News & Articles on Burma-Wednesday, February 29, 2012-uzl

News & Articles on Burma Wednesday, February 29, 2012 -------------------------------------- Is Suu Kyi Heading for a Cabinet Position? Kokang wants to join ceasefire talks Protesters Demand End of Shwe Gas Pipeline Myanmar Like a Rich Child Living Off Trust Fund: Suu Kyi New Players in Myanmar's Markets Burmese Focus on Aung San Suu Kyi's Campaign Trail Japan Considers Resuming Loans to Myanmar Burmese democracy champion says sanctions helping Myanmar's Suu Kyi says reforms could be reversed Myanmar election commission rejects challenge to Suu Kyi’s candidacy for seat in parliament Reform in Myanmar is irreversible: Top Yangon official Full Support for Ex-Spy Chief's Social Work: MP ---------------------------------------- NEWS ANALYSIS Is Suu Kyi Heading for a Cabinet Position? By THE IRRAWADDY Wednesday, February 29, 2012 As Burma's political parties enter the final month of campaigning ahead of April 1 by-elections, speculation is growing among observers inside the country that National League for Democracy (NLD) leader Aung San Suu Kyi could be given a cabinet seat. Although only 48 seats are up for grabs—40 in the Lower House, six in the Upper House and two in regional assemblies—out of a total of more than 1,000, Suu Kyi's immense popularity and longstanding status as the leader of the democratic opposition should, by many people's reckoning, earn her a ministerial post. Since officially kicking off her party's campaign about a month ago, Suu Kyi has drawn enthusiastic crowds of thousands eager to see the woman known to most Burmese simply as “the Lady”—or, even more affectionately, “Aunty Suu.” In addition to visiting Kawhmu, the impoverished Irrawaddy Delta constituency she hopes to represent in Parliament, Suu Kyi has stumped for NLD candidates in the southern port town of Tavoy—set to be transformed into a massive industrial site by Thai investors—and Myitkyina, in the far north and close to an ongoing conflict between Burmese government forces and ethnic Kachin insurgents. In both locations, and in others she has visited, she has made it clear that this is no ordinary election, raising themes that range from the country's economic prospects to the need for reconciliation among ethnic groups, democratic forces and the military. Her central message on the need to restore democratic norms to a country long ruled by the military—one that she has voiced consistently since rising to prominence more than two decades ago—has been well received by the public, and so far hasn't drawn the ire of authorities. It is widely believed that at least some in the nominally civilian government that came to power last year are in favor of co-opting Suu Kyi's domestic popularity and global name recognition, but it is far from sure that this will translate into giving her a high-profile position close to the president, retired general Thein Sein. In journalistic circles in Rangoon, Burma's largest and most commercially important city, many are betting that Suu Kyi will be asked to head the health or education ministries. Both would be a good fit—she has often emphasized the need to dramatically increase the government's commitment to the basic needs of citizens—but neither would be particularly high-powered. Some have even suggested that Suu Kyi could be given an official role in helping to end ethnic conflict. But this is seen as less likely, given the military's well-known distrust of any effort to bring ethnic and democratic forces closer together. Still others say that the government could create a completely new position for Suu Kyi, such as minister in charge of coordinating international aid, to take advantage of her standing in the international community as an icon of democratic values. But this, too, is a long shot. It is also entirely possible that the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) will do everything in its power to marginalize Suu Kyi in Parliament, if it is unable to prevent her reaching there in the first place. The NLD and the USDP have a long and acrimonious history together. As the latest incarnation of the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), created by former dictator Snr-Gen Than Shwe to mobilize mass support for military rule, the USDP is closely linked to a long campaign to eliminate the NLD. The USDA's systematic harassment of the party that won Burma's 1990 election—dealing a humiliating blow to the then ruling junta's efforts to legitimize its hold on power—culminated in its suspected involvement in the 2003 Depayin massacre, which saw many of Suu Kyi's supporters murdered by pro-regime thugs. Even if a repeat of this infamous incident seems unlikely now, many dissidents fear that once Suu Kyi is in Naypyidaw, she will have little time or energy to act as the driving force within her party or as the leading figure of the pro-democracy movement. Worse still, they fear that Suu Kyi will suffer the fate that ultimately befalls all politicians—failing to live up to the expectations of the electorate. Considering that her campaign promises include doing her utmost to amend Burma's military-drafted Constitution and creating a genuine federal union in Burma with rights for all ethnic people, she will certainly have her work cut out for her, whatever job she ultimately gets when she goes to Naypyidaw. