News & Articles on Burmal-Sunday, 08 April 2012-uzl

News & Articles on Burmal Sunday, 08 April 2012 ----------------------------------------------- Myanmar ethnic parties demand ‘real federalism’ Will Myanmar reform fuel Asia’s next boom? Heroes among us - large and small Burma: Government makes peace with Karen rebels – but why not Kachin? In his own words: the rise and fall of Khin Nyunt Myanmar on the path of democracy Myanmar's Karen Rebels Meet With Aung San Suu Kyi Myanmar’s banks rise again Myanmar president holds landmark talks with rebels ------------------------------------------- THE HINDU: Yangon, April 8, 2012 Myanmar ethnic parties demand ‘real federalism’ Prashant Jha Thian Uk Thang and Saw Than Myint did not join in the celebrations last week after the National League for Democracy’s emphatic victory in the by-elections. A few days after the results, sitting on the first floor of a building in the city’s Pa Zn Duang Township, they were busy preparing for an “important” meeting. A long table was set out; mattresses were bought to make sleeping arrangements for out of town delegates; a desktop computer was on, with sheaf of papers lying around. It was the office of the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP), the biggest ethnic force in parliament. The party was about to host a gathering of the Nationalities Brotherhood Forum (NBF) — an alliance of five ethnic parties — to discuss elections and their future course of action. Mistrust Reacting to the NLD’s sweep, Mr. Myint, treasurer of the SNDP, said, “We congratulate them. It is a democratic force.” During her campaign, Aung San Suu Kyi called for “reconciliation” with ethnic groups to bring an end to a long-standing conflict. NLD’s patron and Ms. Suu Kyi’s political advisor, U Tin Oo, had told The Hindu that they plan to work with the other smaller ethnic parties in parliament to push their agenda of reform. Mr. Myint’s response, however, was more mixed. “We are willing to collaborate with any party that supports our agenda. But SNDP has no plans of an alliance with any Burman party. In the past 60 years, Burman parties have always lied on ethnic issues.” But wasn’t Ms Suu Kyi, who has reached out to ethnic groups and even invited its leaders home, different? Mr. Thang, who is the secretary of the Chin National Party (CNP), chipped in, “We respect her, but we can’t trust her. After all, she is Burman too.” Nothing perhaps illustrates the divide in Myanmar’s society than that statement. While both the military and democratic parties are predominantly Burman, many argue that a more fundamental gulf is that between the Burmans and the “nationalities” — Kachin, Chin, Shan, Rakhine, Karen, Mon, Kayah and other ethnic groups. Talk to any ethnic leader; their tone is bitter, list of grievances long, mood aggressive, and references littered with ‘betrayal’ over past events. “In 1947, the Panglong Conference led to the creation of the Union of Burma, and that had promised us federalism with autonomy and right to secession. But they backed out. We again signed ceasefire agreements in the 90s, but they never gave us political rights,” said Mr. Thang, the Chin leader. He referred to the “cultural discrimination” where only “Burman symbols” are “national symbols”; and the “lack of any representation” in cabinet, military, bureaucracy, judiciary, media. While the Constitution of 2008 makes way for regional assemblies, ethnic leaders emphasised these were “powerless” as the chief minister is selected by the centre and state legislatures barely meet. Oo Hla Saw of the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP) told The Hindu, “There are gas lines being made from our province to China. Chinese and Burmans are making millions of dollars. But Rakhine people are not getting a penny.” So what is their main demand? “Equality, real federalism, autonomy, and right to self determination,” asserted Mr. Myint, the Shan leader. The peace agenda To fulfill their agenda, some ethnic groups like the SNDP, the CNP and the RNDP have decided to take the parliamentary route. Others like the Karen National Union (KNU), engaged in the world’s longest running war with the Myanmar regime, have decided to finally enter ceasefire agreements and initiate talks as a result of the government’s peace initiative. On Saturday, President Thein Sein met KNU representatives in what is being considered a landmark event. But there are still others still waging an armed rebellion — particularly the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) fighting in the north-eastern Kachin State. The conflict has resulted in displacement of thousands of people. Emphasising that reconciliation with ethnic groups was a key government agenda, President Sein’s chief advisor, Ko Ko Hlaing, told The Hindu, “While the government has asked for a ceasefire before political talks, the Kachins want a political settlement before ceasefire. That is not logical. Unless there is a ceasefire, there will be no trust.” Analysts point out that resolving the ethnic issue will be Myanmar’s biggest challenge now. An overwhelmingly Burman dominant polity will resist sharing power; the demand for federalism still evokes fears of disintegration; and there is enormous diversity within the ethnic groups themselves. But as Soe Myint, editor of Mizimma, an online news and opinion site, put it, “This is a major opportunity. For the first time, the government is reaching out and even held talks outside the country. All parties realise its importance for long-term peace and democracy.” http://www.thehindu.com/news/international/article3293936.ece ---------------------------------------- Will Myanmar reform fuel Asia’s next boom? Published : Monday, April 09, 2012 00:00 Written by : RICARDO SALUDO Ric Saludo’s colleague Marishka Noelle M. Cabrera contributed this article What was once unthinkable is now happening in Myanmar. Two decades after the ruling junta disregarded their 1990 parliamentary election victory, pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), has claimed a landslide in the April 1 by-elections. State TV announced that the NLD has won 43 out of the 44 contested seats, including one for Suu Kyi. But in a country that, until recently, grappled with violent crackdowns, strict censorship, and political repression, cautious optimism, not unbridled cheering, is in order. After all, the victory is more symbolic than anything, as the seats won by the NLD are still only a fraction of the seats occupied by those associated with the former regime. Still, there are positive signs. The election commission has declared the NLD the main opposition group in the Union Parliament, despite securing only around 5 percent of parliamentary seats, according to a report from The Irrawaddy, a Chiang Mai-based newsmagazine put out by exiled Myanmar journalists. Of the 43 seats, the report says the NLD got 37 seats in the 440-member Lower House, four in the Upper House and two in regional