News & Articles on Burma
Wednesday, 28 September, 2011
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Burma is still reluctant to initiate reform
Burma to free more prisoners: minister
Myanmar Reforms, Invites Foreign Investors
Goods May Soon Flow Again to Wa State
Wa top official remains in jail
Burmese Army Kills Two Civilians in Raid
Do Not Back Down on Burma
Burma promises prisoner amnesty
Burma FM says prisoner release looming
Kachin Rebels Lose Major Stronghold as Govt Army Advances
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Burma is still reluctant to initiate reform
By Zin Linn Sep 28, 2011 7:05PM UTC
Recent developments have potential for progress in Burma (Myanmar), Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said yesterday, while calling on the new namesake civilian Government to do more to guarantee creating a comprehensive transform.
A new Government was established in Burma (Myanmar) six months ago, and more recently the country has received a series of high-level bilateral visits. In addition, President Thein Sein has made a pledge for the nation to “catch up with the changing world.”
“Real opportunities for progress exist, but the Government must step up its efforts for reform if it is to bring about an inclusive – and irreversible – transition,” Mr. Ban said in a press statement issued after the ministerial meeting of the Group of Friends on Myanmar (Burma), which was held at UN Headquarters on the margins of the 66th session of the General Assembly, according to the UN News Centre.
“In particular, the authorities must cultivate improved dialogue with all political actors and release all remaining political prisoners,” he said.
Mr. Ban said change is not only possible, but necessary, adding that the international community has a responsibility to support Myanmar’s change.
The Group of Friends, founded in December 2007, is designed to serve as a consultative forum for developing a shared approach in support of the Secretary-General’s good offices mandate on Myanmar. Its members are Australia, China, the European Union, France, India, Indonesia, Japan, Norway, Russia, Singapore, the Republic of Korea, Thailand, the United Kingdom, the United States and Viet Nam.
Meanwhile, Myanmar’s Foreign Minister told the Assembly’s high-level debate on Tuesday that the Government has launched a series of political, economic and social reforms aimed at improving the welfare of its people, but voiced regret that these efforts are being hampered by international economic sanctions.
The unilateral sanctions imposed by the United States against Myanmar should lift at this moment, FM Maung Lwin said. Myanmar (Burma) has emerged as a new democratic nation in accordance with the constitution approved by the overwhelming majority of the people, he emphasized.
But, Burma’s 2008 constitution is null and void under international law. Burma’s new constitution, additionally, guarantees the military impunity from prosecution, encouraging the military’s continuing crimes against humanity, genocide, and war crimes, the Global Justice Center criticizes.
FM Maung Lwin should not be neglected the facts on the ground. Actually, Assistant Secretary Kurt Campbell and Special Representative and Policy Coordinator for Burma Ambassador Derek Mitchell met with him on the margins of the UN General Assembly in New York on September 22.
During the meeting, Campbell and Mitchell welcomed recent positive steps taken by the Burmese Government, including President Thein Sein’s dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi. They emphasized that the United States seeks concrete steps from the Thein Sein Government to show a true commitment to reform including release of all political prisoners, further meaningful dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi, a cessation of warfare against ethnic people, and transparency in its relationship with North Korea.
It is nonsensical that Maung Lwin is asking to lift sanctions without releasing 2,000 political prisoners, no meaningful dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi and no cessation of warfare against Kachin, Shan and Karen ethnic armed groups who revolt seeking self-determination for nearly six decades.
Maung Lwin stated that Myanmar keen on to the promotion and protection of human rights, and those rights are guaranteed by the new constitution. But actually, the constitution is major divergence between military-backed government and the political oppositions.
Maung Lwin’s speech is in fact one-sided viewpoint that neglects the UN’s successive decisions on Burma (Myanmar) and the findings of the Special Rapporteur on Human Rights.