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=23125 ---------------------------------------- Kokang wants to join ceasefire talks Wednesday, 29 February 2012 18:31 S.H.A.N. The Kokang force, officially known as the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), that went into exile in 2009 following the occupation of Kokang on the Sino-Burmese border, told SHAN it is ready to open “reconciliation talks” with Naypyitaw. Peng Jiasheng The source, who requests anonymity, is a close relative of Peng Jiasheng, 81, the supreme leader of the MNDAA. “We are willing to put the past behind and look to the future,” he said. “We therefore want to stand together with other ethnic brethrens and open reconciliation talks with the Burmese government.” One of the obstacles toward this end may be the lawsuit filed by the police force against 4 of its top leaders: Peng Jiasheng, Peng Jiafu, Peng Daxun (Peng Deren) and Peng Dali. It had charged that the 4 had been operating a factory which was producing and selling arms and ammunition illegally. The result was the Burma Army offensive on 8 August 2009 against the MNDAA, that had since 1989 concluded a ceasefire agreement. The group claimed that it was merely an excuse to attack Kokang that had refused to become part of the Tatmadaw (National defense forces) without the guarantee of political autonomy. “The government should remove unwarranted charges against our leaders,” he said. “Full autonomy in internal affairs principle enshrined in the Panglong Agreement must also be respected.” Since 2009, the MNDAA has been regrouped and reorganized under the leadership of Peng Deren, 55, with assistance from “fraternal organizations”, obviously meaning Wa and Mongla. So far, Naypyitaw has signed initial ceasefire agreements with 9 movements, of which 4 are from Shan State: United Wa State Army (UWSA), National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), Restoration Council of Shan State / Shan State Army (RCSS/SSA) and Shan State Progress Party / Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA). It has also agreed to hold talks with the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), an alliance of 11 movements, which include 4 other groups from Shan State: Lahu Democratic Union (LDU), Palaung State Liberation Front (PSLF), PaO National Liberation Organization (PNLO) and Wa National Organization (WNO). As for another Shan State group, Kayan New Land Party (KNLP), one of its leaders told SHAN: “There has been no negotiations with us. We were told in 2009. that we had been officially recognized as a (Burma Army-run) local militia group. That was all.” Update (1 March 2012) More on Kokang Following Peng Jiasheng’s ouster in 2009, his former vice president and rival Bai Xuoqian was installed by the ruling junta as the new head of Kokang. It has now a Border Guard Force, BGF # 1006. In accordance with the 2008 constitution, Kokang is also a Self-Administered Zone. Bai and his colleague Liu Guoxi, both MPs in the new parliament, are reported as two of the known 7 drugloards in Burma’s legislature. http://www.english.panglong.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=4452:kokang-wants-to-join-ceasefire-talks&catid=85:politics&Itemid=266 ----------------------------------------- Protesters Demand End of Shwe Gas Pipeline By CHARLIE CAMPBELL / THE IRRAWADDY Thursday, March 1, 2012 Protesters outside the Chinese consulate in Chiang Mai demand an end to the Shwe Gas pipeline CHIANG MAI, THAILAND — Dozens of protesters gathered outside the Chinese consulate on Thursday morning to demand an end to the controversial Shwe Gas pipeline though central Burma. Activists chanted “no way no Shwe” and “CNPC out of Burma” while campaign leaders delivered an open letter to Burmese President Thein Sein that called for an end to the Beijing-backed project. In a scene mirrored at the Chinese embassy in Bangkok, representatives from a wide variety of community organizations joined together to highlight human rights abuses associated with the pipeline's construction from Burma’s western coast to China’s Yunnan Province. “Resentment of these pipelines is growing day by day. Thein Sein should listen to the will of the people,” said Shwe Gas Movement's Wong Aung. “Under the current unaccountable structure, gas monies from the project will only feed corruption and not benefit the people.” “China has been under increased pressure recently and has seen a lot of new challenges, especially with problems with its interests in Africa,” he told The Irrawaddy. “In Burma we need transparency as thousands have been displaced by these projects. The government has discretionary funds to back them so it's a big problem for the country.” The open letter expresses serious concerns over human rights abuses as well as the social, economic and environmental impact attributed to the Burmese, Chinese, South Korean and Indian companies involved. Set to come online in 2013, the pipeline will become the country’s largest source of foreign revenue, generating an estimated US $29 billion over 30 years. However, nearly all Shwe Gas will be exported to generate power in China at the same time as roughly 75 percent of the Burmese population does not receive electricity from the national grid. Activists from 130 groups put their names to the open letter, which strongly condemned the confiscation of thousands of acres of farmland for the project, and the military offensives against ethnic armies in the pipeline corridor in northern Shan State. “We are calling for the government to postpone this project until rights are protected and negative impacts are prevented within a sustainable framework for national development,” the letter states. “Thousands of acres of farm lands have been confiscated in Arakan and Shan states and Magwe and Mandalay divisions to clear the way for the pipeline corridor and related infrastructure. The livelihoods of local fishing families in Arakan State have been destroyed due to development of offshore infrastructure for the project.” And activists believe the recent suspension of the Chinese-backed