chambers. In her victory speech outside her party’s headquarters in erstwhile capital Yangon, Suu Kyi proclaimed: “The success we are having is the success of the people. It is not so much our triumph as a triumph of the people who have decided that they have to be involved in the political process in this country.” According to the website country.php?ID=148" Election Guide, Myanmar has a bicameral people’s assembly (Pyithu Hluttaw) consisting of the 224-seat House of Nationalities (Amyotha Hluttaw) and the House of Representatives (Pyithu Hluttaw) with 440 seats. In the House of Nationalities, only 168 members are elected by absolute vote, with 56 seats reserved for the military. In the House of Representatives, 330 members are elected to serve five-year terms, and 110 are appointed by the military to serve for four years. By many standards, the recent election in Myanmar seems crude. As seen in a video from a “bookmark” NBC news report, store-bought plastic containers serve as ballot boxes and the tallying of votes are done with ballots laid out on a floor mat. Yet citizens and election observers alike appear satisfied. “I’ve observed many elections in Southeast Asian countries — Thailand, Singapore — and this is as good as it could be,” one independent observer said. And for the citizenry, the polls serve as an insignia of their resolute desire to never again turn back to the regime that gripped the country for nearly half a century. Some Myanmar watchers see the elections as a test of the government’s sincerity and commitment to change. In a guardian.co.uk/world/2012/apr/01/vote-confidence-burma-president-reform” report from The Guardian, Hla Maung Shwe, founder of the research consortium Myanmar Egress, says Suu Kyi’s success is “a vote of confidence in Thein Sein’s presidency.” On the other hand, Human Rights Watch says the elections are a step forward, but “not a real test of the government’s commitment to democratic reform” because it still fails to tilt the balance of power from the military-backed Union of Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). Indeed, for many analysts, the true test of reform will come in 2015, when 75 percent of the country’s parliamentary seats will be up for grabs. On the other hand, for much of Asia, including ordinary people in Myanmar, the real import of democratic reforms is the economic impact, especially if they lead to the lifting of international sanctions against the country. Early this year, the International Monetary Fund released a report following a mission to Myanmar, also known as Burma, in January. An IMF statement issued by Meral Karasulu, who led the mission, says: “The new government is facing a historic opportunity to jump-start the development process and lift living standards. Myanmar has a high growth potential and could become the next economic frontier in Asia.” In its World Economic Outlook released in 2011, the Fund expects Myanmar’s GDP to grow by a decent 5.5 percent in 2012 and 5.7 percent in 2016. The IMF report outlined key areas that the government should look into, such as harnessing its rich natural resources, young labor force, and strategic economic location; exchange rate unification and modernization of its financial system. The Fund also urged liberalizing trade and foreign direct investment; exposure to best international business and economic practices, and encouragement of private sector-led growth; and providing credit to the agricultural sector. The foundation of macroeconomic stability through an economic reform program must also be in place. With economic developments underway, investors cannot help but marvel at Myanmar’s vast potential. Jim Rogers, chairman of Rogers Holdings, says in a Bloomberg Businessweek report, “If I could put all of my money into Myanmar, I would.” He continues, “It’s right between China and India, 60 million people, massive natural resources, agriculture. You could feed much of Asia, they have metals, they have energy, they have everything.” Rogers should know: he is credited with predicting the 1999 commodities boom. (Excerpt from The CenSEI Report analytic research on Myanmar’s reforms and economy. For a free copy of the Report with links to in-depth studies, video, data and other online research, email report@censeisolutions.com.) http://www.manilatimes.net/index.php/opinion/columnist1/20705-will-myanmar-reform-fuel-asias-next-boom ---------------------------------------- Heroes among us - large and small Posted: April 8, 2012 - 12:08am By Kate Troll I’ve been thinking about heroes lately. The recent news about Aung San Suu Kyi’s stunning parliamentary election victory in Myanmar, also known as Burma, marks a major milestone in a nation emerging from a ruthless era of military rule. It is also an astonishing reversal of fortune for one of the world’s most prominent prisoners of conscience. After more than two decades of leaving her family behind to be imprisoned in her home, she is now a symbol of hope around the world and a hero to her impoverished countrymen. Speaking at a news conference in Istanbul, Turkey, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton cast her election as meaningful for the free world when she said, “Even the most repressive regimes can reform, and even the most closed societies can open.” Even for Clinton, Aung San Suu Kyi is a capital-H hero because she found the strength to preserve and endure in spite of hardships and overwhelming obstacles. She now serves as an inspiration for other repressed people of the world. At the same time as the news breaks about Aung San Suu Kyi, I received the news that my sister Mary will be posthumously recognized as one of Alaska’s Hospice Heroes of Healthcare 2012. Now in this context, being a hero means something entirely different. According to anthropologist Joseph Campbell, who studied cultures around the world, “a hero is someone who has given his life to something bigger than oneself.” This definition fits my sister as she dedicated her life to assisting seniors, victims of dementia and those plagued with health issues. She is best known for her work in the emerging field of integrating the comfort of pets into patient care in the health care setting. By founding the Pet Assisted Wellness program at Providence Hospital she pioneered the first formalized pet therapy program in Alaska. She left something bigger than herself and for this she is now one of four Healthcare Heroes of 2012. But there is still another kind of hero. English actor Richard Attenborough believes we need certain peoples — heroes — by whom we can measure our own shortcomings. These are perhaps the heroes least recognized as they quietly go about their business in exemplary form day in and day out. In this context, a father I encounter regularly at the swimming pool comes to mind as an everyday hero. Thank you for letting me honor her memory in my column. Through the years I have watched this devoted father give his visually