David Cameron: Democracy should be the work of patient craftsmanship

"I am delighted to be here in Islamabad. In three days' time Pakistan will elect a new President. He will inherit serious challenges. But he will also inherit the hopes of the 160 million people of this country, hopes that there's now a chance to entrench democracy and bring rising growth and prosperity.

"We in Britain stand foursquare with those who want democracy to succeed in Pakistan. Almost one million British citizens of Pakistani origin live in Britain. Every year hundreds of thousands travel between Pakistan and Britain. Those facts alone mean that the futures of our two countries are intertwined.

"But it's not just the future of Pakistan, or Britain, that I want to talk about today. Because I believe that some of the questions that Pakistan and Britain most urgently need to address are also among the greatest - and gravest - questions for the 21st century world:

"How best to sustain democracy in places where it has a chequered history - or indeed no history.
How to tackle the rise of violent extremism, and the threat posed by modern terrorism.
How to re-build failing or failed states.
How to prevent nuclear proliferation.
And how to tackle social injustice in a world where globalisation has lifted millions out of poverty, but where millions remain stranded and apparently forgotten.

"In eight weeks, Americans will elect a new President. These great questions will crowd in on the new occupant of the Oval Office. And of course I hope that before too long, following elections in my own country, there will also be a new occupant of No.10 Downing Street. Today I want to explain how I would approach some of these great questions of our time.




LIBERAL CONSERVATISM

"My starting point is the philosophy that I believe in the philosophy that I would apply to international affairs if elected. I am a liberal Conservative. Liberal - because I believe in freedom, human rights and democracy, and I want to see more of these things in our world. But Conservative, because I believe strongly in the continued relevance of the nation state and because I am sceptical of grand utopian schemes to re-make the world according to a politician's timetable. My instinct is to work patiently with the grain of human nature; with the flow of culture, tradition and history.

DEMOCRACY

"Those of us who believe in the goal of spreading democracy need to explain why we believe this is important before we explain how.

"For me, democracy is not just a goal in itself. It is our best available mechanism for lasting good government that delivers economic, social and environmental progress. Democracies tend not to go to war with each other. Democracies offer a structure in which differences - including territorial and ethnic disputes - can be debated and resolved. Democracy gives every citizen a say.

"But the case for democracy needs to be remade and refreshed in every generation. Because there are always powerful forces which seek to stifle the universal human hunger for freedom. And I use the word "universal" because democracy is not the property of the West, nor an import to the East, it's not a system we impose, nor a value unique to any culture.

"Two hundred years ago in Britain it was argued that the vote was so important it could only be handled by men of property. But the argument was won for reform. Then it was argued that while all men could vote it would be too dangerous to extend democracy to women - but the argument was won for reform.

"But while some prejudices were being dismantled - others remained. They said democracy could never take root in countries like Germany or Japan. They were, apparently, too militarist, too authoritarian, too anti-liberal. But both are now flourishing, exemplary, democracies - standing rebukes to the prejudices of the past.

"It has been argued that there's really no appetite for democracy in Asia that the great nations of the East have their own special way, a path which leads away from democracy. Tell that to the people of Burma. Or Thailand. Or the Philippines. Tell that to the dissidents of China. Those who argue that democracy is somehow un-Chinese should brush up on their Confucius. As the Master says in the Analects, "One may rob an army of its commander-in chief: one cannot deprive the humblest man of his free will."

"Today people say that democracy can never take root in Muslim lands, or that democracy is un-Islamic. I regard that view as another prejudice, like all those prejudices from the past, which seek to deny human dignity. As Benazir Bhutto argued so powerfully in the book she wrote before she was murdered, there is nothing in Islam, and nothing in Islamic nations, which means that those nations cannot be democracies.

"Quite the opposite. There are majority Muslim nations like Malaysia, Indonesia and Turkey which are all democratic. There are Muslim voices, in Iran, in Egypt, in Lebanon and in Palestine which speak up for democracy.