In his end-of-mission statement in August, the Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Burma, Tomás Ojea Quintana expressed concern about the ongoing charges of torture and abuses during interrogation, the use of prisoners as porters for the military, and the transfers of prisoners to remote prisons where they are unable to receive family visits or packages of essential medicine and supplemental food.
Quintana also expressed concern about attacks against civilian populations, extrajudicial killings, sexual violence, arbitrary arrest and detention, internal displacement, land confiscations, the recruitment of child soldiers, as well as forced labour and portering.
As a gesture of “national reconsolidation,” the Government had last month offered an olive branch to all “national race armed groups,” Maung Lwin said, adding that some of the groups had accepted the reconciliation offer.
But, while Maung Lwin was delivering an address about his regime’s olive-branch policy towards ethnic armed groups, his government has been launching a major offensive targeting the KIA’s Brigade 4 near the Sino-Burma border. The Kachin Independence Organization urged the international community, including the UN, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and Burma’s neighbors, to help ending of country’s civil war by way of national reconciliation.
Hence, FM Maung Lwin’s expressions at the UN Assembly are quite the opposite of his government’s activities on the ground. Burma actually is not on the right track to reform so far. http://asiancorrespondent.com/66058/burma-is-still-reluctant-to-initiate-reform/
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BANGKOK POST
Burma to free more prisoners: minister
Published: 28/09/2011 at 01:32 AM
Online news: Asia
Burma will free more prisoners in the future, the country's foreign minister told the UN on Tuesday, without saying whether these would include political detainees.
Myanmar's Foreign Minister, U Wanna Maung Lwin arrives for the the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Summit in Jakarta, May 2011. Myanmar will free more prisoners in the future, the country's foreign minister told the UN on Tuesday, without saying whether these would include political detainees.
Foreign Minister U Wanna Maung Lwin, making the country's first address to the UN General Assembly since a nominally civilian government took power, also appealed for the lifting of international sanctions.
Seeking to boost the government's international image, Lwin said that since a first amnesty was decreed by the military-backed President Thein Sein in May about 20,000 inmates had been released.
The minister also highlighted a deal reached with some armed opposition ethnic groups in August and how a national human rights commission started work this month.
"The president in exercising the mandate vested upon him by the constitution will further grant an amnesty at an appropriate time in the near future," Lwin said.
Burma's democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi has said she believes the president wants "positive" change in the country which had been ruled by a junta for decades up to the elections last November.
But many governments say they want to see more proof of the change and rights groups are wary of the Burma government's public statements.
"The foreign minister would be more convincing if the government released all political prisoners and held security forces accountable for the brutal suppression of monks and peaceful protesters exactly four years ago," said Elaine Pearson, deputy Asia director for Human Rights Watch.
The minister did not say if the estimated 2,000 political prisoners would be among those who would qualify for the new amnesty.
But he did say that sanctions by the United States, European Union and other countries were hurting the poor nation.
"It is regrettable that the government's efforts to improve the livelihood of the people are hampered by the economic sanctions," he said, calling for a lifting of the "unilateral sanctions."
"Burma has transformed towards a democratic nation in a smooth and peaceful manner," said Lwin.
"The steps taken by the government of Burma are concrete, visible and irreversible," he added. "Burma has strong determination to continue implementing the democratization process amidst all the challenges." http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/asia/258593/burma-to-free-more-prisoners-minister
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September 28, 2011 12:03 PM
Myanmar Reforms, Invites Foreign Investors
By P.Vijian
NEW DELHI, Sept 28 (Bernama) -- Myanmar is steadily dismantling its rigid trade policies, to entice foreign funds in an effort to shape the agrarian economy and compete with its prosperous Asean neighbours.
After the nation's military leadership allowed a civilian president to rule in the resource-blessed country last March, investment-hungry Myanmar is liberalising to promote investments.
"Myanmar's trade laws and policies are now more attractive and friendly to facilitate investments.
"Myanmar is situated between large markets like China and India and can serve as a gateway to Asean with extensive trade opportunities," visiting Myanmar Trade Minister, U Win Myint, told a trade meeting in Delhi on Tuesday.
