News & Articles on Burma-Tuesday, 01 March, 2011

News & Articles on Burma
Tuesday, 01 March, 2011
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Burma's Civil Servants Expect 380 Percent Salary Hike
Business lobby broadens its Asian horizons
Number of checkpoints between Kengtung-Tachilek increases
Burmese MPs Complain of Detention-like Conditions
Daily MP life: everything you ever wanted to know
Czech FM Promises Suu Kyi Continued Support
EU Official to Visit Thailand, Discuss Burmese Refugee Camps
UN’s Libya action must be reproduced
Myanmar: Call to build up local NGOs
Suu Kyi Strikes a Chord
Myanmar, North Korea in missile nexus
Maday Island Deep-Sea Port No Boon to Locals
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Burma's Civil Servants Expect 380 Percent Salary Hike
By WAI MOE Tuesday, March 1, 2011

Senior officials at several government ministries in Burma's capital, Naypyidaw, have told their staff that all civil servants' salaries will be increased by at least 380 percent in April.

“The current monthly salary for general civil service staff is 21,000 kyat [US $23.86],” an employee from the Ministry of Education told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday. “But after the increases, basic staff will get 100,000 kyat [$113.63] per month.”

Government sources said they had heard that salaries for staff at the Ministry of Defense, including soldiers, were to be increased by 520 percent.

Rumors about massive salary hikes first began to circulate the Burmese capital in mid-February. Since then, consumer prices for basic goods have gone up dramatically.

An official with the Ministry of Finance and Revenue said that the military government’s plan is to equate salaries in Burma's civil service with other member-states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations [Asean], calling it “Asean standard.”

“The increase in salaries is because of the Asean uniformity requirement,” he said. “All prices and salaries must be brought in line.”

However, several Burma observers said they were skeptical on the meaning of the expression, “Asean standard,” and pointed out that there exists a massive gap between salaries of Asean citizens across the board.”

“The current military regime has increased civil service salaries several times since its coup in 1988,” said businessman in Rangoon. “But when the regime increases salaries, then inflation and commodity prices go up too.”

He also noted that the rate of exchange for Burmese kyat was about 25 to the US dollar in 1988, whereas it is now about 1,000 kyat to the dollar.

During the 22-year rule of the military regime, Burmese civil servants' salaries have increased five times: in April 1989, in April 1993, in April 2000, in March 2006, and in January 2010.

Amid the government’s plan for the most massive salary increase since 1988, the prices of everyday commodities, particularly food prices, continue to rise at marketplaces around the country.

Perhaps the two most important staples, rice and cooking oil, have increased in price substantially in the past month.

The Weekly Eleven journal in Rangoon reported that since the third week of February, the price of imported palm oil has increased from 1,950 kyat [$ 2.21] to 2,725 kyat [$3.09] for a viss [5.1 kg tin]. The journal reported that the price of palm oil in Burma is 30 percent more than on other international markets.

On Monday, Paw San Hmwe Rice, a high-quality Burmese rice, was retailing for 35,000 kyat [$39.70] per 20-kg sack, compared to 29,500 kyat [$33.50] less than a month ago.

Although Burma received more than $5 billion from sales of natural gas and jade to neighboring countries in 2010, the military-ruled nation is still one of the least developed countries in the world. The majority of the Burmese population still survive on less than one US dollar per day. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20855
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Business lobby broadens its Asian horizons
By AHUNT PHONE MYAT
Published: 1 March 2011

Burma’s leading industry federation is embarking on a reshuffle of its top staff whilst preparing to open an office in Beijing, a signal of the country’s growing economic ambitions.

The recent announcement that the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI) is to develop a tangible presence in China serves to strengthen Burma’s lucrative economic relationship with its northern neighbour, which recently became the country’s top foreign investor.

The UMFCCI, Burma’s largest business federation, represents nearly 11,000 Burmese and 770 foreign companies operating in the military-ruled country. A significant number of overseas businesses there are from China, which has been hungrily eyeing Burma’s natural energy reserves, the sector that has attracted the majority of its investments.

The mooted appointment of a new UMFCCI chairman comes as former head, Win Myint, takes a position in the new Burmese cabinet. Although his title is yet to be confirmed, rumours are circulating that he will become the Minister of Co-operatives.