Myitsone hydropower dam and Dawei (Tavoy) coal-fired plant projects demonstrates that Naypyidaw is starting to value public opinion. Garrett Kostin, of The Best Friend charity, joined in the Chiang Mai protest and said that now is the time to put more pressure on the new nominally civilian government. “There is still a huge impact for the future of Burma as, despite a lot of good changes that have been happening recently, there are still a lot of human rights abuses associated with the taking of natural resources and we see this as the time to push on and see more positive change,” he told The Irrawaddy. Protesters for the Shwe Gas Movement also handed Chinese consular officials a copy of their report “Sold Out,” which claims the ongoing projects have directly affected 80,000 people displaced along the 800 km (500 mile) pipeline route. The report says the natural gas, if used domestically, would transform Burma’s failing economy, addressing chronic energy shortages and unaffordable petrol prices that led to uprisings in 2007. The gas will instead be exported and billions of dollars will be swallowed up by a fiscal black hole that omits gas revenues from the national budget. The construction project incorporating the deep-sea port, gas terminal and oil transfers involves the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) as well as companies from across Asia. Observers believe that the ongoing armed conflict in Kachin State is Naypyidaw's way of safeguarding the pipeline route. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=23128 ------------------------------------------ Myanmar Like a Rich Child Living Off Trust Fund: Suu Kyi Published: Tuesday, 28 Feb 2012 | 11:34 PM ET By: Michael Kearns, Head of News and Programming, CNBC Asia-Pacific Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi has likened her resource-rich country to a rich child living off a trust fund and said she plans to push for greater change in Myanmar if her party wins by-elections due on April 1st. Andrew Holt | Photographer's Choice RF | Getty Images "Burma is suffering from trust kid syndrome...We have been living off unearned income because of our resources," the pro-democracy activist told the Young Presidents' Organization via videoconference at their leadership summit in Singapore on Wednesday. Myanmar, also known as Burma, sits on deposits of energy and minerals, but Western nations have imposed sanctions on it in response to the country's dismal record on human and political rights. President Thein Sein, a former commander-in-chief of the military, appears to be trying to alleviate the country's pariah status by taking such recent steps as releasing political prisoners and calling fresh elections. Western nations have responded by easing some visa restrictions on Myanmar officials and by improving diplomatic relations. Suu Kyi, who is campaigning for a seat in the upcoming vote, told the YPO members in Singapore that one of her key priorities for improving the economy is to ensure the rule of law and transparency. "Sound business depends on rule of law. Those who are interested in investing in Burma should investigate the investment laws, which are currently non-existent," she said. Suu Kyi also said she would push for other changes, including ending ethnic conflict and amending the constitution. "I am confident that we should be able to work with (President Thein Sein) because I believe he genuinely wants change in our country." Taking questions from some of the 2,000 guests at the YPO event, Suu Kyi showed her characteristic humor and humility. She said she has too much to do to reflect on her lofty international stature. "I am no icon. I am a worker." http://www.cnbc.com//id/46566775 ------------------------------------- February 29, 2012 New Players in Myanmar's Markets Local Entrepreneurs Gain Ground, Help Drive Reform; A Prawn Exporter Thinks of Running for Office By a WSJ Staff Reporter YANGON—For decades, much of Myanmar's wealth was tied up in the hands of the country's military and its cronies. Now, entrepreneurs like Yan Aung Kyaw have emerged as beneficiaries as well as drivers of reform. The 39-year-old Yangon businessman, who got a business degree in 2002, long felt stifled by the government's handing of monopolies to the well-connected, but lately he has seen more investment opportunities. He exports giant frozen prawns to a high-end supermarket chain in Hong Kong, is scouting for land for rubber plantations, and is trying to land small-scale mining licenses. He is even thinking of running for office to push for more liberalization. Related News Japan May Resume Loans to Myanmar He says it has become easier because the government has loosened rules on what companies can import and export. Until mid-2011, businesses had to submit for approval the lists of what they wanted to trade, and the council handling the requests met only once a week, he says. "If you missed the meeting, you had to wait," says Mr. Yan Aung Kyaw. Now, he says, approvals takes only a few days instead of weeks. Western leaders say the stranglehold over Myanmar's economy—long considered one of the most backward in Asia—by state enterprises and a small business elite that control assets related to timber, jewels and land helped to empower the military regime while leaving much of the country mired in poverty. A worker at a Yangon garment factory, above. Myanmar's garment industry and other sectors show signs of a renaissance amid market reforms. But small-scale businesses have emerged, and in some cases thrived below the surface in recent years, mostly by selling to local needs or making inroads in markets the government cared little about. Even before an elected government took power last