Peaceful Burma (ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းျမန္မာ)平和なビルマ

Peaceful Burma (ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းျမန္မာ)平和なビルマ

TO PEOPLE OF JAPAN



JAPAN YOU ARE NOT ALONE



GANBARE JAPAN



WE ARE WITH YOU



ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေျပာတဲ့ညီညြတ္ေရး


“ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတာ ဘာလဲ နားလည္ဖုိ႔လုိတယ္။ ဒီေတာ့ကာ ဒီအပုိဒ္ ဒီ၀ါက်မွာ ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတဲ့အေၾကာင္းကုိ သ႐ုပ္ေဖာ္ျပ ထားတယ္။ တူညီေသာအက်ဳိး၊ တူညီေသာအလုပ္၊ တူညီေသာ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ရွိရမယ္။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတာ ဘာအတြက္ ညီၫြတ္ရမွာလဲ။ ဘယ္လုိရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္နဲ႔ ညီၫြတ္ရမွာလဲ။ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ဆုိတာ ရွိရမယ္။

“မတရားမႈတခုမွာ သင္ဟာ ၾကားေနတယ္ဆုိရင္… သင္ဟာ ဖိႏွိပ္သူဘက္က လုိက္ဖုိ႔ ေရြးခ်ယ္လုိက္တာနဲ႔ အတူတူဘဲ”

“If you are neutral in a situation of injustice, you have chosen to side with the oppressor.”
ေတာင္အာဖရိကက ႏိုဘယ္လ္ဆုရွင္ ဘုန္းေတာ္ၾကီး ဒက္စ္မြန္တူးတူး

THANK YOU MR. SECRETARY GENERAL

Ban’s visit may not have achieved any visible outcome, but the people of Burma will remember what he promised: "I have come to show the unequivocal shared commitment of the United Nations to the people of Myanmar. I am here today to say: Myanmar – you are not alone."

QUOTES BY UN SECRETARY GENERAL

Without participation of Aung San Suu Kyi, without her being able to campaign freely, and without her NLD party [being able] to establish party offices all throughout the provinces, this [2010] election may not be regarded as credible and legitimate. ­
United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon

Where there's political will, there is a way

政治的な意思がある一方、方法がある
စစ္မွန္တဲ့ခိုင္မာတဲ့နိုင္ငံေရးခံယူခ်က္ရိွရင္ႀကိဳးစားမႈရိွရင္ နိုင္ငံေရးအေျဖ
ထြက္ရပ္လမ္းဟာေသခ်ာေပါက္ရိွတယ္
Burmese Translation-Phone Hlaing-fwubc

Wednesday, April 6, 2011

News & Articles on Burma-Tuesday, 05 April, 2011

News & Articles on Burma
Tuesday, 05 April, 2011
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The Role of the Third Force in the Junta's Diplomatic Offensive
NDF leaders at loggerheads, party splits
Ex-army captain arrested, interrogated
Refugees trapped on Myanmar Border
High-ranking Chinese Communist official 1st VIP guest of new Myanmar president
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CONTRIBUTOR
The Role of the Third Force in the Junta's Diplomatic Offensive
By AUNG LYNN HTUT Tuesday, April 5, 2011

After listening to a commentary about Burma's election and new Parliament written by Dr Thant Myint-U, the grandson of the late UN Secretary-General U Thant, on the Voice of America, I was reminded of a comment given by Snr-Gen Than Shwe when I was serving at the Burmese Embassy in Washington, D.C. The junta chief, who used to be part of the military regime's Psychological Warfare Department, said, “Your organizing efforts should target family members of prominent people in order to compare with that woman.” “That woman” was, of course, Aung San Suu Kyi.

Linn Myaing, the then Burmese ambassador to the US, through his brother Kyaw Myaing and a female professor who emigrated to the US, was able to get in touch with U Thant's family members and sons of a minister who served for a previous government led by the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League in the 1950s. He could also contact Aung San Oo, Suu Kyi's elder brother, and his wife living in San Diego, California. The regime has used them in launching its diplomatic offensive against the international community and psychological warfare against Suu Kyi.

The senior general knew that those aforementioned people might not have forgotten their golden age in Burma, and so he brought them and their family members to Rangoon and treated them well. In return, the generals gained even more support from them than they expected. We smiled at them because they did not know they were being lured by the regime, which made them think that they were actual heroes who could save the country.

I would like to touch on the subject of how those family members were exploited by the regime at the UN. Actually, the regime's leaders did not understand much about international relations until 2000. They just did whatever they wanted in their county and didn't care what anyone else thought. They didn't pay attention to the international community or the image of their government in the international arena.

Than Shwe, whose way of thinking about such matters was particularly crazy, often pushed his fellow generals into tight corners. There were a number of cases in which regime officials were put in an awkward situation because of his lack of international knowledge. Than Shwe did not understand that the recruitment of child soldiers, forced labor and forced relocation of villages were prohibited by international conventions. He did not know which UN treaties the successive Burmese governments had signed and/or ratified. The then foreign minister, who was aware of those treaties, tried to explain these things to him, but he did refused to listen.