According to the country's National Planning and Development Ministry, Myanmar pulled in US$20 billion (RM62 billion) in foreign direct investments (FDI) between 2010 until March this year.
Neighbouring China pumped in US$8.3 billion (RM25.7 billion) while Hong Kong was the second largest investor with US$5.4 billion (RM16.7 billion) -- funds much needed to rev up one of Southeast Asia's most backward economies.
On the sidelines of the meeting, Myanmar's Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry president Win Aung, also assured major reforms were in the pipeline to lure foreign money to the country's shores.
"The liberalisation of trade polices has started substantially with laws for FDIs and land lease to be very flexible. Foreign private companies are encouraged to form partnerships (with local firms)," said Aung.
A partner of the trade-robust 10-member Asean bloc, currently Myanmar's economy is moving at about five percent.
-- BERNAMA http://www.bernama.com/bernama/v5/newsbusiness.php?id=616225
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Goods May Soon Flow Again to Wa State
By SAI ZOM HSENG Wednesday, September 28, 2011
Although a two-year-old Burmese government blockade of goods to Wa State is still being enforced, some United Wa State Party (UWSP) officials are hoping that goods will soon be allowed to flow into their area through a track in northern Shan State.
The last meeting between the government and the UWSP, which is the political wing of the United Wa State Army (UWSA), produced good results, according to a UWSP official. The meeting was held in Keng Tung, eastern Shan State, in the first week of September.
The official told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that the civilian government just wants to make sure that the UWSA is not involved in the fighting between the government troops and other ethnic armed groups.
“If we think carefully, there’s a link between the meetings in Keng Tung, the recent skirmishes between the government and other ethnic armed groups and the Myitsone Dam Project, which has become a controversial issue for all people in the country. The government doesn’t want us involved in those problems. They want to control us in the name of ‘ensuring peace, stability and development,’” he said.
During the early September meeting in Keng Tung between the government representatives and delegations from the UWSA/UWSP and the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), an ethnic armed group based in Mongla, eastern Shan State, the government temporarily dropped its Border Guard Force (BGF) proposal and an interim ceasefire agreement was signed.
A source close to the UWSA and UWSP said that in exchange for signing the interim ceasefire agreement and promising that they won’t get involved in the other armed conflicts, the government dropped its ban on the importation of goods into Wa State and its suspension of Yangon Airways, which is owned by Aik Hawk, an ethnic Wa who is the son-in-law of UWSA/UWSP leader Bao Yuxiang.
As a result, goods will soon be allowed to be imported along the Lashio-Tangyan-Panghsang highway, a track in northern Shan State. In addition, Yangon Airways will begin flying again in October, and government medical and educational staff, who left Wa State when tension rose between the UWSA and the Tatmadaw, will now return to Panghsang and Mong Maw, the major cities in the state.
The previous Burmese regime proposed the BGF plan in 2009 in order to control all ethnic armed groups, but the strong armed groups such as the UWSA, the Kachin Independence Army, the Shan State Army, the Karen National Union, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (an ethnic Kokang armed group that has now been defeated by the Burmese army) and the New Mon State Party refused to transform.
The UWSA is known as the strongest ethnic armed group and has approximately 20,000 to 30,000 troops. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=22156
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Wa top official remains in jail
Monday, 26 September 2011 16:29 Hseng Khio Fah
One of the United Wa State Army (UWSA) top ranking officials, Ta Pan, was not seen among group of 16 opium traffickers released recently by the government’s special amnesty, according to sources from the group.
“They were only his followers, not him. He is still required to serve his full term,” said a source.
Ta Pan was Commander of Mongyawn-based 2518th Independent Regiment (new renamed 518th Brigade) and is an adopted son of Bao Youri, eldest brother of Bao Youxiang, the United Wa State Army's supreme commander and leader.