year, Myanmar started quietly allowing more-independent business players to expand into agriculture, tourism and other parts of the economy. As their influence grows, they add to pressure on the government to open up more sectors, provide more credit and fix the country's complicated currency-exchange system. Since Myanmar's first election in 20 years, the new military-backed government has eased restrictions on the Internet, legalized the main opposition party, and freed hundreds of political prisoners. The U.S. said in January it would restore full diplomatic relations with Myanmar, and has indicated it may consider easing sanctions if a planned parliamentary by-election in April is seen to be free and fair. "These businesses aren't the big-ticket suppliers of cash to the regime—their interests are for a growing economy," said Sean Turnell, an associate professor at Macquarie University in Australia and an expert on Myanmar's economy. "Everyone has been surprised at the vibrancy and prominence of some of the business groups. That's really a new thing." It is too early in the reform process to say a boom is taking place among independent businesses. It also is difficult to say which businesses succeed because of preferential treatment by the government and which have excelled by market criteria. But locals and analysts say the ice is cracking in the business sector. One example of below-the-radar growth: the decidedly unflashy business of beans. For this predominantly agricultural nation, the sharp growth since 2002 of exports of lentils and chickpeas to its neighbor India proved a lucrative market, now valued at nearly $800 million annually, enriching small-time growers and traders. It was initially developed under the noses of the military, according to Ikuko Okamoto, a Japanese academic who has studied the beans and pulses market. Myanmar now vies with Canada as the world's largest exporter of dried beans, which are easy to grow and process, and require little fertilizer. Other small-scale businesses also are finding space to grow, in many cases through trade associations whose membership rolls have expanded dramatically. Chief among them is the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry. Once known as an opaque, government-linked organization, the group now includes thousands of midsize operators whose interests lie in more economic reform. A former head of the group, Win Myint, was appointed commerce minister last year, giving businessmen a direct line to the government. Now "it's very easy to call the minister for meeting," says U Myint Soe, chairman of the Myanmar's Garment Manufacturers' Association and an owner of four factories, with 1,150 workers, that supply uniforms to South Korea and Japan. He says his and other organizations pushed to make it easier to import raw materials and expand workers' rights. "There has been a big change in the business climate," he says, sipping a beer in a Yangon hotel bar. "We will make more money." Myanmar's garment industry, which once employed 250,000 people, according to Mr. Myint Soe, has struggled under U.S. sanctions forbidding the import of most goods. Many workers fled across the border to Thailand to work in factories there. But there are signs of a renaissance. Apparel exports to Japan and South Korea have more than tripled, to $530 million in 2011 from $162 million in 2008, according to trade data tracker Global Trade Information Services. The gradual easing of some sanctions by the European Union and the U.S. could bring back global clothing brands attracted by Myanmar's inexpensive labor force. Wages rival those in neighboring Bangladesh, considered among the lowest in the world. Analysts say a number of factors are driving the changes, including a desire by Myanmar's leaders to break free of Western sanctions, which left it too reliant on China as the country's primary financial and political backer. Myanmar officials say they simply want to bring reconciliation to the country after years of turmoil. Entrepreneurs still face an uphill climb. Despite liberalization of the car-import market, it is hard to get quality vehicles to get around town or to move goods. Mr. Yan Aung Kyaw, the Yangon prawn exporter, still drives a two-decade-old car. To push liberalization further, he says he is considering running as an independent candidate for office some day. He wants to see stock and commodities markets develop and to rein in state-controlled companies he says serve as "cash cows" for those in power. Several businessmen cite the elimination last May of a monopoly on cooking-oil imports as one of the first signs independent entrepreneurs were gaining traction. Previously, the market was controlled by a small group of government companies and businessmen with ties to Myanmar's generals, according to people familiar with the business. When government officials agreed to end the monopoly and promote more competition, cooking-oil prices immediately dropped. "We're exposing all our problems now. The government sector knows what's going on," says U Moe Kyaw, also known by his English name, Peter Thein, a U.K.