News & Articles on Burma-Thursday, 22 December 2011-uzl

News & Articles on Burma Thursday, 22 December 2011 ------------------------------------------ Burmese Govt Holds Peace Talks with Mon Armed Group More Political Prisoners to be Released Soon, Minister Tells KNU Should 'Irrational Exuberance' Over Burma be Tempered? Suu Kyi Readies for Second Trip to Naypyidaw Government sending more battalions to Kachin State SSA hopes to clear up problems at the next round of talks Burma: Shan State Army sticks to Historic Pang-long Agreement Election Network Cautiously Optimistic about Burma's Political Progress Burma grants Thailand two oil concessions More aid needed for Kachin refugees: HRW Karen leaders, Burma govt meet in Thailand Burma to see 50% hike in power fees Burma's Reality Check ---------------------------------------- Burmese Govt Holds Peace Talks with Mon Armed Group By LAWI WENG Thursday, December 22, 2011 Burmese Minister for Railways Aung Min headed up a Burmese government delegation for peace talks in Thailand on Thursday with a delegation from the New Mon State Party (NMSP) led by its secretary, Nai Hang Thar. I trusted them and they also trusted me. I am very satisfied with this meeting, Aung Min told The Irrawaddy following the meeting, which took place in Sangkhalburi, Kanchanaburi Province. Aung Min said that this was the first round of talks between the two sides and another would be held in Mon State in January, during which he felt a ceasefire agreement could be signed. But two Mon Buddhist monks who participated in the meeting expressed doubts that a ceasefire agreement would be reached. Lets wait and see what happens next, because they need to have one more round of talks first, said Nai Ketumalar, one of the monks. The two monks said that Aung Min told Nai Hang Thar in the meeting that the government would engage in political talks with the NMSP soon after signing a ceasefire agreement as the first step. However, Nai Hang Thar responded that he is skeptical that political talks would ever take place, because the NMSP was under a ceasefire from 1995 to 2010 and there were no political talks during that time. Aung Min replied that the situation today was unlike in the past, because in the past all military leaders had to listen to orders from one person, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, but today that is not the case. Aung Min said that current president Thein Sein was a person who wanted to have peace and political change in Burma, and signing a ceasefire agreement was a first step for building trust. When Nai Hang Thar discussed the suffering of the ethnic people in Burma, Aung Min said that he understand the feelings of the ethnic people because he is an ethnic Shan. Aung Min said that he could deliver to the ethnic Mon people the right to teach the Mon language in Mon State if the NMSP wanted him to help, according to the monks. He also said that he could assist NMSP leaders in developing business opportunities, but the NMSP leaders told Aung Min that they only wanted to have peace. In addition, the monks said that Nai Hang Thar told Aung Min that the government should agree to hold peace talks with the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC). When asked about when the Burmese government will hold political talks with the UNFC, Aung Min said that the government would hold political talks with the UNFC as the third step of the peace process. The NMSP leaders also told Aung Min that the government troops should stop fighting with the Kachin Independent Army (KIA), saying it was not good for one group have peace talks while another group was still fighting. Aung Min responded that the KIA fought the government first and so the government had to fight back. But he said that the government would hold peace talks with every group. Lets pray to achieve peace as soon as possible, Aung Min told the monks before leaving the meeting. He then made donations to the two monks and asked, Please let me know, what do you need from Naypyidaw? http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=22703 ---------------------------------------- More Political Prisoners to be Released Soon, Minister Tells KNU By THE IRRAWADDY Thursday, December 22, 2011 A senior government minister said that Burma's remaining political prisoners could be freed as early as next month, according to a participant in recent peace talks who said the official referred to two specific dates when the releases would take place. Aung Min, the government's Railways Minister, broke the news during talks on Wednesday with leaders of the Karen National Union (KNU), an ethnic armed group, in the Thai-Burmese border town of Mae Sot. According to a KNU source who attended the meeting, Aung Min said that all remaining political prisoners will be released next month in two groupsthe first on Jan 4, Burma's Independence Day, and the second on Jan 12. The discussions also included the case of Mahn Nyein Maung, a KNU leader who was recently sentenced by a Burmese court to 17 years in prison on charges of unlawful association and breaking immigration laws. Mahn Nyein Maung was arrested by Chinese immigration officials in Kunming, the capital of Yunnan Province, after attempting to return to Thailand, where he is based, in July. He was subsequently handed over to the Burmese authorities. He [Aung Min] asked us if Mahn Nyein Maung's release would benefit the KNU. We replied that his release and that of other KNU members in prison in Burma would help the peace process between us and the government, said the KNU source. Aung Min has in recent months become the government's chief negotiator in talks with Burma's ethnic armed groups. On Thursday, he met with representatives of the New Mon State Party in the Thai town of Sangklaburi. The release of political prisoners remains a key demand of the US and other Western countries that have imposed economic sanctions on Burma for its poor human rights record. It is unclear, however, exactly how many political prisoners remain behind bars in Burma. The Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners puts the figure at more than 1,500, while the government has said that there are only around 200about the same number it released in October. According to the National League for Democracy, Burma's main opposition party, the number is 591. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=22702 ---------------------------------------- Should 'Irrational Exuberance' Over Burma be Tempered? By SIMON ROUGHNEEN Thursday, December 22, 2011 Three weeks after US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's visit to Burma, the US said it "will be prepared to take further steps" provided the Burmese government "keeps moving in the right direction," according to a US State Department spokesperson. During her visit to Burma, the first by a US Secretary of State since Burma became a military dictatorship in 1962, Clinton announced a number of planned US initiatives in Burma. These include increased assistance for civil society programs to support microcredit and health programs; a resumption of counternarcotics cooperation; operations to recover missing US military personnel from World War II; and support for an expanded UNDP mandate in the areas of health, education, and micro-finance, as well as assessment missions by international financial institutions such as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. "We are currently taking steps to move forward on all of the actions that Secretary Clinton noted during her visit," added the spokesperson, in an e-mailed response to questions about US policy after Clinton's visit to Burma. Clinton's trip and the pledges made came after the Burmese government--- a formally civilian administration dominated by figures from the previous military system---relaxed media controls, released over 200 political prisoners, suspended a US $3.6 billion Chinese dam in the north of the country, and announced new laws allowing trade unions and another permitting political protests---the latter signed into law by Burma's President Thein Sein during Clinton's visit to Burma. Former political prisoner Maung Thura, better-known by his stage-name Zarganar, was granted permission to travel to Thailand and Cambodia in recent days. "Now I'm here, this is improvement," he was quoted telling journalists in Bangkok on Dec. 19, referring to the recent changes inside Burma. However, some Burmese exiles and long-time Burma watchers remain cynical about the recent reform moves, suggesting that the US should adopt a cautious approach for now, until the Burmese Government undertakes more reforms such as the release of all remaining political prisoners and the cessation of military operations in ethnic minority regions. Jennifer Quigley, advocacy director at the US Campaign for Burma, believes that despite Clinton's various policy pledges made during her three day visit to Burma, the Burmese Government "in return offered nothing before, during or after her trip." She added that, "If the regime is serious in its desire to have a better relationship with the United States, it must go beyond empty promises and actually deliver. They cannot continue to say they are going to release all political prisoners, they must actually release all political prisoners." In the days leading up to Clinton's visit, which ran from Nov. 30 -- Dec. 2, Burma was awarded the 2014 Chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), two years ahead of schedule. An unspecified number of the country's remaining political prisoners---estimated at anything between 500 and 1700---were rumored to be set for release that week. The release did not take place, although some prisoners were moved to prisons closer to their families. According to Asia analyst Walter Lohman of the Washington D.C.-based Heritage Foundation, the seeming about-face on political prisoner release was not a coincidence, and was "apparently abandoned after Burma was awarded the 2014 chairmanship." More political prisoners are now thought to be up for release early in 2012, a move that could prompt overtures from governments such as the UK, whose Foreign Secretary William Hague will visit Burma in January 2012. Burma's capital Naypyidaw and biggest city Rangoon are hosting foreign visitors---be they heads of government or business delegations---in increasing number and seemingly in anticipation of a reduction of western sanctions on the Burmese government and its main domestic business partners. Amid this increased activity, the US should do more to build a coordinated response to reforms in Burma, say some analysts. Kelley Currie, a Senior Fellow with the Project 2049 Institute, says that rewarding the Burmese government prematurely risks undermining the reform process."There are those in the EU and among Asian allies who are ready to rush in with big aid and investment packages, and who are less concerned about ensuring that this reform process is irreversible," she said, adding that the US should try "to keep the irrational exuberance that some other countries have been experiencing a bit in check." When asked, the US State Department spokesperson declined to comment specifically on what further steps the US is prepared to take should the Burmese government undertake additional reforms, such as the release of more political prisoners. One possible next step, according to Currie, would be for the Burmese government to permit international observers to work inside Burma during the country's upcoming by-election, which will be contested by long-time opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who has given her blessing to the recent reforms in Burma. No date has been set for the by-election, but "free and fair" elections are one of the conditions set down by the US for the eventual lifting of sanctions on Burma. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=22700&page=2 --------------------------------------- Suu Kyi Readies for Second Trip to Naypyidaw By WAI MOE Thursday, December 22, 2011 Burma's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi will travel for the second time to the remote Burmese capital of Naypyidaw on Friday morning to register her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), at the Union Election Commission where she is likely to meet several top government officials. "Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her party will fly to Naypyidaw tomorrow morning," said Khun Thar Myint, one of Suu Kyi's aides, speaking to The Irrawaddy on Thursday. However, he declined to provide an itinerary of Suu Kyi's schedule. "She will be accompanied by [NLD leaders] U Tin Oo, U Nyan Win and U Win Myint, and other aides." Although there has been no official announcement, several journalists and political sources in Rangoon said they had heard that Suu Kyi is to meet Lower House Speaker ex-Gen Shwe Mann and Election Commission Chairman Lt-Gen Tin Aung while in the capital. But it is uncertain whether she will meet President Thein Sein as he has already scheduled a trip, Khun Thar Myint said. Suu Kyi's first trip to Naypyidaw was in August when she was invited to attend a government economic workshop. She met and held her first talks with Thein Sein at the presidential palace. They reportedly discussed the political situation in Burma and national conciliation. After meetings with Thein Sein and other ministers in Naypyidaw on August 19-20, Suu Kyi said she was "satisfied." Following those positive first steps between the government and the country's main opposition leader, the Parliament amended the Political Party Registration Law, effectively allowing the NLD to register again as a legal party and opening the way for it to contest by-elections next year. On Monday, the NLD leadership elected Suu Kyi as the deputy leader of the NLD, and her close aide, Tin Oo, as the leader when they register the party formally. Meanwhile, the NLD says it plans to publish a journal which it will call The Wave in the near future---assuming the party's registration is approved by the Election Commission. "Since we have decided to register, we will utilize any privileges that a party has," said Ohn Kyaing, an NLD spokesman and veteran journalist who will likely head the party journal. "Publishing information about the party is essential for our supporters and the public." http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=22701 -------------------------------------------- Government sending more battalions to Kachin State Thursday, 22 December 2011 17:01 Kham Although the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and the government are preparing for a new round of peace talks, the Burma Army is still sending more battalions to the battlefields in Kachin State. On 18 December, the government sent a letter to KIO to resume peace talks. The day before on 17 December, the battalions under the 44th Light Infantry Division arrived at Myitkyina and the high command is reportedly preparing to send the 66th Light Infantry Division also, according to U Aung Kyaw Zaw, military observer on the border. "The 88th suffered 356 dead and injured during 3 month period. It will be replaced with the 66th. Defense Chief Min Aung Hlaing went to Pyay where the 66th is based. He told the 66th not to fail like the 88th," he said. The Burma Army is still preparing for war, even as the government is preparing for negotiations with KIO for peace, he added. U Aung Thaung is leading the team to hold talks with the KIO. He had requested to meet the KIO after President U Thein Sein ordered a ceasefire on 10 December. But more troops are still arriving, according to him. There are about 120 infantry battalions in Kachin and Shan State (North) launching an offensive against the KIA, the military wing of the KIO. http://shanland.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=4298:government-sending-more-battalions-to-kachin-state&catid=86:war&Itemid=284 ------------------------------------- SSA hopes to clear up problems at the next round of talks Thursday, 22 December 2011 11:36 S.H.A.N. Shan State Army (SSA) 'South' spokesman Sai Lao Hseng says the next round of talks with Naypyitaw's union level delegates will deal with local development as well as misunderstandings surrounding the ceasefire agreement concluded between the two sides on 2 December. "According to the understanding reached in Taunggyi (Shan State capital), we would be responsible for security in the countryside and the Burma Army in major towns and the main motorways," he said. However, what is happening at the ground level appears to be deviating from the agreement: For instance, the Burma Army's Triangle Region Command based in Kengtung informed yesterday that all SSA units active in Shan State East should withdraw to the Thai-Burmese border bases. Burma Army units in Shan State South have also not suspended their patrols in the countryside. "Villagers were told by the patrol leaders, 'The government is doing its job by holding talks. We are also doing our job'," he said. The inevitable result was the shootout in Mongpan township on Tuesday, 20 December, when the two armies patrols ran into each other near the village of Namtawng. Three Burma Army soldiers were said to have been wounded. The Burma Army charged that the SSA had shot first, while the latter denied, saying it was the other way round. The latest developments have given rise to inevitable questions among the SSA officers and men, according to him. "Some of us are saying whether President Thein Sein and the Burma Army are playing good cop and bad cop against us," he told SHAN, "while others are wondering whether the President has any say in military matters." Burmese papers have reported President Thein Sein ordered a unilateral ceasefire to the Army fighting in Kachin State on 10 December. So far, this has failed to stop the conflict there. To date, Naypyitaw has signed ceasefire agreements with 4 groups: United Wa State Army (UWSA), National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), Kloh Htoo Hpaw and the SSA 'South'. According to information minister Kyaw Hsan, 5 others have also agreed in principle to conclude ceasefire agreements, apparently meaning Karen National Union (KNU), Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), Chin National Front (CNF), New Mon State Party (NMSP) and SSA 'North'. Naypyitaw has also invited the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) for another round of talks on Sunday, 18 December, according to Kachin spokesman La Nan. http://shanland.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=4296:ssa-hopes-to-clear-up-problems-at-the-next-round-of-talks&catid=85:politics&Itemid=266 ------------------------------------- Burma: Shan State Army sticks to Historic Pang-long Agreement Thu, 2011-12-22 01:04 --- editor Article By - Zin Linn Burma's political deadlock between the ethnic rebels and the successive governments has been still continues. Burma's military leaders, who have been holding governmental power thus far, strongly defy the decentralization of authoritative power. Although the contents of the cease-fire agreements seem to grant some degree of self-rule, it appears to be very difficult to arrive at a blueprint for self-determination that would make happy most ethnic rebel groups. Recently, Shan State Army (SSA) 'South' spokesman Sai Lao Hseng said its representatives had made the point clear to its Naypyitaw counterparts Saturday, 17 December, that the non-secession clause included in previous agreements with 3 other armed movements would only hinder the peace process Naypyitaw had initiated, Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N.) reported Tuesday. "On the other hand, we have no problem with the regime's 'Three Causes'," he said. "We had co-founded the Union and we are willing to give it a chance, if the regime is sincere about building a genuine union." The said Three Causes are Non-disintegration of the Union, Non-disintegration of National Solidarity and Perpetuation of National Sovereignty. It is the regime's political devotion similar to a religious faith. "How we will decide upon continued union will depend on the wish of the people which will in turn depend on the regime's sincerity," Sai Lao Hseng explained. "For that, we would need time to meet and listen to the people." According to the Shan Herald Agency for News, some more SSA sources also said that after the signing of the ceasefire on 2 December the next step is to discuss development. Political topics such as the secession issue should be reserved for the third and last step of the process. The government negotiators had promised to hold an inclusive conference for political issues resembling Panglong in 1947. At Pang-long meeting Burman, Chin Hills, Kachin Hills and Federated Shan States agreed to form the Union, on the basis of full autonomy in internal administration including Democracy and Human Rights. The result of the 1947 agreement proved unconstructive when it reached ten years in 1958, after gaining independence from the British in 1948. Many ethnic armed rebellions, including that of the Shan, broke out to stand up for autonomy. The 1947 constitution had granted the right of secession to Karenni and Shan States. Despite the fact that the Supreme Executive Council of the United Hill Peoples was making an effort to amend the union constitution in 1961-62 to reconstruct a true federal union with the Premier U Nu's Government of Burma, Burma Army led by Gen. Ne Win made a military coup on 2 March in 1962 and smashed the Panglong agreement. In that way, all ethnic states including Shan had been occupied by the treacherous Burma Army. And so, the country has been run by successive Burmese military dictators using various disguises up to the current date. To reconcile this political crisis and prevent ethnic conflicts in the future, it should be solved by way of meaningful political dialogue vis-a`-vis equal status mutually. True reconciliation cannot be done by way of military might which currently used by the Naypyitaw government. Earlier, the SSA South had adopted the principle: 'To struggle for the rights promised at Panglong'. It later became 'Total Independence'. Its later statements show that 'unless the rights of Panglong are guaranteed, the group would never give up on Total Independence principle'. According to Modern Journal, the information minister Kyaw Hsan confirmed during a media meeting in Rangoon on 9 December that out of remaining ten armed groups, two have already signed state-level ceasefire agreements. Two others are holding talks at the union level and five others have agreed in principle for a ceasefire agreement. Only the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) remained to reach an agreement. The next meeting between the Restoration of Shan State (RCSS) and Naypyitaw's union level peace building team will take place on a yet-to-be chosen date in next January, quoting spokesman Sai Lao Hseng, Shan Herald Agency for News said. The political disarray of Burma originated with its beginning since the Panglong agreement came into view in 1947. As a major ethnic group, the Shan constantly called for putting in a point of 'secession' for the Shan State to nine-point Pang-long agreement. As a result, if sign of treachery occurred, 'the right of secession' after ten years of the contract was granted to the Shan State in the 1947 constitution. The United Wa State Army (UWSA), National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) and the ex-DKBA Kloh Htoo Baw have already signed non-secession agreements with Naypyitaw. However, SSA-South reminds the government, not to put the non-secession clause in the to-do list, which would make hindrance the peace consultation. - Asian Tribune -http://www.asiantribune.com/news/2011/12/21/burma-shan-state-army-sticks-historic-pang-long-agreement ---------------------------------------- Election Network Cautiously Optimistic about Burma's Political Progress 21st December, 2011 The Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL-Foundation) welcomes recent political developments in Burma, progress which includes less censorship of the media; more engagement with the NLD, Aung San Suu Kyi, and some ethnic groups; the release of some, though not all, political prisoners; and finally, the re-registration of the NLD as a political party to contest for the 48 parliamentary seats up for grabs in a by-election expected next year. The last year has seen substantive progress in the country and the regime's positive steps should be recognized and encouraged. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) did just that last month when it rewarded Burma with the ASEAN chairmanship in 2014. While acknowledging constructive reforms made in the country, the democratic baseline in Burma was quite low and there remains much work to be done because the country still lacks major democratic institutions. ANFREL of course welcomed the news that the Union Election Commission (UEC) of Burma has officially endorsed the National League for Democracy (NLD) to re-register as a political party and that Aung San Suu Kyi will be allowed to compete in the coming elections as its leader. This news is far from a guarantee however that the elections' neutral and open operation will follow. Having won the 1990 election before they were removed from power in a military coup, the NLD's ability to finally compete in an election is a necessary but not sufficient step towards a level electoral playing field. The change cannot erase the injustices that occurred after the 1990 election, but it does increase the chances of next year's by-elections being more legitimate than the badly manipulated 2010 poll excluded the NLD entirely. This step alone, however, will not be enough to guarantee such legitimacy. For this change to truly have an impact and for the government of Burma to follow through on the high-minded promises they have made, the newly registered party must be permitted to campaign freely and compete on a level playing field managed by an independent UEC. The UEC must ensure, for example, that the government/military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party is kept from abusing state resources in the lead up to the poll. The UEC must also operate in a more transparent manner both before and after the election, including in receiving, investigating, and adjudicating electoral disputes. The UEC, if operating independently and professionally, has the opportunity to lay the foundation for much improved elections. ANFREL hopes that they seize the great chance that lies before them. Regarding the media, remaining censorship, particularly that which still applies to the news media, must be lifted well before the campaign period begins. The media has traditionally been used as a tool to deliver pro-government propaganda, a fundamental violation of the freedom of the press at all times and one that is particularly troubling during an election. Independent media will build up public trust in the election process and in the sincerity of the USDP to bring positive change to the country. On that same note, election observers, both domestic and international, should be allowed to observe all aspects of the polls. Their presence will build confidence in Burma's poll and in the legitimacy of election management in the country. Finally, as Burma prepares to assume chairmanship in 2014, ASEAN has a unique opportunity to promote lasting reform. As an important regional forum with significant soft power influence in the country, ASEAN can help Burma by encouraging it to continue down the path of reform it has embarked on. Stepping forward to provide support and leadership at this critical moment in Burma's history will strengthen the image of ASEAN and help achieve its goal of a prosperous and peaceful regional community. Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) Foundation Registered Under Civil and Commercial Code Act of Thailand, Registration No. 1690 (KOR TOR) 105 Suthisarn winichai Rd., Samsen nok, Huaykwang, Bangkok 10310 Thailand Tel: 66-2-2773627 Fax: 66-2-2762183 Email: anfrel@anfrel.org Web: www.anfrel.org ------------------------------------------ Burma grants Thailand two oil concessions Andaman Sea blocks also being considered Published: 22/12/2011 at 12:00 AM Newspaper section: News Burma has agreed to grant Thailand two oil field concessions, Energy Minister Pichai Naripthaphan says. "The two fields are onshore and close to the capital Naypyidaw," the minister said yesterday. The promise was made during the visit by Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra and other delegates to Burma on Monday and Tuesday, Mr Pichai said. Mr Pichai accompanied Ms Yingluck to Burma and as she attended a regional summit in Naypyidaw. He also met his counterpart Than Htay on Tuesday to discuss energy cooperation between the two countries. The concessions would be granted to PTT Exploration and Production Plc (PTTEP), a subsidiary of Thailand's largest energy conglomerate PTT Plc and they would be the first two onshore oil and gas field concessions given to PTTEP in Burma. The projects' details have not been disclosed. The minister said Burma also said it would give support to PTTEP's proposal to seek petroleum in the Andaman Sea in two offshore petroleum blocks MD7 and MD8, but more details must be considered and discussed. Burma wanted to see Thai investment in a gas separation plant in Burma after the PTTEPs exploration found wet gas, which is suitable for petrochemical production, in the M3 gas field in the Gulf of Martaban, which will be ready for use in 2016. PTTEP's existing M9 gas field concession, the so-called Zawtika project, also in the Gulf of Martaban, is expected to operate in 2013. PTTEP is also a partner in the Yetagun and Yadana gas developments in Burma. Mr Pichai said Than Htay is scheduled to visit Thailand from Feb 7-9 for further talks. Meanwhile, Ms Yingluck yesterday rejected criticism that her Burma visit was driven by personal gain following her brother and former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra's recent Burma trip. Thaksin earlier told the Bangkok Post in an exclusive phone interview from Dubai that he travelled to Burma last Thursday and met Burmese President Thein Sein and former president Than Shwe to smooth the way for his youngest sister's visit this week. Ms Yingluck dismissed the criticism that her brother's moves would jeopardise the government's stability because her government had always abided by the law. "He [Thaksin] moves on his own decisions _ the final decision belongs to me and my government," she said. "There are no conflicts of interest [between Thaksin and Burma]," Ms Yingluck said after Democrat list MP Kraisak Choonhavan asked whether the two leaders discussed business issues. Ms Yingluck also offered Burma's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi her support in a coming by-election during a historic meeting with the Nobel peace laureate in Burma, government spokeswoman Thitima Chaisang said yesterday. The two women talked for half an hour at the Thai embassy in Rangoon on Tuesday. "Aung San Suu Kyi told the prime minister that she hopes to win in the by-election and Ms Yingluck offered her support and her hope that Aung San Suu Kyi will win," Ms Thitima said. Ms Yingluck expressed support for her neighbour's "path of national reconciliation", adding that its progress was good for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean). "We have seen the good intentions of Burma's government to open up and to embark on democratic development," Ms Yingluck said yesterday, adding future developments would be monitored. http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/local/271922/burma-grants-thailand-two-oil-concessions ---------------------------------------- More aid needed for Kachin refugees: HRW By DVB, Published: 21 December 2011 A mother holds her child at the Je Yang camp for internally displaced persons near the Kachin border with China (Ryan Libre / DAA) The Burmese government's decision to allow UN teams into rebel-controlled territory in Kachin state is promising, but unless pressure from international aid groups is ratcheted up, tens of thousands of refugees will continue to struggle for basic support, Human Rights Watch has warned. The admittance of the UN to the town of Laiza, where some of the 50,000 people estimated by HRW to have been displaced since fighting began in June have fled to, came after months of negotiations. The government had initially blocked international aid to refugees in Kachin Independence Army (KIA) areas, but recent weeks have seen tentative signs of an opening. Elaine Pearson, deputy Asia director at the New York-based group, said in a statement today that the early steps need to be developed into "long-term commitment from the government and foreign donors alike. "The government and Kachin forces should ensure that the tens of thousands of displaced people in remote camps get the food and shelter they need." A number of local aid groups working close to conflict zones in Kachin state, which borders China, say supplies for refugees are running low. HRW contacts in the region said that children and pregnant women were in danger of malnutrition. "The sources also expressed concerns about the physical security of the camps and the camp communities, particularly those located nearer conflict areas," it said. "In recent weeks, local relief efforts reported dwindling supplies and limited capacity, compounded by an absence of direct international aid and support." Earlier this month the government-formed National Human Rights Commission warned in a letter published in the state-run New Light of Myanmar that thousands of children had been deeply affected by the fighting. "The children appear to be suffering from psychological trauma and the adults seem to experience a sense of insecurity and diminished confidence," the letter said. "From individual interviews, it was evident that almost all wanted to return to their own villages." The likelihood of that happening anytime soon appears slim -- despite an order from President Thein Sein that Burmese troops end offensives against the Kachin, fighting is reportedly ongoing. The KIA announced yesterday however that it had been approached by the government over the resumption of ceasefire talks. Past stabs at peace-building have not met with success, but a new committee formed by the government is tasked with dealing specifically with the Kachin conflict, now in its sixth month. http://www.dvb.no/news/more-aid-needed-for-kachin-refugees-hrw/19307 -------------------------------------- Karen leaders, Burma govt meet in Thailand By NAW NOREEN Published: 22 December 2011 Soldiers from the KNLA on patrol close to Burma's border with Thailand (Francis Wade) Fresh negotiations between government officials and members of the Karen National Union took place along the Thai border yesterday as Naypyidaw appears to be making another stab a peace with warring ethnic armies. The spokesperson of the KNU, David Htaw, told DVB that yesterday's meeting in Mae Sot was "unofficial", but provisional discussions had paved the way for another round of talks in January. It is the third time the two sides have met since a new government came to power in March. The conflict between the Burmese government and the armed wing of the KNU, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), began in 1949 and is the world's longest-running. The negotiations yesterday follow reports from Kachin state in the north that government officials have requested another round of talks with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), following several unsuccessful attempts to broker a truce since fighting began there in June. A letter sent to the army outlined the formation of a new government committee specifically tasked with seeking an end to fighting in Kachin state that has displaced up to 50,000 civilians. But despite various signs that the government wishes to see the conflict end, including an order from President Thein Sein that troops stop offensives against the KIA, fighting continues. The location of the talks yesterday with the KNU points to the ongoing role of Thailand in the 60-year conflict, which has long used border-based groups like the KNLA and the Shan State Army as a buffer between Thailand and its traditional enemy, the Burmese army. But the recent visit to Burma by Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, and increased Thai investments in energy and infrastructure projects, such as the Tavoy port, that demand a stable frontier region, suggest that policy towards anti-Naypyidaw groups may soon change. This issue is believed to be behind last year's closure of a key trading point linking Mae Sot to the Burmese town of Myawaddy. The governor of Thailand's Tak province, Samart Loifah, said that the Burmese government's decision to close the Friendship Bridge stemmed from perceptions in Naypyidaw that Thailand was allowing groups like the KNU to shelter in its territory. http://www.dvb.no/news/karen-leaders-burma-govt-meet-in-thailand/19326 --------------------------------------- Burma to see 50% hike in power fees By MIN LWIN Published: 22 December 2011 An announcement that electricity prices in Burma will rise 50 percent in 2012 has sparked alarm among small business-owners and families who claim the government is seeking to profit on the exploitation of the country's poorest. The move will see cost per unit for businesses jump from 50 kyat ($US0.05) to 75 kyat, and 25 kyat to 35 kyat for domestic use. What those figures belie however is concern among the many small-scale businesses in Burma that operate out of homes, and which therefore will be charged at the commercial rate. "It will hurt grassroots people," said the owner of a teashop in Rangoon. He complained that owners of small businesses, such as tea shops and restaurants, "merely use electricity for light" but that they would "have to pay the commercial fee if they turn on lights". The decision to hike electricity prices may have been taken with some trepidation: a sudden rise in the price of fuel four years ago was the key catalyst behind the September 2007 uprising that eventually prompted thousands of Burmese to take to the streets. It will also redirect attention towards the gross disparity between available power in Burma and the ability of Burmese to access it. Despite having a wealth of gas and hydropower potential, the majority of that output is sold to neighbouring countries such as China and Thailand, leaving 80 percent of the country without regular electricity. According to Rangoon-based Myanmar Times, the decision stems from a bid by the government to cut its deficit. Deputy Minister for Electric Power 2 Aung Than Oo told the newspaper earlier this month that "unit prices ... won't be enough for us to make a profit. It may just cover the ministry's costs". But locals believe otherwise. The Rangoon teashop owner said that each household had to pay a monthly fee for maintenance of electricity metre boxes that was hurting the finances of poorer families. "It's 1000 kyat a month, 1000 kyat from every family inBurma-- they are making that profit freely," he lamented. While electricity prices on average remain comparatively low in Burma, the majority of the country that struggles for regular power is forced to turn to other sources. The Myanmar Times noted that areas off the national grid paid around 500 kyat per unit for electricity from diesel-powered generators. China is behind the majority of Burma's 40-odd hydropower projects and receives the lion's share of produce. Similarly, the India-backed 1,200 MW Tamanthi dam in northwestern Burma will allow only 20 percent of output to remain in Burma, much of which is destined for the vast Monywa copper mine in Sagaing division. http://www.dvb.no/news/burma-to-see-50-hike-in-power-fees/19331 ------------------------------- Burma's Reality Check by David Scott Mathieson Published: December 21, 2011 A near-pandemic optimism over the Burmese government's unprecedented promises of political, economic, and social reform has seized the international community. U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's recent visit started a diplomatic stampede to Burma, with the foreign ministers of the United Kingdom, Japan, and China soon arriving to smell the air of reform. But exactly what has happened in Burma to generate such excitement? What can realistically be achieved in a country long acknowledged to be one of the world's most brutal, repressive states? Thein Sein, a former general who took off his uniform to front the military-backed civilian government, became president of Burma last March. He came to power after a sham constitutional referendum in 2008, and crudely rigged general elections in November 2010. Under the new constitution, a bicameral national parliament and 14 regional and state assemblies have been formed. Parliament has sat twice this year, pushing through a number of bills that purportedly guarantee freedom of assembly and the right to form unions, among other things, all of which had previously been imposed by military decree. Government ministers, many of them former generals, have debated issues in these forums. They also now give interviews to domestic and foreign media, face news conferences, and raise issues that have not been discussed in public for a long time, such as corruption, economic development, and ethnic rights. From the perspective of the West, the crucial litmus test for Burma has been the freedom granted to the democratic leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, whose release one week after the 2010 elections caused euphoria among many Burmese. After an internal debate, she has registered her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), and intends to stand in bi-elections in early 2012. Having previously been in almost complete isolation in house arrest, Suu Kyi now meets with the new president, senior government officials, a flurry of western plenipotentiaries, aid officials, and an inexhaustible array of foreign media. Domestic Burmese media have found their long-repressed voice in reporting on issues of real import -- though there are still many forbidden subjects -- as well as splashing pictures of Suu Kyi across their front pages. Many people in major urban areas feel free to discuss politics and hitherto controversial issues, such as the contentious Chinese-funded Myitsone dam project in northern Kachin state, which the president suspended in September. The government has even announced peace talks to resolve its civil war with various ethnic insurgencies, ongoing since 1948, which has devastated the hinterlands and fuelled a culture of horrific human-rights abuses. These developments raise many questions. Is this a genuine process of transition toward greater democratization, transparency, accountability, and a rejection of the isolationism of the past? Or is Burma entering a phase of faux reform, designed to preserve the military's corporate interests through a fac,ade of openness and ephemeral promises to tackle the core issues that have long divided the country? We may soon know, as the government and political opposition hit a hard wall of reality. We may see a reaction from suspected hard-liners in the military and government, such as the reportedly recalcitrant vice-president, Tin Aung Myint Oo, or the disquietingly mute military commanders who still constitutionally control key ministries and one-quarter of all parliamentary seats. No one knows what such individuals are thinking, but they already appear to have held up the expected release of most of the country's political prisoners. Watching Suu Kyi and her party contest bi-elections next year may excite the imagination of some in Burma and abroad. But the opposition's rising aspirations will soon run headlong into the formidable military-backed ruling party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), which, nurtured since 1993 to eventually take power, commands over 70 per cent of parliamentary seats. The USDP is not going to simply melt away, yet few think Suu Kyi's party would lose in a free and fair election. How much genuine reform has there been? New laws on peaceful assembly and trade unions are promising in principle, but, for many years, the Burmese authorities have used the legal system as an instrument of repression, rather than an institution for justice. The test will be when Burmese attempt to exercise their rights under these laws. It is hard to see how -- or for how long -- an authoritarian state can allow freedom of expression, assembly, and association. Creating respect for human rights and the rule of law in a deeply corrupt and repressive system is likely to take a long time. The biggest challenge may be ending the Burmese military's rampant abuses against ethnic insurgents. Since June, the renewed conflict in Kachin state has displaced more than 30,000 people. The army has employed a brutally commonplace menu of abuses against civilians in conflict areas, including sexual violence, forced labour, torture, and summary executions, all the hallmark of Burmese army counter-insurgency operations. Long-running armed conflict in eastern Burma, where nearly half a million people are internally displaced, has led at least 16 countries (including Canada) to call, in the past year, for a United Nations commission of inquiry into possible war crimes and crimes against humanity by all parties to the conflict. This initiative has been put on the back burner as countries watch developments in Burma. Yet these crimes are ongoing, and are a main driver of ethnic resistance. A sustainable solution to this complex war will be possible only when the Burmese government becomes serious about reining in its rampaging army, which has long enjoyed impunity for serious crimes. For much of the Burmese population, the main challenge is to subsist. Five decades of military rule have led to a socio-economic collapse. Development indicators in health and welfare are among the lowest in Asia, despite the fact that the country has a wealth of natural and human resources. For many Burmese, change will be measured by the government's efforts and success in addressing the dire economic mess. Yet the government persists in granting nearly one-quarter of the national budget to defence, while devoting a paltry amount to social needs. If the government is serious about reform, it must devote real attention and resources to health, education, and housing. The daunting challenges of transforming the positive signals of change into realistic reform should sober any international observer. Western countries that have long combined targeted sanctions and humanitarian assistance to Burma should engage in a measured response to the changes under way. Canada, the U.S., the European Union, and Australia should not consider repealing sanctions until all political prisoners are released, basic freedoms are restored in practice, and the government ends its horrific abuses against ethnic-minority groups. In the meantime, international observers should look for opportunities to assist the Burmese people directly, such as through increasing humanitarian assistance, supporting micro-financing schemes to assist farming communities, and offering technical assistance through the World Bank and International Monetary Fund to reform the economy and reduce corruption. Now is the time to press the government to engage in systemic reform based on respect for the rule of law and human rights. Dave Mathieson is the Senior Researcher, Asia Division, Human Rights Watch. http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/12/21/burmas-reality-check