"After Communism fell, it became widely accepted that the forward march of democracy and liberal values was both desirable and inevitable. The pace and the route might have been uncertain, but the ultimate global destination was clear.

"Things do not seem so certain today. Robert Kagan and others argue that the rise of China, and the resurgence of Russia, call into question the assumption that the growth of economic liberty would eventually lead to a global embrace of liberal political values. The rise of these autocracies, some believe, offers an alternative political model rising living standards in a framework of order, unencumbered by the chaotic inefficiencies of Western democracy.

"At the same time, the Western democracies have faced problems of their own. The experience of trying to build democracies in Iraq and in Afghanistan, and the way in which Western democracies have conducted some aspects of the fight against terrorism have undermined our standing in the world.

"So faced with these challenges, what is the liberal Conservative response? I believe there should be five essential steps to our response.

"First, we must hold fast to our values. Second, the democracies must stick together. Third, we need to understand the full nature of the threats that face us. Fourth, we must display stamina and patience. And finally we must always strive to act with moral authority.

"Let me take each in turn. Holding fast to the basic idea not losing confidence in freedom, human rights and democracy that is the liberal part of liberal Conservatism, and we should welcome the opportunity to make the case for the open and plural society once again. But we should also remember the Conservative part. We should accept that we cannot impose democracy at the barrel of a gun; that we cannot drop democracy from 10,000 feet - and we shouldn't try.

"Put crudely, that was what was wrong with the 'neo-con' approach, and why I am a liberal Conservative, not a neo - Conservative. I believe we should work patiently and steadfastly to advance liberal values wherever we can to build the characteristics of an open society wherever we can confident that in time, democracy will result.

"Yes we want to see more democracy in the sense of free and fair elections. But true democracy is not just about elections - far from it.

"That's why we should also press for the other essential components of a genuinely democratic state. For the rule of law, backed by an independent judiciary, which is the best protection against the arbitrary abuse of power. For open markets, which open minds as well as produce prosperity. For free media, the best weapon against corruption. Without these, democracy exists in virtual form only.

"The right to vote without the right to speak, to organise and to criticise is not real democracy. The right to vote without the right of every citizen to be equal before the law, administered by judges acting without fear or favour, is not real democracy.

"Last week the Russian foreign minister claimed that "a real, competitive environment has taken shape in the market of ideas". But Russia is closing independent newspapers, shutting down internet chat rooms, and intimidating those who disagree with the state. And Russia's recent invasion of Georgia provides the second element of the liberal Conservative approach to sustaining democracy.


RUSSIA

"The second essential step is one of solidarity: the democracies must stick together. They are stronger when they stand together.

"As a country that has recently reasserted its democracy, you understand that very well. The importance of standing together is one reason why I felt so strongly about what has happened many miles away from here in the Caucasus and why I felt it was important to go to Tbilisi and underline my support for Georgia at this decisive moment in its history.

"Russia's invasion of a sovereign neighbour has served as a brutal wake-up call. So too has its behaviour after the invasion totally ignoring the terms of the agreement which President Medvedev signed up to issuing military threats to Poland and boasting about being prepared for a new Cold War.

"According to the Russians, as Philip Stephens has noted, this is somehow all our, or rather the West's, fault. If only we hadn't provoked the Russians by welcoming the likes of Ukraine and Georgia into the democratic community of nations. If only we had, instead, slammed the door shut when they - and the former subjects of the Soviet Empire from the Baltic to the Balkans - had sought to protect their security as part of NATO and enhance their prosperity by joining the EU. That is Russia's claim. There are some who echo it.

"We need to show greater understanding of Russia's position, they argue - of her historic anxieties about encirclement, and her difficulties in adapting to the loss of empire. I take a different view. What Russia has done is profoundly wrong. It cannot be excused, condoned or explained away. Russia's actions in Georgia throw into sharp relief the new shape of old powers.