-born Myanmar businessman serving various roles in business associations. About the nation's chamber of commerce, he says, "We used to say we are the 'bridge to the government.' The problem was it was a one-way bridge on an incline coming toward us. Now it's different. "We really have a voice." A version of this article appeared Feb. 29, 2012, on page A18 in some U.S. editions of The Wall Street Journal, with the headline: New Players in Myanmar's Markets. http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052970203750404577170251900112014.html --------------------------------------- Thursday, March 01, 2012 Myanmar poll could be last sanctions hurdle: Eu * Suu Kyi says preparations for by-polls ‘hit few bumps and pitfalls’ because of restrictions on campaigning YANGON: Upcoming by-elections in Myanmar could be the last hurdle towards the lifting most European Union sanctions, providing the polls are free and fair and endorsed by opposition leader Aung San Suu Kui, EU parliamentarians said on Wednesday. But the sanctions, which like US embargoes contributed to Myanmar’s years of economic isolation, should be lifted incrementally to retain leverage with the civilian government behind unprecedented reforms in its first year in office, parliamentarians told Reuters. EU representatives and foreign ministers have in recent months told Myanmar’s rulers that transparent April 1 polls, which Nobel laureate Suu Kyi will contest, would strengthen their case for having more embargoes lifted. “There are no more real hurdles,” said Robert Goebbels, a European parliamentarian from Luxembourg. “The (European) ministers of foreign affairs are scheduled to meet in April and I would bet that they will lift the sanctions gradually, especially if Aung San Suu Kyi is elected.” Goebbels was referring to the European Union’s annual review of sanctions, known in Brussels as “restrictive measures”, which expire in April, when they will be either renewed, lifted or re-calibrated. EU foreign ministers started the process of lifting sanctions on January 23 when they temporarily suspended travel bans on top officials and the president, in response to the release of more than 300 political prisoners 10 days earlier. A delegation of 11 European legislators made their first to Myanmar and this week met top members of parliament and government officials, including the reform-minded president and former junta general, Thein Sein. Werner Langen, of Germany, who led the delegation, felt the leadership’s commitment to reforms was real and said his group had been assured the polls would be free and fair. “The result of these by-elections, whether they are free and fair, will determine whether the sanctions can really be lifted in April, as is the intention at the moment,” he added. The by-elections include some for seats in the lower house of parliament which is dominated by a pro-military party, set up under the auspices of the former ruling junta, which swept a November 2009 election amid opposition complaints of rigging. In recent months, Myanmar’s leaders have started engaging with Suu Kyi, whom the former regime kept in detention for a total of 15 years since 1989. Hundreds of other political prisoners have been freed and ceasefire agreements have been struck with most of the country’s ethnic minority rebel groups. The government has showed extraordinary signs of openness in also easing media censorship and legalising protests. Some of the lawmakers feel it is time to reward the administration by scaling back some of the embargoes. “We can give those who are the rulers of Myanmar now the benefit of the doubt. But it’s too early to say: cancel all the sanctions,” said Ivo Belet, of Belgium. “Phasing out the sanctions is a good model, and use the (remaining) sanctions as a sort of instrument of pressure to make them move in the right direction.” Conflict with ethnic minority rebels in Kachin State in the north of the country is going on despite a presidential order for the army to end the offensive. Some analysts say the conflict poses the biggest obstacle to a more comprehensive lifting of Western sanctions. Another hurdle is the lengthy procedures required in Brussels to lift the trade and economic embargoes. Some diplomats say the European Union should expedite this, to prevent Myanmar’s progress from slowing, or even being reversed. The European Union has sought to further engagement with Myanmar by opening a representative office in the country and dramatically boosting its development aid. It unveiled a 150 million euro ($198 million), two-year aid package last month worth almost as much as the 173 million euros it has given Myanmar since 1996. Belet said he thought financial restrictions should be among the first economic sanctions to be eased because of Myanmar’s need for an overhaul of its economy. “It’s really important that foreign banks and that international financing systems can start up,” he said. “That’s the first and most basic element in order to get an international, open economy. Reuters http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2012\03\01\story_1-3-2012_pg14_2 ---------------------------------------- February 29, 2012 Burmese Focus on Aung San Suu Kyi's Campaign Trail Danielle Bernstein | Rangoon Pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi receives flowers from supporters on her vehicle during her election campaign trip to Thone-Gwa township in Rangoon, Burma, February 26, 2012. Photo: AP Pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi receives flowers from supporters on her vehicle during her election campaign trip to Thone-Gwa township in Rangoon, Burma, February 26, 2012. As the campaign for Burma’s by-election heats up, the party of Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi is the dominant face of the political opposition. Crowds of adoring supporters have been gathering across the country at campaign rallies to catch a glimpse of Aung San Suu Kyi. Although she draws the most interest, other candidates in her National League for Democracy party, such as AIDS activist Phyu Phyu Thin, are getting a taste of the attention. The rally song says Aung San Suu Kyi's party has come back to serve the people and Phyu Phyu Thin will do the same. The NLD was conspicuously absent from the ballots and campaign trails during the 2010 election and its