impaired, handicapped son a few moments of fun and comfort by helping him float on top of the water. The routine never changes despite the level of agitation that his son may be having that day. His son is now a young man, sprouting chin hair. His prospects for a normal life are unlikely. No matter, his father is there for him; ever patient and tender day in and day out. Knowing that I lack such a reservoir of patience and would likely rely on services for the handicapped were I ever in such a situation, this father has always been a hero to me. I have always wanted to tell him this. Now prompted by the news of other heroes, I intend to let him know what an inspiration he is to me. Whether the stage is national, statewide or in your backyard, there are many heroes among us to inspire and enrich our lives. May they all in time get the recognition they deserve. Who are your heroes? • Troll is a longtime Alaska resident and resides in Douglas. http://juneauempire.com/opinion/2012-04-08/heroes-among-us-large-and-small#.T4G56dmOuVp ----------------------------------------------- Burma: Government makes peace with Karen rebels – but why not Kachin? By Zin Linn Apr 08, 2012 8:39PM UTC On 6 April, Burmese government peace-making team headed by Railways Minister Aung Min and the Karen National Union’s peace delegation led by Secretary Zipporah Sein held talks in Rangoon. The two sides agreed to work step-by-step for a nationwide cease-fire and to end conflict in ethnic areas. Both sides also agreed to undertake people’s safety including resettlement of thousands of refugees displaced by armed conflicts in the Karen state, and also to cooperate on removal of landmine. Moreover, President Thein Sein also met six delegates from the Karen National Union (KNU) on 7 April in Naypyidaw, according to a government official who asked not to be named, following negotiations with ministers in Rangoon on Friday, AFP News said. On the contrary, government has delayed to settle down the conflicts in Kachin state. The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) has offered to end ongoing warfare if the government will commence talks for a nationwide ceasefire. But Burmese government authorities did not show any positive signal. Instead, recently in April, Burmese Army is preparing to launch a major offensive against Kachin’s administrative capital Laiza, referring local sources the Kachinland News reported. A fierce fighting between the KIA’s 19th Battalion of 5th Brigade and Burmese soldiers broke out on 6 April as Burmese Army has substantially increased its attacks directed at the headquarters of the KIO’s Administrative Headquarter. A 17-year-old armistice between Burmese Government and the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), Burma’s second largest rebel groups, has been collapsed on June 9, 2011 sending more than 50,000 Kachin war-refugees fleeing across the Sino-Burma border into Chinese side makeshift shelters. According to local witnesses, the Burmese army has suffered serious fatalities since the Kachin resistance troops used surprise ambush attacks. As said by the KIO, intercepts of Burma army’s radio messages revealed a shocking number of lethally wounded soldiers on the side of the government armed forces, Kachin News Group said. Kachin State in Northern Burma is extremely vital to China and unruly armed clashes between Burma Army and the KIO could have an impact on its business enterprise exploiting the region as a channel for twin-gas energy-pipeline to its southwestern province of Yunnan. Building of twin oil and gas pipeline from Kyauk-pru in southeastern Arakan State of Burma, across middle-Burma and Kachin State, to China’s Yunnan province is going ahead. In addition, the Kachin State is home to many hydropower projects including Myitsone dam designed to provide electricity to China. The project is headed by a Chinese state-owned firm China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) in partnership with Burma’s state-owned Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE). After the billion-dollar twin pipeline project completed, it will serve sending oil and gas energy from Burma’s Kyaukpru deep-seaport in Arakan State to China’s Yunnan province. According to KNG, the KIA’s Eighth Battalion has controlled a long stretch of northern Shan State slated to be the route of the Shwe-gas pipeline project. Currently the Eighth Battalion is under attack at key points along the pipeline route. This includes Namtu, Mandong, Nam Kham and KIA positions near Muse close to the Chinese border. Armed clashes between the Burma Army and the armed wing of Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) resumed in northern Burma in March to date after both sides failed to reach an agreement during the latest round of peace talks (March 8-10) in China. The state-owned newspaper, the New Light of Myanmar, said on March 11 that Union level peace-making group and a central delegation of Kachin Independence Organization held peace talks for the third time at Jingcheng Hotel in Shweli in the People’s Republic of China from March 8 to 11. The two sides announced a joint-statement after talks. The joint-statement said that the two sides have satisfied the peace talks between the Union level peace-making group of the government and KIO’s central delegation. The statement said the peace talks had seen progress and the two sides could build trust during the meetings. The peace talks will continue through political means. It also mentioned that military tensions would be decreased as a result of the peace talks. The two sides will continue to discuss the issues related to the outposts in conflict areas until achieving an agreement, as mentioned in the joint-statement. But, the primary agreements of Ruili’s meetings publicized on 11 March that both sides agreed were neglected by the government army. The latest fighting in northern Shan state came less than 24 hours after a joint statement issued on March 11 by delegates from both the KIO and the Burmese government. The joint-statement said: “The two sides believe that military tensions would be decreased as a result of the peace talks.” Meanwhile, approximately a thousand government soldiers from Tactical Operations Command 1 and 2 plus infamous 88th LID took a stronghold in Gang-Dau-Yang and Daw-Hpum-Yang in preparation of a major assault on Kachin headquarters. Local sources reported that 13 Burmese Army trucks transported heavy artillery including 105 mm, 120 mm howitzers and field guns to Gang Dau Yang since last Wednesday. Skirmishes occur daily near Npawn village and Ja Hta village as Burmese Army continues its offensive to get a stronghold in areas around Gang-Dau-Yang. “Latest troops movements and transportation of military equipment all indicated that Burmese Army is preparing for a major assault,” quoting a local observer the Kachinland News said. Local sources also say that Burmese Army’s Bureau of Air Defence got 3 