"Russia, like China, is a formidable nation with a great history and understandable pride in its rich culture. They are both nations whose weight on the world stage is growing - and adjusting to that will be one of the central foreign policy challenges of the new century. But we would be foolish to do so by abandoning our principles or forgetting our history.

"So we cannot accept that Russia is merely re-asserting the principle inherited from the Tsars and from Stalin that what happens in its 'near abroad' is Russia's business and that those unfortunate countries who inhabit its borders have only limited sovereignty.

"The democratic choices that states like Georgia or Ukraine, or Poland or Estonia, make today are matters for them and their electorates. They are not tributary nations.

"Russia has nothing to fear from these democracies, or from the European Union or NATO. But Russia's invasion of Georgia has convinced its neighbours that they have plenty to fear. At one go, it has confirmed the continuing relevance of NATO and of the transatlantic bond. But this attitude should not be misread - by Russia or anyone else. We want a decent relationship with Russia. We have not attempted, as it is alleged, to humiliate Russia over the last twenty years. We have tried to welcome her into international institutions like the G8. We have held out the hand of friendship to post-imperial Russia, and we want to continue to do so. But we cannot conduct business as usual with a country that invades its neighbours.

"Now is the time to take a long-term and united view, particularly in Europe. There must be no more scurrying of European leaders to Moscow to compete for Mr Putin's favours. This got us nowhere. And let's be clear the EU does not need a new Treaty to work out an agreed policy on Russia, taking account of the views of Russia's neighbours in Eastern Europe, who are now our full partners.

"It was right that the EU summit two days ago sent a firm message that it is not business as usual with Russia while it behaves in this way. We cannot start talks on a new EU-Russia strategic partnership against this background. And at the same time, we must step up our support for Georgia, for example by accelerating its free trade agreement with the EU and helping to rebuild what Russia has destroyed.

"That is the liberal Conservative way: patiently but firmly upholding the principles of freedom, human rights and democracy confident that these liberal values will in the end prevail.

TERRORISM

"The third essential step is to ensure we understand the true nature of the modern threats we face. Today none is greater than that posed by terrorism. We can see that clearly in both Britain and Pakistan.

"Pakistan has suffered terribly at the hands of terrorism. 56 suicide bombs in 2007, over 640 dead and injured. It is an appalling - and rising - toll of misery. In Britain, we have had our own attacks, and many more attempted attacks which have been thwarted - some thanks to co-operation with Pakistan, for which we are grateful.

"Let's be clear that the threat we face - principally from Al Qaeda and its affiliates - remains a formidable danger to your society and to mine. So there is no choice but to face up to that fact, and to act. This is not the same as previous terrorist threats, as they are prepared to use any weapon and kill any number. There is no set of legitimate demands that can be acceded to in order to make the terrorists go away. You have a new, elected government, with the legitimacy it needs to take on the extremists.

"As Ahmed Rashid and others have argued, whatever the roots of the Taliban, whatever the encouragement and sanctuary they may have been given in the past, today they are a threat to Pakistan as much as any other country. The longer the Taliban can operate with relative freedom in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas, North West Frontier Province and Baluchistan, the more they will threaten not just the future of Afghanistan but the future - some would say the survival - of Pakistan itself.

"Forgive my candour. But it is the candour of a friend. The truth is that we will only tackle this scourge successfully if we work together.

"Bluntly, we need each other. We need you to bear down on extremists, including those madrassas that are indoctrinating and recruiting young people. We need you - and I do not underestimate the difficulty of what I am saying - to bring greater governance and control to the Federally Administered Tribal Areas, to disrupt Taliban activity there, and to deny them as a safe haven for terrorists. We need your continued co-operation on counter-terrorism, and we need to be sure that all your governmental agencies are fully committed to this goal.

