Peaceful Burma (ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းျမန္မာ)平和なビルマ

Peaceful Burma (ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းျမန္မာ)平和なビルマ

TO PEOPLE OF JAPAN



JAPAN YOU ARE NOT ALONE



GANBARE JAPAN



WE ARE WITH YOU



ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေျပာတဲ့ညီညြတ္ေရး


“ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတာ ဘာလဲ နားလည္ဖုိ႔လုိတယ္။ ဒီေတာ့ကာ ဒီအပုိဒ္ ဒီ၀ါက်မွာ ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတဲ့အေၾကာင္းကုိ သ႐ုပ္ေဖာ္ျပ ထားတယ္။ တူညီေသာအက်ဳိး၊ တူညီေသာအလုပ္၊ တူညီေသာ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ရွိရမယ္။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတာ ဘာအတြက္ ညီၫြတ္ရမွာလဲ။ ဘယ္လုိရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္နဲ႔ ညီၫြတ္ရမွာလဲ။ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ဆုိတာ ရွိရမယ္။

“မတရားမႈတခုမွာ သင္ဟာ ၾကားေနတယ္ဆုိရင္… သင္ဟာ ဖိႏွိပ္သူဘက္က လုိက္ဖုိ႔ ေရြးခ်ယ္လုိက္တာနဲ႔ အတူတူဘဲ”

“If you are neutral in a situation of injustice, you have chosen to side with the oppressor.”
ေတာင္အာဖရိကက ႏိုဘယ္လ္ဆုရွင္ ဘုန္းေတာ္ၾကီး ဒက္စ္မြန္တူးတူး

THANK YOU MR. SECRETARY GENERAL

Ban’s visit may not have achieved any visible outcome, but the people of Burma will remember what he promised: "I have come to show the unequivocal shared commitment of the United Nations to the people of Myanmar. I am here today to say: Myanmar – you are not alone."

QUOTES BY UN SECRETARY GENERAL

Without participation of Aung San Suu Kyi, without her being able to campaign freely, and without her NLD party [being able] to establish party offices all throughout the provinces, this [2010] election may not be regarded as credible and legitimate. ­
United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon

Where there's political will, there is a way

政治的な意思がある一方、方法がある
စစ္မွန္တဲ့ခိုင္မာတဲ့နိုင္ငံေရးခံယူခ်က္ရိွရင္ႀကိဳးစားမႈရိွရင္ နိုင္ငံေရးအေျဖ
ထြက္ရပ္လမ္းဟာေသခ်ာေပါက္ရိွတယ္
Burmese Translation-Phone Hlaing-fwubc

Monday, April 4, 2011

Unmasking Burma's 'Democracy'

http://irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=21069&page=1




Unmasking Burma's 'Democracy'




By BENEDICT ROGERS
Monday, April 4, 2011






Just before 11 pm on my last night in Rangoon, I sat down in the hotel bar to relax and listen to some jazz. Five minutes later, however, I heard the words that everyone in Burma dreads: “Mr Rogers, the authorities want to speak to you.”



I went upstairs to find six plain-clothes military intelligence agents waiting for me.



“We have instructions from Naypyidaw to deport you tomorrow morning,” said one man.







After expressing surprise, I explained that I was a tourist and had committed no crime. They claimed they did not know the reason for my deportation and were just following instructions. But during the interrogation, one of them flipped through a file and I saw it contained a photocopy of the front cover of my book about Burma's junta chief, Snr-Gen Than Shwe.



The intelligence agents then checked my camera and seemed frustrated that it only contained pictures of tourist sites. When one agent said they wanted to copy the photos and I asked why, he responded: “We have to show our superiors something.”



They searched my luggage but found nothing, then took several photos of me.



It wasn't until after midnight that the agents finished, and they told me to be ready to leave for the airport at 7 am. Five minutes after they left, one man returned and said, “I left my notebook.” After searching for a while he found the notebook in my suitcase, where he must have accidentally placed it while putting my belongings back.



The following morning I was escorted to the airport by two men, who I also asked about the reason for my deportation. “We’ll tell you at the airport,” one replied.

At the airport I was met by a large group—plain clothes military intelligence, uniformed immigration officers, a few police. During every step I was surrounded by three or four men with cameras who took dozens of pictures.



When the procedure was complete, two men sat down with me. “I can now inform you the reasons for your deportation,” one said. “We know you have written several books about Myanmar [Burma], including 'Than Shwe: Unmasking Burma’s Tyrant.'”



Amused that he quoted the title in full, I decided to ask a few questions. I wanted to remain polite, but not to go silently; to acknowledge they were just doing their job and not blame them personally, but to let them know that I thought the system was wrong.