fighter jets ready at Nampong Air Force Base in Myitkyina for upcoming assault on KIA. KIO has constantly asked the government to withdraw its troops toward the line agreed in 1994 ceasefire accord to show its peace proposal is sincere and genuine. Most recent battles took place in the KIO’s territories accepted during 1994-2011ceasefire period. http://asiancorrespondent.com/80066/burma-government-makes-peace-with-karen-rebels-but-why-not-kachin/ ----------------------------------------- BANGKOK POST Published: 8/04/2012 at 03:21 AM Newspaper section: Spectrum In his own words: the rise and fall of Khin Nyunt In a rare interview since the lifting of his house arrest, the ex-spy boss and former prime minister talks about the events leading to his downfall, peace deals with ethnic groups, his 'brotherly' admiration for Aung San Suu Kyi and the awakening of his faith The quiet narrow street leading to our destination is lined with big houses and mansions once inhabited by some of Myanmar's former ruling military elite. Most of them, including the now officially retired Senior General Than Shwe, have moved to new homes in the capital city of Nay Pyi Taw, many with new civilian jobs. However, one formerly very high-ranking member of the old military regime, former prime minister General Khin Nyunt, is still living in Yangon. No new house has been built for him in Nay Pyi Taw; in fact until recently he was under house arrest at his home in Yangon. Once dubbed the "prince of evil" by the Western media, Gen Khin Nyunt was freed in January by the new government led by President Thein Sein, himself a former general and a junior to Gen Khin Nyunt in the old regime. The charges levelled against him in October 2004 by the now-defunct State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) led by Sen Gen Than Shwe, were "disobedience" and "corruption". Looking back on his years in power and subsequent downfall, Gen Khin Nyunt says he has no regrets. "I have a clear conscience as far as my service to the country. I happened to be at a particular turn in my country's history. That was not my choice. I have been a sitting duck for all kinds of politically motivated attacks from all quarters, domestic and abroad. I understand this is not unique to me. This has been the case in many other countries too. I have never abused the power entrusted in me or built personal wealth," he said. "I never play golf," he said suddenly. "My mentor U Tint Swe told me not to. You lose your precious time for work and it will also cost you risky social talks. I returned all the golf sets sent to me as gifts. "I would say, in doing my job in the past, some of my colleagues might have misconceptions about me. However, I let all bygones be bygones. I will not waste time digging up or straightening out the past. I devote most of my time to religion now. Last week, I donated 1,000 pairs of robes to the Sangha to honour the 75th birthday of the Venerable Thitagu Sayadaw, one of the spiritual authorities of my faith," said Gen Khin Nyunt. The general has, he says, abandoned any aspirations to once again ascend the political heights. He has no desire to return to public life or politics, at least in the near future. "Right now, I am devoting my time to running a small charity organisation in my hometown. I have been, and I always will be, just an ordinary citizen of the country, but of course with all the rights and responsibilities of an ordinary citizen in a democracy. I am satisfied with that." He and his family spent seven years in custody, but the original term of imprisonment far exceeded his life span. Two of his key followers, Colonel San Pwint and Brigadier Tin Ngwe, remain in jail. Another, Colonel Kyaw Win, died in prison. At the time of Gen Khin Nyunt's fall from grace rumours circulated among the public that Gen Than Shwe had removed him to pre-empt a coup. Three truckloads of gold ingots were said to have been found in his home compound and carted away by state authorities. However, the secret trial against him was brief, and the public was kept in the dark about what took place. Gen Khin Nyunt is considered by some to be among the least corrupt and most moderate of the ruling elite of his time, but the once powerful general gained notoriety in the Western media for being the intelligence chief of a military junta which fiercely oppressed its political opponents, including Nobel peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi of the National League for Democracy (NLD). Gen Khin Nyunt is said to have been atrocious in his dealings with anti-junta politicians. SHOT CALLERS: Former dictator Ne Win, above, and retired Senior General Than Shwe. Gen Khin Nyunt is also known as the driver behind the "seven-step road map to democracy", which had a role in Myanmar's current political reforms. The idea of a path to reconciliation between the Myanmar junta and the Western-backed NLD was first put forward in late 2003 or early 2004 by the Thai government led by Thaksin Shinawatra. It was known as the "Bangkok Process". Gen Khin Nyunt visited Bangkok and appropriated the outline, and soon after Myanmar resumed its long stalled national convention to draft a constitution. Less than a year later Gen Khin Nyunt was put on trial, blacklisted because of corruption within military intelligence organisations he headed and possibly also his overtures to ethnic groups and the pro-democracy camp and/or jealousy or disapproval from the power elite over lucrative business deals to which he was connected. At the time of Gen Khin Nyunt's arrest, his son Ye Naing Win was an executive for Myanmar's only internet service provider, Bagan Cybertech, which had just signed a multi-million dollar deal with Shin Satellite Plc, controlled by the family of former prime minister Thaksin, to lease transponder capacity. Bagan Cybertech was subsequently taken over by the military. THE CLIMB TO THE TOP Gen Khin Nyunt has kept a low profile since his release from house arrest three months ago, and has turned down requests for interviews by the Burmese language programmes of Western media. As our car approached his house, our guide cautioned us not to take any photos without first seeking permission. As the gate swung open, a man led us to a waiting area next to the newly-painted mansion in the middle of a large compound. Then another man led us into the inner sitting room inside the house. Within a few seconds, a smiling Gen Khin Nyunt emerged from another room. With seven years of house arrest showing on his face, the 71-year-old former intelligence chief started the conversation with a story about his childhood. Born in a small agricultural town near the sea, about 50km southeast of Yangon, he has five elder sisters. His father was a country lawyer. He recalled his experience living under Japanese occupation as a boy. That experience motivated him to join the army as a cadet officer in 1959. He talked fondly about his military mentor, Colonel Tint