Since around 1997, Burma's human rights situation has attracted increasing attention at the UN. It was around this time that the senior general also started to think about how to tackle this problem. Consequently, a strategy for a diplomatic offensive was developed with advice from Joseph Verner Reed, a famous US politician and senior official, in order to garner support within the international community.

According to the plan, prominent Burmese people living abroad became major targets of the regime, followed by young Burmese intellectuals and non-Burmese scholars with an interest in Burma.

Family members of U Thant were considered the first target of the offensive. At the beginning, the regime was worried that it would not be welcomed easily by U Thant's family because they had actively worked for pro-democracy activists following the nationwide pro-democracy uprising in Burma in 1988, and the army had killed innocent civilians when U Thant's funeral turned into an uprising known as the “U Thant Affair.” The regime, however, did not face much difficulties in dealing with the family of the late UN secretary-general.

After the regime complimented members of U Thant's family on their significance in Burmese politics and in the pursuit of democracy, each of them reportedly visited Burma as guests of the state. It seemed that the regime thoroughly won them over, because on their return they did not appear to have any hatred towards the army. Indeed, ever since then, they have been speaking for the regime almost as if they have become its overseas representatives.

Following Reed's advice, since around 1997, Burmese ambassadors to the US, UK, Canada, Switzerland and France have been spending several months each year in New York, lobbying foreign diplomats on behalf of the regime during the UN General Assembly period from August to November.

However, there was a suggestion that lobby efforts for a government by non-government actors could be more effective, so the regime began to establish a “third force” around 2002 by combining its first, second and third targets.

Using U Thant's name was beneficial to the regime in its diplomatic offensive and advocacy efforts. Likewise, his family members were very useful for the regime in international relations.

The efforts of the so-called third force stopped temporarily following the purge of Gen Khin Nyunt, the former Burmese prime minister and military intelligence chief, in October 2004. Later, Than Shwe allowed the elements of the third force within and outside the country to resume their work after U Thaung, a former Burmese ambassador to the US, told him that the regime should lobby the administration of US President Barack Obama.

One third force group that has steadily taken shape since the ouster of Khin Nyunt is Myanmar Egress. In early 2000, an ambassador from a Western country in Burma played a key role in the emergence of the third force in the country.

The stance of the third force was questioned by domestic and exiled pro-democracy groups because they openly lent their support to last year's November election. The meeting between Htay Oo, the general secretary of the Union Solidarity and Development Party, and Thant Myint-U in Bangkok was reportedly co-organized by Myanmar Egress.

When Vijay Nambiar, the special envoy of UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, visited Burma for two days in November last year, members of the third force reportedly managed to meet with him and share their views on different situations.

Before Ibrahim Gambari, the former UN special envoy to Burma, made his first trip to the country in May 2006, there was a secret meeting on Burma held at the UN office in New York. Most of those present were non-Burmese so-called “Burma experts” and UN officials. Thant Myint-U also joined the meeting. The significance of the meeting was that some participants urged others to forget the role of Aung San Suu Kyi in Burmese politics. The UN envoy, however, reportedly said at last that it was impossible to do so.

The military regime has changed its approach a bit. It held the election and now wants international recognition of its new Parliament and government. One thing that hasn't changed, however, is that the regime still attacks Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy, and continues to oppose economic sanctions. And everyone is still dancing to Than Shwe's tune.

What I would like to request of the members of the third force, both within and outside Burma, is that they, as intellectuals and respected people, should be very careful about being exploited by Than Shwe. They should listen to the views of ordinary civil and military personnel, instead of what high-ranking officers and wealthy people are saying. If they really love Burma, they should be brave enough to criticize not only the democracy forces, but also the regime. If they just speak for the regime, I will say they are only making trouble for the country.

Aung Lynn Htut is a former major who served as a counter-intelligence officer and deputy head of mission at the Burmese embassy in Washington, D.C. He sought political asylum in the US in 2005.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

http://www.irrawaddy.org/opinion_story.php?art_id=21077
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NDF leaders at loggerheads, party splits
By AHUNT PHONE MYAT
Published: 5 April 2011

The opposition National Democratic Force has announced it has split into two factions following months of acrimony amongst senior party leaders.

The party born out of Burma’s iconic National League for Democracy (NLD) had been in existence for only nine months before yesterday’s decision to break apart. One faction will now be led by deputy chairman Thein Nyunt, and the other by Khin Maung Swe, the party leader.

Relations between the two had soured following the elections last year after the NDF requested permission from the Union Election Commission to dismiss Thein Nyunt as a member. The party alleged that he had shared sensitive policy details with the media.

Thein Nyunt appears to have spearheaded the split, and has rebranded his faction as the Thingangyun NDF after the Rangoon township that he won a parliamentary seat in. His group contains five NDF members who were victorious in the November 2010 elections.

He told DVB that the new group would “work separately” to Khin Maung Swe’s but held back on more specific details, saying only that the announcement was made after fellow MPs questioned the status of the party in parliament.

The split appears to have been far from amicable, with Thein Nyunt asserting that “in no way will we get back together with them, personally, organisational-wise or politically”.

But Khin Maung Swe was more affable. He said that the splinter group “had the right to make their own choice” and wasn’t attempting to stop them.

“They are free to take part in politics and set up the party of their preference. However, they should not forget they were [elected] as representatives in the People’s Parliament under the Hkamaut [bamboo hat] flag,” Khin Maung Swe said, referring to the NDF’s symbol.

He added that his faction would “happily forgive” Thein Nyunt’s.

Following the NDF’s criticism of Thein Nyunt last year, the deputy leader responded that the party had failed to carry out a financial audit it had promised. Khin Maung Swe said at the time that he had also accused the party of using foreign funding, a practice that is illegal under Burmese law.

Thein Nyunt’s future in the party was then put to a vote, with 12 out of 15 NDF leaders deciding he should be expelled.

The NDF broke away from the NLD in May 2010 following the latter’s decision to boycott the polls. It fielded nearly 80 candidates in the 7 November vote, winning 16 seats.
http://www.dvb.no/news/ndf-leaders-at-loggerheads-party-splits/15165
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Ex-army captain arrested, interrogated
By AYE NAI
Published: 5 April 2011

A former Burmese army captain who turned his attention towards social work was arrested at the weekend and is now likely being held in an interrogation centre on the outskirts of Rangoon.

The reasons for Nay Myo Zin’s arrest remain unclear. A co-worker at the Rangoon blood donation group he volunteered at told DVB that they had spoken prior to his arrest.

“He phoned me around 4pm on Saturday and said he was being picked up by local [Special Branch] police sergeant Myint Swe to go to Aungthabyay interrogation centre for some questioning,” said Nyi Nyi.

“I told the [police] they could talk to me instead if they want to know about the blood donation but it seemed like they just wanted him. When I got there, they were already gone.”

The blood group was started in 2009 by Nyi Nyi, a member of the National League for Democracy, which until its dissolution last year was the Burmese junta’s strongest foe.

Groups such as these that operate outside state-run initiatives are often viewed with suspicion by the government, which has been known in the past to jail civilian relief and charity workers.

Nay Myo Zin’s mother, Khin Thi, told DVB today that a Defence Services sergeant arrived at their house earlier and asked for details about the 36-year-old.

“I told him that [Nay Myo Zin] was first posted in Swar [in Pegu division] and then later transferred to Taunggyi, and was there for six years before leaving the service.”

His mother said that he had left the army on his own volition because “he didn’t enjoy it there… I also said he is a morally strong kid who is very devoted to charity work but that he had no involvement in politics”.

She added that the sergeant was vague when asked where Nay Myo Zin was being held, saying only that he may be at the home affairs ministry, a common location for people to be questioned. The sergeant also refused to answer why he had been arrested.

Nyi Nyi said that the detainee should be allowed to see his family. “We are under a civilian government now so procedures should be done according to the law.

“We will make a [formal] request to let him see his parent after 24 hours [of detention] and he must be released after the interrogation. If the interrogation was not enough, authorities have to seek a remand from court and get a [court hearing] appointment from judges.”

Nay Myo Zin was allowed to speak to his family on Sunday, and the belongings confiscated by police have now been returned.
http://www.dvb.no/news/ex-army-captain-arrested-interrogated/15183
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Refugees trapped on Myanmar Border
Tuesday, 05 April 2011 10:15 Al Jazeera

Aljazeera English - Asia-pacific

Refugees trapped on Myanmar border - Some have spent decades in Thai camps despite foreign aid totaling $66m a year.

Thousands of Myanmarese people fleeing military rule have settled in refugee camps across the border in Thailand.

Some have lived there for over 20 years. However, many lack official papers, leaving them vulnerable to abuse.

Al Jazeera's Aela Callan reports from the Thai-Myanmar border.

Source: Al Jazeera http://english.aljazeera.net/video/asia-pacific/2011/04/201144104524893687.html
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High-ranking Chinese Communist official 1st VIP guest of new Myanmar president

By Associated Press, Tuesday, April 5, 6:36 AM

YANGON, Myanmar — A top official of China’s ruling Communist Party has become the first high-ranking foreign visitor to meet with Myanmar’s new president since a civilian government took office.

The state-run New Light of Myanmar newspaper reported that Jia Qinglin, the Communist Party’s fourth-highest ranking official, met with newly sworn-in President Thein Sein and pledged cooperation for political and economic development. Jia arrived Saturday for a four-day visit.

China has been the main ally of Myanmar, which is shunned by the West for its poor record on human rights and democracy. Critics claim that last November’s general election was unfair and meant to perpetuate military rule behind a democratic facade. The new, nominally civilian government was sworn in March 30.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/high-ranking-chinese-communist-official-1st-vip-guest-of-new-myanmar-president/2011/04/05/AFbTmAiC_story.html
Copyright 2011 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.



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