return has brought palpable elation during lively street rallies. Daw Kyi Kyi Win, is one rally-goer who has adorned her face and clothes with stickers. As she waved flags bearing the NLD’s fighting peacock emblem, she said she is even considering becoming an NLD member herself - a decision that would have been considered extremely risky just one year ago. She says she thinks Aung San Suu Kyi can win, by a big margin and that makes her happy. She says she never thought that such political openness was possible. Not everyone is elated at Aung San Suu Kyi’s return. There are other opposition parties who lack the star-power and the funding of the NLD. Tae Yi, is the man faced with the unenviable task of running against Suu Kyi in Kawhmu. He pursued a legal case questioning the legitimacy of her candidacy, until a ruling this week rejected his challenge and placed her on the ballot. He says he has no personal grudge against Aung San Suu Kyi and that he's glad to be running against her. The 80 year-old candidate says his platform includes addressing democracy and human rights issues. Despite the court rulings against his challenge to Suu Kyi, his Unity and Peace Party says it is still challenging her legitimacy. The incumbent politician in the Kawhmu township is a representative of the Union Solidarity and Development Party, a proxy party for the old government which has an overwhelming majority of parliament seats. The USDP candidate has not lodged a complaint against Aung San Suu Kyi. The April First elections will fill just 48 vacant parliament seats, well short of the number needed to challenge the ruling party’s legislative power. But one month before polls, the strong show of support for the National League for Democracy and its high profile leader have demonstrated that, despite some 20 years spent largely on the political sidelines, the party still commands a significant public following. http://www.voanews.com/english/news/asia/Burmese--as-Aung-San-Suu-Kyi-140850693.html ---------------------------------------- ASIA BUSINESS: Updated February 29, 2012, 9:31 p.m. ET Japan Considers Resuming Loans to Myanmar By ELEANOR WARNOCK The Japanese government is moving toward resuming development loans to Myanmar, joining a global campaign to endorse recent reforms—and seek opportunities—in the once-ostracized nation. "To expedite Myanmar's move forward, real infrastructure is indispensable, and the resumption of loans is necessary," Japanese Foreign Minister Koichiro Gemba said in a speech Monday in Tokyo. "I feel that Myanmar's democratization and liberalization are real." The Japanese government announced Tuesday that next month Myanmar President Thein Sein will make his first visit to Japan to meet Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda and attend the Mekong-Japan Summit, joining leaders from Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam and Thailand. Next month Myanmar President Thein Sein will make his first visit to Japan to meet Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda and attend the Mekong-Japan Summit. Foreign Ministry spokesman Masaru Sato said whether Japan will resume aid to Myanmar hasn't yet been decided, but the issue is being considered. "Minister Gemba gave instructions that the current aid policy should be reviewed toward the resumption of full-fledged support, including providing yen loans, with this timing—the holding of the Japan-Mekong summit—in mind," Mr. Sato said in an interview. Japan extended almost ¥410 billion ($5.09 billion) in development loans to the Southeast Asian nation before 1988 but halted the program after a violent military crackdown that year, according to the Foreign Ministry. Japan and Myanmar maintained a close relationship through the 1990s, until Japan followed the U.S. and cut off humanitarian aid in 2003, says Hiroshima City University researcher Narayanan Ganesan. But recent liberalization under Mr. Thein Sein's government, including the release of political prisoners and the legalization of the main opposition party, suggests the situation is beginning to thaw. In December, Mr. Gemba became the first Japanese foreign minister to visit Myanmar in nine years, after Hillary Clinton visited the same month, the first U.S. secretary of state to visit in 50 years. Following the U.S. move, the World Bank issued a statement saying it will send advisers to evaluate the country's economy, after halting loans 25 years ago. "Japanese are anxious to go in quickly, but there is a sense in which they are Johnny-come-lately into the situation," said Hiroshima City University's Ganesan, noting that the country will face competition from places like China, Thailand and India. "My guess is that they will start with a lot of aid and training, education, medical work, and schools and hospitals first, and then as the population gets upgraded, then they will move into manufacturing." Many Japanese firms could stand to benefit if Myanmar's efforts to reform are real, analysts say. "Big manufacturers will benefit from the yen loans," said Shigeru Oyama, chief secretary of the Association of Japan-Myanmar Mutual Cooperation, a nonprofit organization that supports exchange between companies in the two nations. He said Japanese steel, lumber, and automobile companies are most interested, but that a lack of information about business opportunities and competition from China will make it "difficult," even as Myanmar opens up. Although Japanese companies have not made a significant push into Myanmar, some, such as trading firms, have maintained relatively small-scale operations in the country over the last decade. Japan currently has ¥273.5 billion yen in outstanding loans to Myanmar, left over from the period before aid was