Swe. His rise to prominence began when he was only a captain. It was in the late 1970s, when Myanmar's socialist dictator, General Ne Win, who seized power in a 1962 coup, was looking for a personal aide. He asked Tint Swe to find a trustworthy security officer for his household. Tint Swe sent Gen Khin Nyunt, but not before giving him a list of ''dos and don'ts''. Gen Khin Nyunt worked hard, and earned the trust of Gen Ne Win in six months. After the downfall of Gen Ne Win in 1988, Gen Khin Nyunt became the frontman of a new regime led by General Saw Maung which harshly suppressed the student-led uprising of 1988 and locked out the NLD after its landslide 1990 election victory. It was Gen Khin Nyunt who drafted Order 1/90 for the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), declaring that the wining party had to wait for office until a new constitution was drawn up and approved by a referendum. The order made him the main target of attacks by the global media. When Gen Saw Maung was quietly removed in 1992, apparently for his promise to return the military to the barracks after a general election, Gen Than Shwe, from the Engineering Corps, succeeded him. Gen Khin Nyunt also survived this transition of power and the junta later re-fashioned its mission _ from ''law and order restoration'' to ''peace and development'', with a name change from SLORC to SPDC. The SPDC's stated aims _ infrastructure expansion and a switch to a market economy _ were almost missions impossible for the unpopular regime, especially as it was under Western-imposed economic sanctions. Nevertheless, the SPDC hung on to power, and Gen Khin Nyunt remained at centre stage until his downfall in late 2004. ETHNIC PEACEMAKER Asked what was his greatest achievement while in power, Gen Khin Nyunt replied without hesitation: ''Of course, my peace deals. Our indigenous brethren are basically simple and honest though they may have certain prejudices in their minds. But once they trust you, you can win everything.'' In addition to his mostly undisclosed dealings as head of military intelligence, Gen Khin Nyunt could be described as a ''workaholic'' among those who were trying to end the longstanding ethnic conflicts that began with Myanmar's independence from Britain in 1948. As ''secretary number one'', his other official position in the junta, he made numerous initiatives offering concessions to various armed minority groups. The Kokang led by Phone Kyar Shin was the first of the 17 armed ethnic groups that made a ceasefire agreement with him. This group of Chinese descent were not happy with members of the Myanmar Communist Party roaming in their region, and were also weary of the long civil war. They did not believe their eyes, said Gen Khin Nyunt, when accompanied by a handful of officials he risked his life by walking into their territory in response to their invitation for him to make initial contacts for peace negotiations. ''It was like walking into a killing zone,'' he said. ''There were hundreds of Kokang soldiers armed with rifles on high ridges on both sides of the hills.'' He later told them he had entrusted his life into their hands. The dramatic gesture contributed to a breakthrough, and a series of ceasefire deals, including with the Wa and Kachin, followed suit. Gen Khin Nyunt was also close to winning a comprehensive peace agreement with the Karen National Union under the late General Bo Mya. During their direct talks in Yangon in 2002, Gen Khin Nyunt hosted a birthday party for the KNU leader at a five-star hotel. By that time, Gen Bo Mya had already made up his mind and pledged to sign a peace agreement to end the civil war. However, Gen Bo Mya's failing health delayed it, and KNU hard-liners subsequently foiled the peace plan, said Gen Khin Nyunt. Asked why he had succeeded in dealing with minority groups, Gen Khin Nyunt said: ''I started out with what I could offer, not with my demands, and with absolute sincerity on my part. You must win their trust.'' Regarding the current impasse in the renewed peace efforts with the Kachin, he said: ''They have their tribal and religious leaders. Dealing with the KIO [Karen Independence Organisation] or the KIA alone is not enough.'' He did not elaborate, but said he still remembers the cordial talks he had with KIO leaders like Tuja Manam and Colonel James Lum Dau. Tuja Manam was one of the key participants in the process of writing Myanmar's constitution, both in the national convention and later in the drafting commission from 1994 to 2008. After the new constitution was adopted, he resigned from the KIO in order to enter the new political landscape, of which he was an architect. But his attempt to stand in the 2010 general election was rejected by the SPDC, which suspected his old KIO past. He tried again in last Sunday's by-elections, but the government cancelled all three constituencies in Kachin State, including his, for security reasons. Col James Lum Dau, the KIO foreign affairs chief in Bangkok, also has been vocal in defending constructive engagement with the Myanmar military government. Overall, Gen Khin Nyunt signed as many as 17 ceasefire deals and gave assistance to economic development schemes in ethnic territories. These initiatives, combined with the misconduct of hundreds of his followers who amassed personal wealth using him as their shield, could have been the recipe for his downfall. CHANGING TIMES Myanmar is a different country in 2012. With Mrs Suu Kyi's decision to cooperate with the government led by President Thein Sein and contest last Sunday's by-elections, a series of speedy liberalisation steps have taken place to the surprise of the world. Somehow a new kind of politics seems to be taking off in Myanmar. There are criticisms of the constitution and its stipulation that 25% of the membership of the National Assembly must be made up of active military personnel, but the daily motions, debates and votes in the elected assembly in Nay Pyi Taw are freely mirrored in the domestic media without prior approval of the state censor board, as was needed before. More than 200 weekly journals are thriving with a news-hungry readership. Open mass meetings and events commemorating the struggle against the old regime are now tolerated. The number of tourists visiting Myanmar has increased almost overnight. Western media are optimistic, yet cautious, about the rapid political changes. Benedict Rogers of Christian Solidarity Worldwide captured this mood in an article published in the Christian Science Monitor, titled, ''Go on Thein Sein, surprise us.'' Foreign ministers and diplomats from Western democracies have rushed to Myanmar to appraise the thaw. Washington has sent special envoy Derek Mitchell six times in seven months to Yangon to meet Mrs Suu Kyi. Foreign observers were also allowed to monitor last Sunday's by-elections, although there were complaints of inadequate access. Twice in our conversation, Gen Khin Nyunt emphasised his code of ethics