႔အတြက္္ အက်ဥ္းသား (၇၁၁၄) ဦးကို လြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ေပးခဲ့ တယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသား (၂၀၀၀) ေက်ာ္အနက္ (၁၂၈) ဦးသာပါတယ္။ ကုလသမဂၢ၊ NLD နဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံတကာက ေတာင္းဆိုထားတာက ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားအားလုံးကို ျပန္လႊတ္ေပးဖို႔႔ပါ။ သူတို႔အာဏာတည္ ျမဲမႈကို ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္ႏိုင္တဲ့ အဓိကပုဂၢဳိလ္ေတြကို လႊတ္ေပးဖို႔ဆိုတာေတာ့ အိပ္မက္ေတာင္မက္မွာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ အႀကိမ္ႀကိမ္လိမ္ညာလွည့္ျဖားၿပီး ျဖစ္ေပၚလာတဲ့ အေျခအေနေပၚမွာ သူတို႔တည္ျမဲဖို႔အတြက္သာ အျမဲတမ္းအ ျမတ္ထုတ္သြားေလ႔ရွိတာပါ။
နအဖရဲ႕ လုပ္ရပ္အားလုံးကို ျခံဳၾကည့္ရင္ ၁၉၉၀ ျပည့္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲရလဒ္ကို အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္မေပးဘူး။ ျပည္သူကိုေစာ္ကားတယ္။ ကုလသမဂၢနဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံတကာရဲ႕ေတာင္းဆိုမႈအားလုံးကို အေလးမထား၊ မလိုက္နာဘူး။ ႏိုင္ငံတြင္းမွာ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးကို ျပင္းထန္စြာခ်ဳိးေဖာက္၊ ရက္စက္ယုတ္မာတယ္။ ျပည္သူလူထုက အာဏာအပ္ ႏွင္းထားတဲ့ NLD ရဲ႕ေတာင္းဆိုခ်က္မွန္သမွ်ကုိ မသိက်ဳိးက်င္ျပဳတယ္။ တိုင္းျပည္အတြက္ ဘယ္ဘက္ကမွ တိုး တက္ေအာင္ မလုပ္ႏိုင္ဘူး။ သယံဇာတေတြကို ကိုယ္က်ိဳးအတြက္ သံုးပစ္တယ္။ NLD နဲ႔ ပါတီအသီးသီးကို ႐ုံး ဖြင့္ခြင့္၊ စည္း႐ုံးခြင့္ ပိတ္ပင္ထားေပမယ့္ နအဖကိုယ္တိုင္ကေတာ့ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲအတြက္ အစစလက္ဦး မႈရေအာင္ အရွက္မရွိႀကိဳးစားေနၿပီ။
ဒါေတြကိုၾကည့္ရင္ နအဖဟာ အာဏာလက္မလႊတ္ေရးကလြဲလို႔ ဘာလမ္းစဥ္မွမရွိဘူး၊ ဘယ္သူ႔ကိုမွလည္း အာ ဏာခြဲေဝမေပးလိုဘူးဆိုတာ ထင္ရွားတယ္။ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲဟာ အလိမ္အညာပဲ။ နအဖရဲ႕လုပ္ရပ္ဟာ အမွန္တ ရားလား၊ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ ျပည္သူတရပ္လုံး၊ NLD၊ ေက်ာင္းသား၊ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားနဲ႔ ဒီမိုကေရစီအင္အားစုမ်ားရဲ႕ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္နဲ႔ ႀကိဳးပမ္းအားထုတ္မႈဟာ အမွန္တရားလား။ အမွန္တရားကို ျမင္ၿပီဆိုရင္ေတာ့ .. ျမတ္စြာဘုရား ပရိနိဗၺာန္ျပဳခါနီးမွာ ဆုံးမစကားႁမြက္ၾကားသြားတာကေတာ့ “အမွန္တရားကို မီးရႈးတန္ေဆာင္အျဖစ္ လက္ကိုင္ ထားၿပီး မိမိကိုယ္ကိုယ္အားကိုးၾကပါ” လို႔ပဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
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