He together with other 16 officers were arrested by the Burma Army in September 2005 in Mongpiang, 100 km west of Kengtung following a seizure of 496 kg of heroin.
They were sentenced to ten years in jail under the Narcotic Law Section 19 (A) by the district court in Kengtung, capital of Shan State East on 22 September, 2005, and transferred to Buthidaung Prison on the western Burmese border.
According to Narinjara report on 21 September, the government on 16 September released 16 opium traffickers who are the Wa ethnic nationalities from Buthidaung prison with the special relaxation on their lengthy jail terms.
“Their release can likely be related to the recent ceasefire agreement signed between the two sides [The UWSA and Government],” according to a border watcher.
The release came after the government and its group met on 6 September to sign a new ceasefire pact.
8 top leaders of the UWSA, including Chairman Bao Youxiang and Wei Hsuehkang have indicted by a New York Court in January 2005. http://shanland.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=4062:wa-top-official-remains-in-jail&catid=93:general&Itemid=291
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Burmese Army Kills Two Civilians in Raid
By LAWI WENG Wednesday, September 28, 2011
Two civilians were shot dead in Lort Taing village, Kaleingaung Sub-Township, while Burmese government troops hunted an armed ethnic Mon group, according to local sources.
Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Wednesday, a local resident from the settlement in northern Tenasserin Division’s Yebyu Township said Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 282 soldiers killed the pair at around 7 pm on September 25.
“There were two victims, one is Karen and another is Mon,” he said.
They [LIB 282] did not give compensation to the families who held funerals on September 26, he added.
The Mon victim was called Nai Wan and over 50 years old, according to another villager who recently arrived at the Thai-Burmese border.
“Nai Wan got shot while he was having tea near to a house while there was a video show,” said the source.
He also revealed that LIB 282 sprayed bullets at local people while Burmese soldiers attempted to arrest some members of a Mon armed group who entered the village in the evening.
One member of the Mon armed group, led by Nai Chain Dein and Nai Bin, was arrested by LIB 282, according to villagers.
Lort Taing is a Karen village of around 100 houses including some Mon families. It lies around one hour's drive from Yebyu Township.
Meanwhile, troops from LIB 282 have not allowed residents of Lort Taing to leave their village. This means local people have not been able to tend to their crops which has caused food shortages, according to sources.
The Burmese government has categorized Lort Taing village has a “black area” in Kaleingaung Sub-Township. Many villagers have been detained and tortured at the hands of both Mon armed groups and Burmese military battalions stationed in the area. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=22158
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Do Not Back Down on Burma
By Walter Lohman and Robert Warshaw
September 27, 2011
Known globally for headlines about brutal military crackdowns on protestors, incarceration of over 2,000 political prisoners, rampant corruption, ethnic war, press censorship, and shady dealings with North Korea—involving potentially the development of nuclear weapons—the reclusive nation of Burma has recently attracted attention for nominal reforms, among them the November 2010 election that created a “civilian” government and the subsequent release of Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest.
As most of the rhetoric and “reforms” are either institutional window dressing or have been seen before,[1] they could very well prove nothing more than an extensive public relations campaign ahead of a decision on whether Burma chairs the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2014. Burma remains far from taking action on the key indicators of real reform. Until it does, the U.S. should hold fast its sanctions and limit future engagement.
Burmese Reforms: Beyond the Surface
Few observers question that last November’s election was farcical at best. President Obama denounced it, asserting that it “failed to meet any of the internationally accepted standards associated with legitimate elections.”[2] Despite widespread criticism, the elections elevated former general and Prime Minister Thein Sein to the presidency.
Aung San Suu Kyi’s release from house arrest and August’s hour-long meeting with Thein Sein were positive steps—but hardly ones taken for benevolent reasons. Simply put, President Thein Sein has likely calculated that her followers no longer threaten his regime, at least not until the 2015 elections. Indeed, with her National League for Democracy party banned from political activism, her movements closely scrutinized, and her appearances restricted, the Nobel Prize winner enjoys only a modicum of freedom. Earlier this month, she published her first article in the Burmese media in many years, yet the government slashed all political reference within it. Meanwhile, over 2,000 political prisoners are still languishing in Burmese prisons.