“Is it a crime to write a book?” I asked, which seemed to fluster them.



“In November, Myanmar held elections,” I continued. “So I thought Myanmar was becoming a democracy. In a democracy, it is very normal to write books freely, and very common to write books about leaders. Some books are positive, others are critical. But the fact that you are deporting me for writing a book suggests that Myanmar is not a democracy. So, can you tell me, is Myanmar becoming a democracy or not?”



The man who had spoken about the reasons for my deportation hesitated, then said: “Myanmar will be a democracy one day, but slowly, slowly. We are in a transition period.”



Transition, however, implies change. “I thought Myanmar was changing,” I said. “But deporting a foreigner for writing a book suggests no change. So is that correct—no change?”



He nodded enthusiastically. “Yes, yes. No change, no change.”



Hearing this admission, I thought to myself that if there has been no change in Burma, then surely talk of lifting sanctions is ill-judged. Now is not the time to lift sanctions. Unless there is meaningful change, now is the time for the world to get tougher, to target pressure more carefully, to provide aid for the people and to investigate Than Shwe’s crimes against humanity through a UN inquiry.



“Do you deport many foreigners,” I asked.



He smiled. “Yes, many.”



“Do you think my deportation was fair.”



He said he had not read my book, so he could not comment. “Do you have a copy of your book with you?” he asked. “I would be interested to read it.”



I laughed and said no, but was willing to send it to him (He did not offer to provide an address).



Having established a conversation with the agent, I pressed further and asked if he enjoyed working for a government that treats its people so badly, and if he knew that the ethnic nationalities in Burma were particularly suffering under this regime. This drew no response.



Then I asked what he thought about the events in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya.



“I don’t like this kind of change,” he replied. “I think it was created by al-Qaeda. Do you think so?”



“No,” I answered. “I do not.” While acknowledging the risk of extremists taking advantage of the chaotic situations, I told the Burmese agent that the movements in these countries were led by ordinary people who hate dictatorship.



“But democracy gives al-Qaeda opportunities,” he said.



“I disagree. Democratic, open societies are a better way to challenge extremism and terrorism than dictatorship,” I said.



On that note, the two agents told me I could go through to the gate for boarding. But I reminded them that they still had my passport, which their colleagues had taken along with my air tickets the night before.



After watching them engage in a few minutes of confused conversation over what to do, I said with a smile: “No passport, I stay in Myanmar—OK?”



We all burst out laughing, and then they gave me my passport, shook my hand and said goodbye.



Then looking them straight in the eye, I uttered my last words before leaving Burma: “Thank you for treating me well. I know that your government does not treat your own people well at all, but I am grateful that at least you treated me well.”



I was aware that if I had been Burmese, I would have been treated far worse. Undoubtedly, the late-night knock on the door would have been far more frightening—I would have been hooded, beaten, tortured and jailed. It is possible that I might not even have survived.



Within hours of my deportation, the news somehow reached the media despite the fact that I did not seek publicity. I initially refused requests for interviews, wanting to keep it low-key for the sake of friends in Burma. It was only after the media started running the story that I decided I should speak in order to ensure that the accounts did not descend into wild rumors, which could make things worse.



In addition, people inside Burma asked me to speak out. They wanted me to let the world know that nothing has changed.



Benedict Rogers, the East Asia Team Leader at Christian Solidarity Worldwide, was deported from Rangoon on March 23 after being id

entified by secret police. He contributed this article for The Irrawaddy.





----------------------------------------

Benedict Rogers

East Asia Team Leader

Christian Solidarity Worldwide UK

PO Box 99

New Malden

Surrey KT3 3YF

www.csw.org.uk

www.changeforburma.org

Direct dial: (+44) (0)208-329-0041 begin_of_the_skype_highlighting (+44) (0)208-329-0041 end_of_the_skype_highlighting

General line: (+44) (0)845 456 5464 begin_of_the_skype_highlighting (+44) (0)845 456 5464 end_of_the_skype_highlighting

Fax: (+44) (0) 208-942-8802

Christian Solidarity Worldwide is a human rights organisation which specialises in religious freedom, works on behalf of those persecuted for their Christian beliefs and promotes religious liberty for all.

Confidentiality: The information contained in this email and any attachments are confidential. It is intended for the named recipient(s) only. If you are not the named recipient please notify the sender immediately and do not disclose the contents to any other person other than the intended recipient.

Virus Checking: Whilst all reasonable steps have been taken to ensure that this communication is free from viruses, Christian Solidarity Worldwide accepts no liability in respect of any loss, cost, damage or expenses suffered as a result of accessing this message or any of its attachments.



0 comments: