Peaceful Burma (ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းျမန္မာ)平和なビルマ

Peaceful Burma (ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းျမန္မာ)平和なビルマ

TO PEOPLE OF JAPAN



JAPAN YOU ARE NOT ALONE



GANBARE JAPAN



WE ARE WITH YOU



ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေျပာတဲ့ညီညြတ္ေရး


“ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတာ ဘာလဲ နားလည္ဖုိ႔လုိတယ္။ ဒီေတာ့ကာ ဒီအပုိဒ္ ဒီ၀ါက်မွာ ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတဲ့အေၾကာင္းကုိ သ႐ုပ္ေဖာ္ျပ ထားတယ္။ တူညီေသာအက်ဳိး၊ တူညီေသာအလုပ္၊ တူညီေသာ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ရွိရမယ္။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတာ ဘာအတြက္ ညီၫြတ္ရမွာလဲ။ ဘယ္လုိရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္နဲ႔ ညီၫြတ္ရမွာလဲ။ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ဆုိတာ ရွိရမယ္။

“မတရားမႈတခုမွာ သင္ဟာ ၾကားေနတယ္ဆုိရင္… သင္ဟာ ဖိႏွိပ္သူဘက္က လုိက္ဖုိ႔ ေရြးခ်ယ္လုိက္တာနဲ႔ အတူတူဘဲ”

“If you are neutral in a situation of injustice, you have chosen to side with the oppressor.”
ေတာင္အာဖရိကက ႏိုဘယ္လ္ဆုရွင္ ဘုန္းေတာ္ၾကီး ဒက္စ္မြန္တူးတူး

THANK YOU MR. SECRETARY GENERAL

Ban’s visit may not have achieved any visible outcome, but the people of Burma will remember what he promised: "I have come to show the unequivocal shared commitment of the United Nations to the people of Myanmar. I am here today to say: Myanmar – you are not alone."

QUOTES BY UN SECRETARY GENERAL

Without participation of Aung San Suu Kyi, without her being able to campaign freely, and without her NLD party [being able] to establish party offices all throughout the provinces, this [2010] election may not be regarded as credible and legitimate. ­
United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon

Where there's political will, there is a way

政治的な意思がある一方、方法がある
စစ္မွန္တဲ့ခိုင္မာတဲ့နိုင္ငံေရးခံယူခ်က္ရိွရင္ႀကိဳးစားမႈရိွရင္ နိုင္ငံေရးအေျဖ
ထြက္ရပ္လမ္းဟာေသခ်ာေပါက္ရိွတယ္
Burmese Translation-Phone Hlaing-fwubc

Saturday, November 1, 2008

In dealing with junta, keep kid gloves on

http://www.bangkokpost.com/011108_News/01Nov2008_news18.php

ACHARA ASHAYAGACHAT

The Burmese junta's mentality has not changed much despite the deadly cyclone five months ago, nor has Thailand's so-called democratically-elected government veered from its course as the mouthpiece of its neighbour to the west.


But in the months since Cyclone Nargis struck Burma on May 2, the international community has substantially reviewed, if not changed, its attitude and policy of engagement with Burma.


The Somchai administration, like its short-lived predecessor the Samak government, has recently shown to the world that Thailand is a true friend of the authoritarian government, without even having to make two visits to Burma like the former premier Samak Sundaravej.


Prime Minister Somchai spent his three-day stay in Beijing appeasing the Burmese junta and seeking sympathy from the international community for the ongoing political woes back home.


Foreign Minister Nyan Win, after hearing sweet words from the Thai leader at one of the sessions of the Asia-Europe Meeting (Asem) in Beijing last week, approached him and Foreign Minister Sompong Amornvivat to express his appreciation for Mr Somchai's understanding of Burma's spirit and situation.


Mr Somchai told the Asem leaders that they should look to the future and use this opportunity to enhance the newfound partnership in a constructive manner to benefit the Burmese people more, such as through the role of Asean, Burma and the international community under the framework of the Tripartite Core Group (TPG).



Just like his two predecessors Samak Sundaravej and Thaksin Shinawatra, Mr Somchai has acted as the Burmese junta's spokesman when defending its iron-fisted policy against its own people and the opposition.


"We do not believe in sanctions. They rarely work. I feel that political progress needs to occur in tandem with economic, social and human resources development. Support for development in these areas will contribute to democratic development," Mr Somchai said.


In a separate meeting between the Thai foreign minister and his French counterpart Bernard Kouchner, the French minister still complained to Thailand about the time-buying tactics of the Burmese regime despite its up-front positive gesture to the global efforts on humanitarian assistance, public health, agriculture and human resources development, especially after Cyclone Nargis.


Another expert-level talk between the European Commission and the Burmese officials, on the sidelines of the Asem, also went nowhere as the message hit a wall; the Europeans' call for the release of political prisoners including Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, was later watered down as the leaders' statement could not mention the Lady's name at all, while the EU's call for an "inclusive" election process in 2010 has yet to surface. Yet, there are some who shared PM Somchai's sentiment that the Nargis phenomenon might really be a blessing in disguise.


The Brussels-based International Crisis Group (ICG), in its recently launched report, said the international community should build on the unprecedented cooperation between the Burmese government and humanitarian agencies.


"Burma/Myanmar After Nargis: Time to Normalise Aid Relations" argues that the recent cooperation has proved that it is possible to work with the military regime on humanitarian issues and to deliver assistance in an effective and accountable way.


If the current opening can be used to build confidence and lay the basis for a more effective aid structure, it may be possible not only to meet the immediate needs, but also to begin to address the broader crisis of governance and human suffering, said the ICG report.


The junta's initial response to Cyclone Nargis shocked the world, with international agencies and local donors denied access to affected areas.


But, little noticed, the situation subsequently improved markedly, to the point where the UN humanitarian chief was able to describe it in July as a normal international relief operation.


Communications between the government and international agencies have much improved, said the report. Visas and travel permits today are easier and faster to get than before. Requirements for the launch of new aid projects have been eased.


By and large, the authorities are making efforts to facilitate aid, including allowing a substantial role for civil society.


The ICG called on international donors to end aid restrictions, which have seen Burma receiving 20 times less assistance than similar countries and which have weakened, not strengthened, the forces for change.


This means more aid, but also different aid, aimed at raising income and education as well as health levels, fostering civil society and improving economic policy and good governance, the report said.


Aid alone will not bring sustainable human development, never mind peace and democracy, says Robert Templer, programme director of Crisis Group Asia.


Yet, due to the limited links between Burma and the outside world, aid has unusual importance as an arena of interaction between the government, society and the international community.


However, this message has not convinced most of the activists worldwide; Burma's struggle towards democracy and a fair share in self-determination, unfortunately, will still be determined by the status quo.


Burmese dissidents in exile, including those in Thailand, have acknowledged this but have yet to make their voices and the truth in their native country known to the world. Their fighting tactics against the ruling regime in Naypidaw still remain the same: keep the issue alive, especially in light of the new US presidency.


The Washington-based National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma/Burma Fund has released a report on how "Burma is Still Desperate Five Months after the Cyclone".


According to the report, the cyclone destroyed the equivalent of up to 21% of the country's GDP for the previous fiscal year.


In social terms, the figures are no less serious: in the Irrawaddy and Rangoon districts, 75% of health facilities and 91% of general public education facilities have been destroyed. Roughly more than one-third of those in these areas have some form of lung or stomach ailment. Some 23% of households in cyclone-hit regions reported psychological problems.


A disproportionately high female mortality rate means many infants cannot get proper care and feeding. Those surviving are highly susceptible to being forced into the sex trade due to employment pressures.


The report concludes with recommendations to provide direct assistance to victims, urging the international donor community to ensure the involvement of affected communities at all stages in the management of the relief.


Problems on the ground were also acknowledged at a two-day closed door meeting in Bangkok early this week, which drew lessons from recent disasters in the Asia-Pacific region in order to formulate the medium- and long-term post-Nargis recovery strategies, particularly on issues of disaster risk reduction, sustainable settlement policies, livelihood recovery strategies, and restoring economic and social infrastructure.


Speaking at the Escap-organised session on settlement plans and country experiences, the deputy for Donor and International Relations at the Rehabilitation and Reconstruction Agency for Aceh and Nias, Heru Prasetyo, shared critical lessons from the Aceh tsunami reconstruction effort.


He stressed that there was a need for continuous coordination of funding, programmes and resources, as well as ongoing monitoring, accountability and public communication.


Taking into account the lessons learnt and shared at the meeting by the representatives from Aceh, Bangladesh, Pakistan and other countries which have dealt with the effects of previous natural disasters, the meeting's participants agreed that it was particularly important to focus on a number of principles to guide the implementation of recovery activities.


These included, among others, the need for all recovery efforts to aim to rebuild better and more safely, with a community-based approach in order to reduce future disaster risks; and the need for disaster risk reduction to be an essential pillar of any recovery programme so that it becomes an integral part of a holistic multi-disciplinary approach to disaster management.


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