Burma still ranks abysmally in the annual Freedom House rankings, receiving the lowest score possible. Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index lists Myanmar as the world’s second most corrupt nation,[3] and The Heritage Foundation’s Index of Economic Freedom ranks Burma as Asia’s second-least-free economy, behind only North Korea. Burma has also “failed demonstrably” on counter-narcotics[4] and is “of particular concern” regarding religious freedom.[5] While few expected dramatic change after one year of civilian rule, policymakers should not forget the realities in Burma as characterized by these various rankings.
Frankly, Burma is still miles away from meriting the lifting of sanctions. U.S. Special Representative and Policy Coordinator for Burma Derek Mitchell’s recent fact-finding trip to Burma did nothing to change this outlook. Mitchell met separately with government and opposition leaders, discussing a broad range of issues. However, he admitted to “no outcomes that were tangible” and recognized that this trip’s purpose was to engage relevant parties, build relationships, and foster trust.
What Should the U.S. Want from Burma, and What Should It Expect?
What the U.S. should want from Burma is simple: rule of law, respect for internationally recognized human right standards, and stability. This will not happen overnight. At the most realistic levels, the U.S. should want Burma to take demonstrable steps toward developing a genuine democratic system, permitting real political dissent, further loosening restrictions on Aung San Suu Kyi, freeing political prisoners, protecting basic human rights, combating its drug trade, and severing its ties with North Korea.
What the U.S. should expect, however, is not so encouraging. The current regime still views maintaining power as its top priority, and without democratic legitimacy, brute force is ultimately its only claim to power. Any genuine challenge to its prerogatives of power will be swiftly extinguished. It will certainly entertain no changes that facilitate such challenge.
Stay the Course
With ASEAN set to decide soon whether Burma will assume the 2014 ASEAN chairmanship, the Burmese regime knows that any political crackdown would seriously jeopardize its standing. To that end, Burma, acting in its national interest, should demonstrate with its actions that its reforms are not merely a public relations campaign.
Until then, U.S. sanctions, outlined through executive orders and congressionally passed mandates,[6] should continue to push Burma toward more substantial political reforms and should not be lifted for the foreseeable future.
Recommendations
Push for a U.N. Commission of Inquiry for Burma. The Administration has publicly supported the inquiry into crimes against humanity and war crimes but refrained from exercising any diplomatic influence to make it happen. As currently constituted, this makes it either a cynical ploy to appease human rights groups or another effort at “leading from behind” that is actually not “leading” at all.
Limit engagement with the Burmese regime to the special envoy level. Two years ago, President Obama accommodated the Burmese junta in order to convene the first ever U.S.–ASEAN Leaders Summit—he consented to attend despite the presence of the Burmese prime minister. If that is the price the U.S. must pay to engage ASEAN as a whole at the head-of-government level, it was a tolerable deal. But that annual meeting is where presidential-level engagement should end.
Establish concrete, identifiable benchmarks for continued diplomatic engagement. These should include releasing political prisoners, lifting political censorship, ending the regime’s war against ethnic minorities, and measurably improving its overall human rights conditions. Further engagement by Ambassador Mitchell should be contingent on identifiable steps toward these benchmarks.
Make clear to ASEAN that, under current circumstances, Burma’s 2014 chairmanship is unacceptable. Without major, irreversible political changes in Burma, it is absolutely inconceivable that any U.S. Administration will continue diplomatic engagement through Burma’s chairmanship year. ASEAN should fully understand that if Burma is permitted the chairmanship in 2014, this means no U.S. participation in ASEAN-centered meetings—most notably the U.S.–ASEAN Summit, the East Asia Summit, and the ASEAN Regional Forum—and no new initiatives in the lead-up and through its chairmanship.
Sustain Pressure on Naypyidaw
U.S. sanctions alone have not yielded satisfactory results in Burma, but that does not mean the absence of sanctions would promote reform. In fact, a persuasive argument can be made that a sanctions policy involving the full weight of American diplomacy has never been tried.
Certainly, removing sanctions now would do more to bless the superficial changes that have taken place since 2010 in Burma than they deserve. With the 2014 ASEAN chairmanship in Burma’s sights, a new campaign of U.S.-led pressure, along with continued sanctions, is needed to bring real reform to Burma.
Walter Lohman is Director of, and Robert Warshaw is a Research Assistant in, the Asian Studies Center at The Heritage Foundation. http://www.heritage.org/Research/Reports/2011/09/Do-Not-Back-Down-on-Burma
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Burma promises prisoner amnesty
Wednesday September 28 2011
Military-dominated Burma said its democratic reforms were irreversible and promised a prisoner amnesty in the near future.
Foreign minister Wanna Maung Lwin told the United Nations General Assembly that talks last month between Burma's president and democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi were intended to put aside differences and find common grounds to co-operate.
The minister urged nations to lift economic sanctions.
In November, Burma held its first elections in 20 years. The new government is nominally civilian but remains dominated by the military, which has ruled since 1962.
Western nations are urging Burma to free its more than 2,000 political prisoners and reconcile with Ms Suu Kyi, whose party won 1990 elections but was barred from taking power. The party boycotted the November poll, saying the rules governing it were unfair.
Wanna Maung Lwin gave no details about the planned amnesty, other than that it would happen "at an appropriate time in the near future".
"We hope the near future will come very soon," said British ambassador to the UN Sir Mark Lyall Grant, after a meeting later of the Friends of Burma, a group of about 15 interested Western and Asian nations.
In his address, Wanna Maung Lwin referred to a May amnesty granted by president Thein Sein that he said led to the release of 20,000 prisoners by the end of July.
Western nations were, however, disappointed, as only a few dozen political detainees were reportedly freed.
Another amnesty could be well-timed. Burma is vying to win the support of neighbouring governments for its bid to chair the Association of South-east Asian Nations in 2014. ASEAN leaders may reach a decision at a summit this November. http://www.goreyguardian.ie/breaking-news/world-news/burma-promises-prisoner-amnesty-2889066.html
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Burma FM says prisoner release looming
By JOSEPH ALLCHIN
Published: 28 September 2011
Burma’s foreign minister has told the UN General Assembly (UNGA) that an amnesty for prisoners is on the cards, but gave no date for a possible release.
Addressing the UN General Assembly in New York, Wunna Maung Lwin said that the country’s president would grant the amnesty “at an appropriate time in the near future”.
Among Burma’s prisoner population are nearly 2000 jailed activists, lawyers, doctors and journalists. The government however refuses to acknowledge that it holds political prisoners.
Wunna Maung Lwin said that between 16 May and the end of July the government had released 20,000 prisoners – only a fraction of these were political prisoners.
Rumours have circulated that prominent political prisoners, such as the comedian Zarganar, may be released in the coming weeks.
The amnesty would be part of national “re-consolidation” efforts, said the foreign minister, along with an “olive branch” for “national race” armed groups. He said offers of negotiation had been accepted by some armed groups, but did not mention the ongoing offensives against the Kachin and Shan armies.
Wunna Maung Lwin also took a shot at international sanctions on Burma, claiming that: “It is regrettable that the government’s efforts to improve the livelihood of the people are hampered by the economic sanctions.”
Political prisoners are seen as one of the biggest indicators of a lack of progress in the country since elections last year. Human Rights Watch’s deputy Asia director, Elaine Pearson, said: “Burma’s foreign minister would be more convincing if the government released all political prisoners and held security forces accountable for the brutal suppression of monks and peaceful protesters exactly four years ago.”
But accepting that the 2000-odd prisoners of conscience are indeed political, or that accountability for the military should be sought, remains very unlikely: the 2008 constitution, which Wunna Maung Lwin contentiously told the summit was “approved by the overwhelming majority of the people,” guarantees that military personnel are immune from prosecution in a civilian court, and a state of emergency can be declared at any time.
The foreign minister added: “The new government pledged that all citizens shall enjoy equal rights in terms of law and is determined to reinforce the judicial power,” despite a recent affirmation in parliament of racial profiling for Arakanese Muslims because they looked like Bangladeshis.
“The government also assured the nation to amend and revoke existing laws and adopt new laws as may deem necessary to implement the necessary provisions of the fundamental rights of citizens,” he continued.
The government is expected to release a new law regarding the rights of labour to organise, but the voting record for amending laws within parliament has been concurrent with the make-up of the houses, which vote overwhelmingly with a conservative, pro-military line.
This has included bills on amending laws such as the Unlawful Association Act, which is used to block potential candidates from holding office or arbitrarily detaining journalists such as 21-year-old DVB reporter, Sithu Zeya, who is serving an 18-year sentence, pending an appeal.
The UN Secretary General, Ban Ki-moon, responding in a press statement released after the foreign minister’s address, said: “Real opportunities for progress exist, but the Government must step up its efforts for reform if it is to bring about an inclusive – and irreversible – transition.” He further added to the chorus calling for the release of political prisoners. http://www.dvb.no/news/burma-fm-says-prisoner-release-looming/17850
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Kachin Rebels Lose Major Stronghold as Govt Army Advances
By BA KAUNG Wednesday, September 28, 2011
Civilians have fled in terror as the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) loses its major stronghold in Burma's northern Shan State after a massive four-day military offensive by government troops.
The KIA Brigade 4 headquarters at Loikang, near Kutakai Township, fell into government hands at 6:30 pm on Tuesday evening after being relentlessly pounded “day and night” with heavy artillery fire on multiple fronts.
According to latest reports from frontline areas, both sides have thousands of soliders fighting and at least 15 battalions of the Burmese government army are relentlessly shelling rebel-controled areas with 120mm, 105mm and 80mm artillery fire.
“This stronghold is not of much strategic value and our battalions in the surrounding mountains remain as strong as before,” said Col Zau Raw, commander KIA forces in northern Shan State.
The current conflict by Kutakai Township, northern Shan State, lies a few kilometers from the proposed Chinese oil pipeline (Photo: Irrawaddy)
The government army has also reportedly reinforced its troops in Myitkyina and Bhamo townships of Kachin State, indicating it will launch further military offensives towards KIA bases in the region. Some exchanges of fire were also reported between the two sides in areas near the KIA's main headquarters in Lazia, Kachin State, on Tuesday.
Government forces—under the direct command of northeastern Shan State regional commander Maj-Gen Aung Kyaw Zaw—seems determined to drive Kachin rebel troops out of Shan State and secure the economically and militarily strategic region near the Sino-Burmese border. China's major oil pipeline from the Bay of Begal to Yunnan Province will pass through central Burma and near the current conflict zones in Shan State.
Kachin rebels are relying on the mountainous terrain of both Kachin and northern Shan states where they have used guerrilla tactics to fight the Burmese government for greater autonomy since 1961.
The KIA has an estimated 10,000 troops with 4,000 of them under the command of KIA Brigade 4 based across northern Shan State. The KIA 9th and 2nd battalions under Brigade 4 already lost their bases to advancing government troops on Monday.
Zau Raw said that his troops were launching guerrilla counter attacks in a number of areas across northern Shan State as Burmese government troops advance. Both sides have not released the exact number of casualties suffered and the Burmese government's official media outlet is yet to comment on the latest fighting.
Thousands have already left the warzone and fled to safer areas, but there have been reports of the Burmese and Chinese authorities blocking refugees from crossing the border into China.
“Hundreds of civilians were seen fleeing in all directions to escape the bombardment. Thousands of displaced civilians are in dire need of humanitarian assistance from inside Burma and the outside world as they have been subject to investigation, rape, torture, extra-judicial execution and destruction of homes and communities,” said KIA sources.
The current conflict is the most intense since the collapse of a 17-year ceasefire agreement between the two sides in June when fighting broke out near Chinese-built hydropower plants in Bhamo Township of Kachin State. This followed the KIA's outright rejection of the government's border guard force plan under the new civilian administration which took office in March this year.
During two following rounds of peace talks, the government offered the KIA a chance to renew the 1994 ceasefire agreement but rejected their demands for a political dialogue between all ethnic armed groups and Naypyidaw.
KIA officials have said that they are prepared to continue fighting as long as the Burmese government does not seek a political solution to the decades-old conflict.
This latest round of hostilities brings a sharp contrast to the rosy picture created by the nominally civilian government in Naypyidaw, which is adopting a range of tentative economic and political reforms and reaching out to the democratic opposition led by pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi.
Timeline
February 1947—Kachin leaders sign the Panglong Agreement with the Burmese government, which laid the foundation for the creation of a fully autonomous Kachin State.
February 1961—A group of educated young Kachin men found the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and pledged to fight for a free Kachin republic.
Intense fighting with the Burmese Army ensues.
October 1980—Brang Seng, the chairman of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the KIA's political wing, goes to Rangoon and meets with Burmese government for peace talks. He asks the Burmese government for Kachin State autonomy with self determination.
December 1980—The Burmese government rejects the KIO's demand for the inclusion of autonomous rights in the Constitution, saying the demands had not been accepted “by a vote of the people.” Peace efforts break down and fighting resumes.
February 1994—KIO signs a ceasefire agreement with the ruling military regime of the State Law and Order Restoration Council.
September 2010—KIO formally rejects the Burmese government's border guard force (BGF) plan which would subjugate the KIA under Burmese military command. The KIO calls for the emergence of a genuine federal state. Naypyidaw subsequently forces the closure of KIA liaison offices in Kachin State.
September 2010—Burma's Election Commission rejects the registration of three Kachin political parties from running in the country's first national elections in 20 years, saying the party leaders were linked with the KIA.
May 2011—KIO sends a letter to the Chinese government urging Beijing to withdraw its investment from the controversial Myitsone Hydropower Dam project in Kachin State, warning that local resentment against this project could spark a civil war.
June 9, 2011—Deadly fighting between the KIA and Burmese Army breaks out near a hydropower dam project, bringing this strategic region neighboring China to the verge of a civil war.
June 30, 2011—KIA and government officials hold their first round of peace talks, during which the KIA explicitly says it wants to have a political dialogue with Naypyidaw rather than renewing a ceasefire agreement.
August 1, 2011—Second round of peace talks held between KIA and Burmese government delegation. The KIA repeats its call for political talks with Napyidaw but the government delegation asks rebel leaders to accept the BGF plan and work under the new Constitution.
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=22160
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Where there's political will, there is a way
政治的な意思がある一方、方法がある
စစ္မွန္တဲ့ခိုင္မာတဲ့နိုင္ငံေရးခံယူခ်က္ရိွရင္ႀကိဳးစားမႈရိွရင္ နိုင္ငံေရးအေျဖ
ထြက္ရပ္လမ္းဟာေသခ်ာေပါက္ရိွတယ္
Burmese Translation-Phone Hlaing-fwubc
စစ္မွန္တဲ့ခိုင္မာတဲ့နိုင္ငံေရးခံယူခ်က္ရိွရင္ႀကိဳးစားမႈရိွရင္ နိုင္ငံေရးအေျဖ
ထြက္ရပ္လမ္းဟာေသခ်ာေပါက္ရိွတယ္
Burmese Translation-Phone Hlaing-fwubc
Thursday, September 29, 2011
News & Articles on Burma-Wednesday, 28 September, 2011-uzl
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