"Because - and I say this not in a spirit of recrimination - it is on your commitment to delivering these goals that Pakistan's international reputation will depend. So for your own sake, as well as ours, this is an issue on which there is no room for ambivalence. Since democracy does indeed require the rule of law, it must also involve unrelenting efforts to defeat terrorism. But when I say we need each other, I mean it. We are in this together, as equal partners, two sovereign countries working shoulder to shoulder to deal with a problem that affects us both. It must be a partnership that takes proper account of local sensitivities and cultures. A co-operation which implements solutions both our countries can get behind.

"You are fully entitled to expect us to step up to the plate too. By doing more to tackle extremism in Britain. By enforcing our own laws properly, including for terrorists who threaten Pakistan from the UK. By instituting effective border controls which monitor the movement of people across them and do not allow individuals who are wanted to slip through the net. By striking the right balance between liberty and security. By working much harder, as Sayeeda Warsi and others in my party are doing, to foster greater community cohesion, and a greater sense amongst minority communities of belonging to a country in which they too can be proud, not least by celebrating the huge contribution that British citizens with links to Pakistan make to our country.

STEADFASTNESS

"This brings me to my fourth essential step: in both our promotion of democracy and in our fight against extremist terror we must demonstrate patience and humility; commitment and stamina.

"Freedom, human rights and democracy take root over decades, not years. A liberal Conservative approach recognises that democracy must be built around the institutions, habits and culture of each country. Democracy should be the work of patient craftsmanship and not of a uniform mass production line, if the final product is to be of a quality that endures.

"We need to learn from the mistakes that have been made in the recent past, both in Iraq and in Afghanistan. A failure to plan properly a naïve and unrealistic assessment of the scale and the speed of the progress that would be possible a lack of understanding of the situation on the ground and a failure to appreciate that establishing security must be the absolute and over-riding priority from day one.

"One of the many unfortunate side effects of the invasion of Iraq was that we took our eye off the ball in Afghanistan. We failed to roll out security beyond Kabul from the very beginning. And our approach to development, to better governance, to building up the Afghan National Army was half-hearted in the first few years, when there was enormous goodwill towards the international community. We missed that opportunity.

MORAL AUTHORITY

"And we are letting ourselves down - all of us, everywhere - if in addressing these complex and challenging international questions whether in relation to the spread of freedom, human rights and democracy or the fight against terrorism or dealing with failed and failing states if we forget the fifth vital step. We must uphold moral authority.

"Of course the conduct of international affairs must always be tempered by realism. But these great international challenges of the 21st century they are moral questions, not just questions of realpolitik. We must strive to address these questions in a way that is consistent and enhances our reputation rather than undermines it.

"A moral mission requires moral methods. We must not stoop to illiberalism, whether at Guantanamo Bay or by passing legislation for excessive periods of detention without trial. We must not turn a blind eye to the excesses of our allies - abuses of human rights in some Arab countries, for example. Otherwise might becomes the only standard of right, we open ourselves to charges of hypocrisy, and we sink in the eyes of the world.

"Indeed, having just come from Helmand Province, I've seen how badly the essential steps of a liberal Conservative approach are needed on the ground. Confident support from fellow democracies. Understanding the threat we face and understanding that it is not a question of a security response alone. Showing patience, humility, commitment and stamina. And acting with moral authority.

"Afghanistan is an example of how this should apply in practice. Afghanistan needs Pakistan's help and support, and that is in your interests too: solidarity with a democratic Afghanistan is what will deliver strategic stability in this region. An unstable Afghanistan is a threat to Pakistan, because Taliban extremism and links to terrorism are the biggest threat to the stability of this country.

"Pakistan's support helps make clear that our effort in Afghanistan is about extending universal values, not western values. But we need Pakistan's support to help us work with the grain of tribal culture and tradition in this region. We cannot and must not - seven years on - simply abandon Afghanistan to its fate.

"Our over-riding objective remains as valid today as it did then. To prevent Afghanistan from ever again being a failed state that is a base for Al Qaeda to train terrorists to strike on the streets of London, Madrid, New York or Islamabad. To accomplish that task we need some urgent changes, as I have argued for some time.