as a military officer. He said he was loyal to three things: the country, the institution (ie, the military), and his superiors. In 2002, the spoiled grandsons of Gen Ne Win planned a putsch against Gen Than Shwe, whom they despised. As intelligence chief, Gen Khin Nyunt had to arrest these young men he had once babysat. Those close to him said he was almost moved to tears, but he was determined to do his job. Regarding speculation that he may have been behind an attempt on the life of Mrs Suu Kyi on May 30, 2003, when her convoy was attacked by pro-junta men on the outskirts of Depayin Township in Sagaing Division, Gen Khin Nyunt said it was him who actually saved her from the angry mob. ''I sent my men to snatch her from the mob that night and they brought her to safety at a nearby army cantonment,'' he said. The incident, known as the Depayin massacre, left at least 50 people dead, according to the opposition. Many observers have indicated where Gen Khin Nyunt's vulnerability lay at the time of his downfall. He did not have solid backing from any of the powerful regional military commanders who practically ruled the country as warlords during the long junta era. He had been a desk officer rather than a fighting commander in the field. While ordinary people feared him because he was the actual CEO of the state's terror machine, army generals on the front lines disdained him. They gained enemies in the long war against ethnic groups, while Gen Khin Nyunt gained more friends through peace deals. FAITH IN REFORMS Gen Khin Nyunt sees the reforms now under way in Myanmar as an extension of the efforts he helped initiate during his time in office. ''President U Thein Sein is one of my old colleagues. I respect him as well as his new role in transforming our country into democracy. He is continuing what we have collectively endeavoured throughout the years. I wish him success in his work and I will regard his achievements as my own. Gen Khin Nyunt says despite his reputation while in office he also respects democracy icon Mrs Suu Kyi. ''I once said that I regarded Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as my own [younger] sister. This remains the same, my brotherly admiration and respect for her resoluteness. I have a track record of trying my best to work together with civilian politicians of all shapes and ages. Unfortunately, certain situations needed more time to mature during my time. So I sincerely wish her success in collaborating with the new government and bringing our country to democracy.'' http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/investigation/287955/in-his-own-words-the-rise-and-fall-of-khin-nyunt -------------------------------------------- Myanmar on the path of democracy Last Updated: Sunday, April 08, 2012, 15:39 Views 2322 Comments 6 Tags: Myanmar, Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar`s democracy, Preeti Panwar Preeti Panwar “The democracy process provides for political and social change without violence. The struggle for democracy and human rights in Burma is a struggle for life and dignity. It is a struggle that encompasses our political, social and economic aspirations.” Pro-democracy icon, Aung San Suu Kyi’s words portray her emotions and her determination. They encompass the sacrifices of the woman who has dedicated her entire life to bring change in her homeland. She was ready to face any challenges that came her way to achieve her dreams. For the future of Myanmar and for the betterment of her countrymen, she stood her ground in the face of adversity and scarified much in the process, even her family life. Ironically, the soft-spoken leader who raised her voice to bring democracy in a country ruled by the military junta for the last half century was kept under house arrest since1989 for almost two decades. This was Myanmar’s dictatorial Army’s way of trying to suppress the dreams of Suu Kyi and end her political career. Aung San Suu Kyi was released from house arrest on November 13, 2010 with global leaders hailing the move and hoping that it would pave the way for restoration of real democracy in the country. From living a housewife’s life in England to winning the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, the petite Suu Kyi has indeed come a long way. Suu Kyi’s determination and strength is in her blood. Her father was General Aung San, an independence hero assassinated in 1947, and her mother was Khin Kyi, also a prominent figure. Keen to continue her father's legacy, she entered politics and founded the National League for Democracy (NLD) in 1988 becoming its secretary-general and calling for an end to a military rule that has left thousands dead. Her release in November 2010 was seen as the beginning of an inclusive reconciliation in Myanmar. With her mesmerising influence over the people, she is capable of drawing big crowds and with few words can win the hearts of those who are in love with the ideals of democracy. Now, the global icon for democracy will at last ascend towards Parliament for the first time. Sunday’s by-elections in Myanmar marked the NLD's foray into politics after 1990 with a landslide win which was annulled by the then military. The landslide victory of 43 seats out of 45 vacant parliamentary seats gave a crushing blow to the ruling party of Myanmar, Union Solidarity and Development Party, (USDP) reversing the fate of what happened twelve years ago in 1990 when the military ignored her party’s win. For one of the world’s most prominent political prisoner to make a debut in the Parliament, Suu Kyi has to now resurrect the hopes and desires of her countrymen. After her release, this humungous victory will add more strength and power to the people, who have lived under brutal suppression for years, and it will also mark the comprehensive transformation after decades of military rule that ended last year. Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) will be the main Opposition in the Parliament of Myanmar paving the way for the demands of a democratic nation by the common people. Suu Kyi’s win is definitely a turning point in the country’s history. Within less than 17 months after her release and with fears of irregularities and unfairness during voting, very few would have imagined that Suu Kyi will rise from an advocate of democracy to an elected seat, paving the way for a potential presidential run in 2015. All of this has been made possible by the lakhs of supporters who want democracy to come to their country. Two days before the by-polls, Suu Kyi said that her party's aim remained the same - to help people "free themselves from the fear and indifference in which they have been sunk”. It’s an unprecedented feat that Suu Kyi has been able to bend the military junta. The Junta has now swapped their military uniform for civilian suits, releasing hundreds of political prisoners, signing ceasefires with rebels, relaxing media censorship and opening a direct dialogue with Suu Kyi. Her