cut off and extended through the Japan International Cooperation Agency. That's about $3.4 billion at current exchange rates, or nearly a third of Myanmar's external debt, according to figures released by government officials there. http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052970204571404577252823270630482.html?mod=googlenews_wsj -------------------------------------------- Burmese democracy champion says sanctions helping 29, February 2012 OTTAWA Tears welled in Jasmine Bowen’s eyes as she addressed the large and very live video image of Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. She choked out the words: “You’re my hero!” Bowen, 24, had come from Toronto with her grandmother, who fled Burma nearly 50 years ago, to hear Suu Kyi speak to Canadians for the first time. An Internet link between her home in Myanmar — where she has spent most of the last two decades under house arrest — brought Suu Kyi to an auditorium of students and Burmese nationals at Carleton University. For about half an hour early Wednesday morning, the 66-year-old Nobel Peace Prize winner — one of only five people to be granted honorary Canadian citizenship — was literally and figuratively larger than life as her image resonated from a screen the size of small multiplex movie theatre. “Canada has helped us greatly with regard to our movement towards democracy,” said Suu Kyi, who has become a global symbol of peaceful resistance to oppression. She said the tough sanctions imposed by Canada and the world are helping Myanmar on its hard road to democracy. Its new civilian leaders are feeling the economic pressure and are being pushed to reform because of them, she said. After a half-century under a military junta, Myanmar held elections last year and handed power over to a civilian government. Suu Kyi was also given more freedom and is now campaigning in a round of byelections across Myanmar, once known as Burma. Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy won a landslide electoral victory in 1990 but was barred by the military from forming a government. The Canadian Press http://www.thespec.com/news/world/article/679389--burmese-democracy-champion-says-sanctions-helping -------------------------------------- Myanmar's Suu Kyi says reforms could be reversed 29, February 2012 Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi said on Wednesday it was too early to declare democratic reforms brought in after five decades of military rule were irreversible and played down talk of accepting a cabinet seat. -- PHOTO: REUTERS OTTAWA (REUTERS) - Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi said on Wednesday it was too early to declare democratic reforms brought in after five decades of military rule were irreversible and played down talk of accepting a cabinet seat. Nobel Peace Prize laureate Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) will contest 48 by-elections in April that could give political credibility to the isolated south-east Asian state and help speed the end of Western sanctions. Last March the former military junta made way for a nominally civilian government that embarked on a major reform drive, freeing hundreds of political prisoners, loosening media controls and engaging with Mr Suu Kyi, the 66-year-old leader of Myanmar's pro-democracy movement. 'Some are a little bit too optimistic about the situation. We are cautiously optimistic. We are at the beginning of a road,' said Ms Suu Kyi, speaking to an audience of students at Ottawa's Carleton University via a video link. http://www.straitstimes.com/BreakingNews/SEAsia/Story/STIStory_772384.html Myanmar election commission rejects challenge to Suu Kyi’s candidacy for seat in parliament By Associated Press, Published: February 29 YANGON, Myanmar — Myanmar’s election commission has rejected a challenge to the parliamentary candidacy of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and confirmed her place on the ballot. Nyan Win, a spokesman for Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy, said Wednesday that the commission’s division-level office rejected the complaint of a rival candidate from the small Party for Unity and Peace. The challenger alleged that Suu Kyi enjoys benefits of a foreign citizen stemming from her marriage to her late British husband. That would make her ineligible to run in the April 1 by-election under Myanmar’s constitution, but her party says she enjoys no such benefits. In 1990, Suu Kyi filed to run in the general election, but was disqualified after a similar objection. Copyright 2012 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed. http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/asia_pacific/myanmar-election-commission-rejects-challenge-to-suu-kyis-candidacy-for-seat-in-parliament/2012/02/29/gIQA9NXYhR_story.html ---------------------------------------- Reform in Myanmar is irreversible: Top Yangon official Than Shwe is not like Deng Xiao Ping or Lee Kuan Yew, adviser Ko Ko Hlaing tells Nation Group Editor in Chief Suthichai Yoon The Nation/Asia News Network Wednesday, Feb 29, 2012 YANGON - Burmese President Thein Sein's chief political adviser, Ko Ko Hlaing, says Burma's political reform is "irreversible" because of the president's strong will, the specific constitutional stipulation towards democracy, the Burmese people's taste of new-found freedom, and the need for the country to follow the international trend. In an exclusive interview with The Nation, the man known as Burma's "political insider" said he was certain that former military leader Senior General Than Shwe was not running the country from behind the scenes and would not make a comeback. "As a Buddhist, you can understand the mentality of an elderly Buddhist. You