"We cannot impose a purely military solution to Afghanistan's problems. But what we must do is deny Afghanistan to Al Qaeda, and save Afghans from a return to the brutality of the Taliban, who handed the entire country to Al Qaeda as a base for logistics and training. That means working closely with Pakistan, so that the problems are not just displaced to and fro across the porous border. And it means holding the ring while we steadily build up Afghanistan's own army and its own police force. That build-up of the Afghan National Army needs to be accelerated and expanded, something I very much hope the incoming US President will make a priority. It is those forces - especially the Afghan National Army -which hold the key to a more stable Afghanistan, together with better governance at the central and especially the local level.

"To help them, we need to do three things: First, we need a strategy that combines politics more effectively with military force. We must work harder to ensure that local shuras and tribal elders take on more responsibility. In a place like Sangin, where I took part in a shura yesterday, local governance and security are a more immediate concern to local people than the prospect of voting every few years in a big national election.

"Second, we need to organise the international effort better. Right now, it lacks the most basic requirement for success in stabilisation operations - unity of purpose and unity of command. On the civilian side, I argued hard for the appointment of a senior, high-profile figure to grip it and to provide leadership. Such a position now exists, but its role needs to be strengthened. Similar problems of co-ordination exist with the military effort. NATO's international assistance force (ISAF) and the US-led Operation Enduring Freedom work alongside each other - but one is focused on long term stability, the other on targeted counter-terrorist operations. It is time to merge the two, or at the very least put them under the same commander. And NATO allies urgently need to curtail the plethora of national caveats that are crippling the effectiveness of the forces they deploy, and which exasperate operational commanders.

"Third, we need to make sure that Britain's own contribution in Afghanistan is properly organised. Having just seen the UK effort on the ground, I'm pleased to see progress - at last - in joining up our military, diplomatic and development efforts. But more needs to be done, especially to support our Armed Forces properly in the field. They are doing a superb job, risking their lives every day. We owe it to them to make sure they have the equipment and support they need.

"That applies particularly in the case of helicopters. Even though we now have nearly twice as many troops on the ground as we did when I first visited, our troops still desperately lack helicopters. There are still only 8 Chinook support helicopters for 8000 troops. Contrast that to the 70 or so helicopters we had in Northern Ireland at the height of the Troubles.

"Helicopters are the safest and most effective way to deploy troops fighting a counter-insurgency, and far preferable to transport by road with the growing risk of road-side bombs and ambush. Two years on, Ministers must make sorting this out this their over-riding, round the clock priority. This is a NATO mission. NATO has hundreds of helicopters nominally at its disposal. We need to put more pressure on our allies to free up helicopters that are sitting in Europe to help in Afghanistan.

"Likewise, we must see what more scope there is to contract helicopters commercially to do some of the routine tasks, and free up helicopters for the frontline. What is clear is that the present situation is unacceptable and is increasing the risk to our forces: we are letting our servicemen and women down.

CONCLUSION

"Britain and Pakistan have a long and complex history. Because of the challenges we both face, and the ties of kinship that we share, that story is destined to continue well into the future. It will be central to any Government which I hope to lead, and beyond it.

"I have tried to explain to you today the importance that I attach to the relationship between our countries and to the challenges that confront us both. We wish you well, in your efforts to entrench democracy and in your continuing dialogue with India, including over Kashmir. If I have given the impression in what I have said that I have easy answers to hard questions, it is a misleading impression. If I have given the impression that we in Britain have a unique store of democratic wisdom, that too would be wrong.

"If we have wisdom, it is often because we have learned from our mistakes. But what I do believe is that Britain has a valuable role to play in the world, standing on the side of those who are struggling for democracy and justice. That is our continuing duty and responsibility. To stand, as one of the world's oldest democracies, alongside some of the world's newest democracies. And I earnestly hope Pakistan will join us in that endeavour."