victory has galvanized the browbeaten masses, giving hope where only the smallest sliver existed before. This victory of NLD, although without changing the balance of power, is a preview to the full general elections due in 2015. First Published: Sunday, April 08, 2012, 08:29 http://zeenews.india.com/news/exclusive/myanmar-on-the-path-of-democracy_768900.html ----------------------------------------- THE WALL STREET JOURNAL Myanmar's Karen Rebels Meet With Aung San Suu Kyi By JAMES HOOKWAY The search for an end to one of Asia's longest-running guerrilla wars took a step forward Sunday when members of the Karen rebel movement met with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi on Sunday, a day after a rebel delegation met with President Thein Sein. Aung San Suu Kyi, left, and Naw Si Pho Ra Sein, right, general secretary of the Karen National Union, after their meeting at Ms. Suu Kyi's residence on Sunday. Ms. Suu Kyi's two-and-a-half hour meeting shows that the new opposition in the country's parliament considers resolving Myanmar's insurgencies as a key element in rebuilding the country and pulling it out from decades of international isolation. "These meetings will definitely support our efforts to achieve national reconciliation, and these meetings will help bring about a genuine democratic nation,'' Ms. Suu Kyi said after Sunday's meeting, the Associated Press reported. Members of the Karen National Union on Friday strengthened plans for a cease-fire during discussions with government officials, bolstering an agreement the two sides forged in January. Mr. Thein Sein's meeting Saturday with several Karen delegates at the administrative capital Naypyitaw underscored the progress the peace process is beginning to make, and showed how the government views it as a crucial part of the political reforms that the country's military-backed rulers began last year. Myanmar, which is also known as Burma, has long been plagued by vicious ethnic wars, especially in its northern and eastern states, where local leaders often resented stifling central control under the previous military regime. Negotiating cease-fires and bringing former rebels into the political mainstream could also help persuade Western nations to further relax sanctions on Myanmar as it continues to move toward opening up its political system. Finding a lasting peace is a difficult undertaking, however. The are several guerrilla conflicts in the country, dating back to just after the formation of Myanmar and independence from Britain in 1948. The guerrilla wars have been marked by a series of human-rights abuses, international investigators say, from press-ganging ethnic minorities to a systematic campaign of army-sponsored rape and torture. The Karen insurgency is one of the largest and most important, both for the size of the Karen population, which is around 7% of Myanmar's total, and for the activities in strategic areas, including Myanmar's border with Thailand and the area around a proposed deep-sea port at Dawei. At one point the rebels threatened to block roads and disrupt the project, which Myanmar's government views as a vital pivot point in its future development. A sustainable peace deal between the central government and Karen, Kachin and other ethnic insurgents could go a long way to buoying the country's economy, which has been held back in part because of hostilities in many of Myanmar's border areas. Brutal military crackdowns in rebel areas also were among the factors that led the U.S. and European Union to impose wide-ranging political and economic sanctions on Myanmar in the 1990s, which forced the country's former military government to depend heavily on China for trade and investment. One person familiar with the situation said the Karen delegation's discussions focused on how to institute a lasting cease-fire between Karen National Union forces and the Myanmar government, while also guaranteeing the safety of civilian populations in conflict zones. KNU general-secretary Zipporah Sein and other Karen leaders expect to continue this round of discussions until April 11. Myanmar government officials couldn't immediately be reached for comment. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton rewarded recent progress in the country with the first visit from an American foreign policy chief in 50 years last December, and while in Yangon said that the U.S. intended to assign an ambassador to Myanmar in the coming months. The rapprochement between the U.S. and Myanmar accelerated further after a series of by-elections April 1 returned Ms. Suu Kyi—a Nobel Peace Prize winner and former political prisoner—and other opposition candidates to the country's parliament. Washington responded by saying it would partially ease some if its sanctions on Myanmar, relaxing a travel ban on some government officials and dropping some restrictions on financial transactions with the country. The European Union, too, is widely expected to relax some of its sanctions on Myanmar later in April. http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052702303772904577331131811787126.html?mod=googlenews_wsj ------------------------------------------- Myanmar’s banks rise again April 8 2012 at 12:46pm By Reuters Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the National League for Democracy party, an Oxford University graduate and a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, was catapulted into parliament in last Sundays historic by-election bringing hope of better economic times. Photo: Bloomberg. Every table and much of the floor at Co-Operative Bank in Myanmar’s commercial capital is stacked with thick bricks of the local kyat currency. Money counting machines clatter. Workers carry sacks of cash slung over their shoulders. A few blocks away, brokers in a small colonial-era building leaf through bundles of cash, part of an ancient hawala money transfer network used widely in Asia and the Middle East, and one of the only ways to get cash out of Myanmar. “I have no doubt that the banks can catch up very fast,” Serge Pun, the chairman of SPA Group, a Myanmar investment company whose holdings range from real estate to financial services, said. “But we need the regulatory authorities to be ahead of us.” That is starting to happen. On Monday, Myanmar’s dysfunctional banking system took a big step into the 21st century with the floating of the kyat, the most dramatic economic reform yet by a one-year-old civilian government and one that promises to transform trade, banking and public finances at a critical time. It coincides with a scramble at Myanmar’s banks to prepare for what many see as inevitable: a wave of foreign investment and the lifting of Western sanctions after Sunday’s historic by-election catapulted pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi into parliament. For 35 years, the kyat was pegged to the International Monetary Fund’s special drawing rights at 6.4 kyat (about R7.49) a