Peaceful Burma (ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းျမန္မာ)平和なビルマ

Peaceful Burma (ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းျမန္မာ)平和なビルマ

TO PEOPLE OF JAPAN



JAPAN YOU ARE NOT ALONE



GANBARE JAPAN



WE ARE WITH YOU



ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေျပာတဲ့ညီညြတ္ေရး


“ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတာ ဘာလဲ နားလည္ဖုိ႔လုိတယ္။ ဒီေတာ့ကာ ဒီအပုိဒ္ ဒီ၀ါက်မွာ ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတဲ့အေၾကာင္းကုိ သ႐ုပ္ေဖာ္ျပ ထားတယ္။ တူညီေသာအက်ဳိး၊ တူညီေသာအလုပ္၊ တူညီေသာ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ရွိရမယ္။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတာ ဘာအတြက္ ညီၫြတ္ရမွာလဲ။ ဘယ္လုိရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္နဲ႔ ညီၫြတ္ရမွာလဲ။ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ဆုိတာ ရွိရမယ္။

“မတရားမႈတခုမွာ သင္ဟာ ၾကားေနတယ္ဆုိရင္… သင္ဟာ ဖိႏွိပ္သူဘက္က လုိက္ဖုိ႔ ေရြးခ်ယ္လုိက္တာနဲ႔ အတူတူဘဲ”

“If you are neutral in a situation of injustice, you have chosen to side with the oppressor.”
ေတာင္အာဖရိကက ႏိုဘယ္လ္ဆုရွင္ ဘုန္းေတာ္ၾကီး ဒက္စ္မြန္တူးတူး

THANK YOU MR. SECRETARY GENERAL

Ban’s visit may not have achieved any visible outcome, but the people of Burma will remember what he promised: "I have come to show the unequivocal shared commitment of the United Nations to the people of Myanmar. I am here today to say: Myanmar – you are not alone."

QUOTES BY UN SECRETARY GENERAL

Without participation of Aung San Suu Kyi, without her being able to campaign freely, and without her NLD party [being able] to establish party offices all throughout the provinces, this [2010] election may not be regarded as credible and legitimate. ­
United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon

Where there's political will, there is a way

政治的な意思がある一方、方法がある
စစ္မွန္တဲ့ခိုင္မာတဲ့နိုင္ငံေရးခံယူခ်က္ရိွရင္ႀကိဳးစားမႈရိွရင္ နိုင္ငံေရးအေျဖ
ထြက္ရပ္လမ္းဟာေသခ်ာေပါက္ရိွတယ္
Burmese Translation-Phone Hlaing-fwubc

Friday, December 12, 2008

Burma in 2008

http://eastasiaforum.org/2008/12/12/burma-in-2008/

Author: Trevor Wilson

Taking stock about Burma (Myanmar) at the end of 2008, it is hard to see improvement in the political and economic situation there and equally hard to see international policy proving any more effective than before. Consensus is growing that all policies have largely failed to influence the country’s State Peace and Development Council, and even some former supporters of sanctions now admit that sanctions too have failed.


Yet governments (including Australia’s) continue to add new sanctions to those that are already manifestly not working. Unsurprisingly, most governments never evaluate their sanctions, whose indiscriminate impact on nascent Burmese private enterprise has been documented. Imposing sanctions make the imposer feel good, and anti-regime activists rejoice, but the recipient regime feels they are discriminatory policies if the sanctions are not the universal, mandatory kind. So-called smart sanctions, like the financial sanctions imposed against individuals and organizations connected to the regime, are so cumbersome that main banks prefer not to transfer any funds at all to Burma, even legitimate funds to be used by reputable organisations for genuine humanitarian purposes. Meanwhile, those in the know use well-established but completely unregulated informal networks to transfer funds without the knowledge of governments, thereby circumventing these sanctions.


If anything, the military regime looks even more secure than ever, having conducted a dubious referendum in May 2008 to bring its new constitution into effect, having managed its cyclone recovery reasonably well despite a poor start, considerable international criticism and receiving much less international assistance than hoped for, and having successfully defended itself from further attack in the 2008 UN General Assembly. This is not to say it enjoys any more support than it had before; indeed, the opposite is probably the case, as ordinary people remain angry at the regime’s treatment of Buddhist monks in last year’s protests and of the poor who were the main victims in this year’s cyclone. Indeed, Burma’s citizenry are more cynical than ever about their government.

Right now, the military regime is conducting a delayed crack-down against its political opponents, whose actions are mostly confined to peaceful protests. As a result, the United Nations estimates the number of political prisoners has reached more than 2,100, the highest figure ever, despite occasional amnesties by the regime. Such repression of political activity hardly implies that the elections scheduled for 2010 will be open, free or fair, but simply dismissing them as a sham is to miss an opportunity and may make matters worse.

The military regime remains committed to its “road map” towards political reconciliation, even though this means the army imposing its views to retain de facto power. The process involves no negotiations, no meaningful consultations, and no substantive participation by other groups, despite the United Nations, ASEAN and even China calling for this. More divided than ever, the United Nations is now being undermined by democracy movement supporters and seems unsure which way to turn. A mooted second visit to Burma (Myanmar) by the UN Secretary-General, which would normally offer some movement towards a political settlement, it now being described as unwise. Indeed, given that the military regime now is increasingly ignoring UN agencies that try to effect change there, Ban Ki Moon’s caution about visiting again is understandable.

It is no surprise also that greater efforts have not been made to engage the regime on what it needs to hand over power. The regime itself refuses to see any need for mediation, including by the UN, so traditional conflict resolutions processes tried by UN Special Envoys in the past, have not worked. But perhaps the time has come to sit down with the generals and find some compromise solutions.

This entry was posted on 12 December 2008 at 10:00 pm and is filed under Aid, Governance. Tagged: ASEAN, Ban Ki-moon, Burma, Burma governance, Situation in Burma, UN and Burma. You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. You can leave a response, or trackback from your own site.

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