should understand also the mind of a soldier - which is always the desire to accomplish his mission. After the mission is accomplished, he can take a rest. He [Than Shwe] had taken the responsibilities of the state for a long time and there were many hardships, pressures and difficulties. But he did the best for his country. He built a lot of bridges, roads and dams. He also laid down the conditions of democratic reform - the seven-step road map. He is now enjoying his retirement with his grandchildren," Ko Ko Hlaing said. Asked whether Than Shwe may be dictating the government from behind the scenes, the presidential aide said: "As far as I know, he has totally resigned from politics. He doesn't want to be involved in this new set-up. He told some of his colleagues and some senior military officers that he had resigned from politics. He is not like Deng Xiao Ping of China or Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore [who retained considerable power after stepping down from the top political posts]." Responding to a question about whether the former military strongman is afraid to be taken to trial by a civilian government, Ko Ko Hlaing said: "This is a Buddhist country. Forgiveness is our principle. Also, Aung San Suu Kyi and the other opposition leaders, old and young, have talked about forgiving and forgetting the past and trying to do the best for the nation." National League for Democracy leader Suu Kyi has said she is not clear whether the Burmese military establishment is solidly behind the reform "and until I know that they support the reform fully, I cannot say that the process is irreversible". The presidential adviser said Suu Kyi had for a long time been under house arrest and, even when she was in the country, she had been kept in isolation for many years. "It's now only a few months since her release. So, this is the time she is trying to cope with the current situation. It's quite natural that she doesn't fully trust the Myanmar [Burma] military yet." "We have faced much turbulence and riots in the past. We don't want to return to the past. The Myanmar government and the people wholeheartedly want a smooth transition. It's a top-down process. We started with a bottom-up approach in 1988 but, during 2004-2011, it was a top-down process. Why? Because we would like to see a very smooth transition. At that time, there was no Arab Spring. But we have to admit that we have had a long history of insurrections and insurgencies. That's why the role of the military was quite significant in our politics," he said. Burma at the time was risking disintegration like Bosnia. "The military tried very hard to keep the country intact at the peak of the Cold War between the Eastern and Western blocs. We also had to protect our territorial integrity. It was a very hard time for the Myanmar army. This experience has always haunted the military leaders. "That's why the Myanmar military wants to have a role in the political arena, not to dominate the political stage but to take part as an element - as a balancing sector. http://www.asiaone.com/News/AsiaOne%2BNews/Asia/Story/A1Story20120229-330821.html ----------------------------------- Full Support for Ex-Spy Chief's Social Work: MP By THE IRRAWADDY Wednesday, February 29, 2012 Khin Shwe, the chairman of Zaykabar Company and a member of Burma’s Lower House of Parliament, said he will fully support former Burmese Premier Khin Nyunt’s social work as the ex-spy chief acted in the interests of the country while in power. After being freed on Jan. 13, Khin Nyunt, in his 70s, founded his own social charity group called the “Shwe Hmaw Won Foundation.” It provides financial support to education, health and social community initiatives. Khin Nyunt, also a former Burmese military spy chief, accepted the role as patron of Mya Yeik Nyo—a charitable foundation run by Khin Shwe, one of Burma’s richest men who is on the US sanction list. Khin Shwe told The Irrawaddy that he supports Khin Nyunt in return for his work in the national interest while in power. Khin Nyunt was forced to step down in 2004 after allegations of corruption by former military junta chief Sen-Gen Than Shwe. Khin Nyunt was infamous for punishing political dissidents while in power. He was also a key figure who ordered the oppression of political activists during the 1988 pro-democracy uprising and sentenced many to many years in prison. “He [Khin Nyunt] was left with nothing. All of his assets were seized. He had to struggle by planting flowers to make his living while he was under house arrest,” said Khin Shwe. “It is not suitable for him to struggle like this for his living. So, I will support him as much as I can,” he added. But Khin Shwe denied reports that he has offered a US $5,000-a-month job to Khin Nyunt as patron of the Mya Yeik Nyo foundation. “We don’t limit the salary for [Khin Nyunt]. We will support him for all that he needs,” he said. Khin Shwe is accused of being a crony of the ex-military government as he gained a number of business privileges with regards construction, hotels and tourism during the military regime. He remains close to Burmese generals. Khin Shwe explained that he will support Khin Nyunt for his social works as the former prime minister is a senior figure who has done many good deeds for Burma. But the MP gave assurances that he does not support Khin Nyunt for personal reasons. After Khin Nyunt was released from house arrest in January, he told reporters that he would not get involved in politics but focus on social work. While he was in power, Khin Nyunt was also successful in dealing with ethnic armed groups and reached ceasefire agreements with 17 rebel armies. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=23120