dollar, a rate only available to state-owned companies and about 125 times stronger than the black-market rate of 800 to 820 kyat used for most transactions. A new reference rate, set at 818 per dollar on Monday, is the first phase of a plan to gradually unify rates used by private enterprises and create a market rate, according to central bank documents, simplifying foreign trade and investment. It could also build confidence in a banking system tainted by money-laundering allegations and cut off from the global financial system. Anticipating the changes, Myanmar’s banks have begun an overhaul. Some are sending staff for training in Singapore and other financial centres, rolling out new technology and plotting branch expansions. Global banks such as Standard Chartered and Singapore’s United Overseas Bank (UOB) are watching closely, as the former British colony embarks on its most dramatic changes since a 1962 military coup, when it was known as Burma. So Lay Hua, the managing director of transaction banking at UOB in Singapore, senses opportunity. Her bank recently helped train Burmese bankers in currency trading and risk management, and she is encouraged by a possible end to sanctions. Standard Chartered is also considering re-entering the market. “We are watching developments with interest,” a spokesman said. Standard Chartered began operations in Myanmar in 1862 but shut its representative office in 2003 during the latest of several banking crises. But despite the reforms, Myanmar’s banking system could remain among the world’s most basic for years, blighted by decades of mismanagement, say bankers, local authorities and industry experts. The financial system, they add, needs to be rebuilt almost from scratch. The first ATMs only recently arrived. Credit cards are barely used. The US still bans financial transactions with Myanmar under its sanctions. “There is a lot of hype right now about the prospects for Myanmar, but banking is very far off into the future in terms of real material growth,” said Derek Ovington, an analyst at CLSA Asia-Pacific Markets in Singapore. “It has a great potential as a growth economy, but the starting point is very low,” he added. “You are talking years of development before it becomes material to anybody.” Burmese banks have a history of ill-fated optimism. Dozens of local and foreign banks thrived in the 1950s. But the industry withered after a 1962 coup introduced a disastrous “Burmese Way to Socialism” and sweeping nationalisation. In 1988, the country’s former military rulers re-introduced a market economy. Soon after, in 1992, private banks were allowed. Foreign banks began opening representative offices, poised for a day when they could do business in the resource-rich country of about 60 million people. That day never quite arrived. Decades of dictatorship and the brutal suppression of pro-democracy activists brought layers of US and European economic sanctions. Concerns over money laundering from a robust drug trade – Myanmar is the world’s second-largest opium producer – eventually quarantined the financial system. In 2003, shady money lending practices caught up with the sector, sparking a crisis exacerbated by inept decision-making at the central bank. Three banks collapsed. Accusations of money laundering have since begun to fade but other problems are entrenched, including restrictions that prevent foreign banks from doing little more than research at representative offices. Several foreign banks, however, say they are considering opening new representative offices. – Reuters http://www.iol.co.za/business/international/myanmar-s-banks-rise-again-1.1271832 ----------------------------------------- Myanmar president holds landmark talks with rebels Peace with ethnic Karin militias could help end Western sanctions Reuters, updated 4/7/2012 11:32:49 PM ET YANGON — Myanmar's president had a landmark meeting on Saturday with one of the country's biggest ethnic rebel groups, a mediator said, marking one of the biggest steps taken by a government seeking "everlasting peace" after decades of hostilities. Thein Sein, a former infantry commander and heavyweight in the junta that ceded power a year ago, told a visiting delegation of the Karen National Union (KNU) that his government viewed the rebels as brothers rather than enemy with whom the army had fought since 1949. The meeting in the capital Naypyitaw was the first time the reform-minded president had met rebel leaders since he issued a call for dialogue last August, embarking on a three-phase peace process with more than a dozen groups aimed at bringing them into Myanmar's new political system. "The president explained his change of attitude towards ethnic armed groups," a mediator who attended the meeting told Reuters by telephone, requesting anonymity because he was not authorized to talk to the media. "He told them he considered ethnic armed groups as enemies when he was a soldier but after becoming president, he considers them as ethnic brethren." Peace with the militias has been demanded by Western nations now reviewing economic and political sanctions. Thein Sein's meeting comes after an historic by-election on Sunday won by opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's party. The international community appears to have recognized the polls as free and fair and several governments have hinted strongly that some sanctions could be lifted this month. The former regime's suppression of ethnic minorities and allegations of human rights violations by troops were a key factor in imposing the embargoes. The peace process is one of the most ambitious plans by a quasi-civilian government dominated by retired generals of the authoritarian regime who were despised by most Burmese and regarded by the West as pariahs. The new administration has embarked on a wave of social, political and economic reforms that it says are "irreversible" as it seeks to get sanctions lifted to allow a flood of foreign investment into one of Asia's last remaining frontier markets. Government negotiators started political talks with the KNU in Yangon on Friday, marking the beginning of second stage of the process, which is expected to focus on how the groups can enter national politics while maintaining some kind of self-governance at regional level. Two state negotiating groups have reached ceasefire agreements - stage one - with about a dozen armies or ethnic-based political groups so far. The mediator attending Thein Sein's meeting on Saturday said the 66-year-old president had indicated the constitution could be amended to give all groups political representation. "The weapons held in their hands should not be for fighting each other but for defending the country," he quoted Thein Sein as telling the KNU. "The president said that all provisions in the constitution can be amended if all nationalities are united." http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/46986130/ns/world_news-asia_pacific/#.T4G9ytmOuVo