Although it bills itself as an independent body tasked with “representing and safeguarding the interest of private business sector”, the UMFCCI receives significant involvement from the Burmese government.

The clout wielded by the federation has strengthened since it was upgraded in 1999 in line with Burma’s shift towards a market-oriented economy, and it now acts as a mascot for the country’s unstable yet burgeoning business environment.

Indeed despite warnings from international watchdogs such as EarthRights International that doing business in Burma carries significant reputational and material risks, investment from East Asian companies is rising. Work recently began on the $US8 billion Tavoy deep-sea port in the country’s south, led by Thai construction giant Ital-Thai, while agreements to explore and exploit Burma’s vast natural gas reserves continue to be pushed through.

But it is China that has emerged as the regional trailblazer, with Beijing backing numerous hydropower plants and the controversial Shwe dual pipeline that will transport Burmese gas and Middle Eastern oil across Burma to its energy-hungry southern provinces.

In January last year, Win Myint, who has held the UMFCCI chairmanship since 1999, stressed the importance of increased trade between the two countries, particularly in the agricultural sector which accounts for some 60 percent of the Burmese labour force’s income. Back then, border trade dominated Burma’s economic ties with China, but that is rapidly changing with the increased focus on the energy sector.
http://www.dvb.no/news/business-lobby-broadens-its-asian-horizons/14519
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Number of checkpoints between Kengtung-Tachilek increases
Tuesday, 01 March 2011 16:52 Hseng Khio Fah

The number of checkpoints between Kengtung and Tachilek in Shan State East, opposite Thailand’s Mae Sai, has more than tripled and the gate fee has also doubled, according to bus drivers.

“There were only about four or five gates before. Now there are no less than 20 gates including Burma Army checkpoints that collect fees from us,” said a driver who owns a 10-wheel truck.

The previous main checkpoints were at Markyang (Tachilek), Talerh, Mongphyak, and Kengtung.

“In addition, the gate fees have also increased,” he said.

According to him, before a bus was required to pay Kyat 3,000 (US$ 3.40) and now is up to 5,000 Kyat (US$ 5.7) and a 10 wheel truck is from 5,000 Kyat (US$ 5.7) to 10,000 Kyat (US$11.36).

However, car drivers and car owners have reportedly submitted a petition to Kengtung command in order to reduce the gate fees and to withdraw some of the checkpoints.

“Actually, Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) promised us that if we voted for its party, it would reduce the number of checkpoints and the gate fee,” said a businessman.

Two weeks ago, Naypyitaw has ordered closure of one of the bus lines, Hsarm Lao, owned by the United Wa State Army (UWSA)’s Hongpang Co. that runs between Tachilek and Kengtung, 160 km north of the border.

However, a new bus line called Tet Nay Win which is believed to be owned by the military junta authorities has replaced it. There are two others bus lines running between the two cities: Shwe Myodaw and Shwe Yegan. The bus fare is K 4,000 (roughly $ 4) per passenger. http://www.shanland.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=3489:number-of-checkpoints-between-kengtung-tachilek-increases&catid=93:general&Itemid=291
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Burmese MPs Complain of Detention-like Conditions
By SAI ZOM HSENG Tuesday, March 1, 2010

One month after Burma's new Parliament was formed, opposition MPs say that restrictions on their movements in the capital, Naypyidaw, have begun to make them feel like they are being detained by the country's military authorities.

“We were warned when we arrived here that we couldn't move around freely. Even though we receive stipends, we feel like prisoners,” said one MP, speaking on condition of anonymity.

“When we are not in session, we are only allowed to go to the dining hall or tearoom or return to our hostels,” he added.

Since it convened on Jan. 31, the new Parliament has elected a president and vice-presidents and drawn up a list of candidates for cabinet posts, but has yet to form a government. According to MPs, the main business at the moment is forming committees.

Both houses of Parliament have created 15-member draft legislative committees, with each house also having four sub-committees, while parliaments in the country's 14 states and regions also formed legislative and ethnic affairs committees this morning, sources said.

Meanwhile, residents of Naypyidaw said that security in the city has been tightened since a bomb blast in Rangoon on Sunday.

“Security forces won’t allow anyone without an original identity card to enter the city. They won't accept recommendation letters or student identity cards,” said one resident, adding that there are around 20 police truck patrolling the city every night.
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20853
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Daily MP life: everything you ever wanted to know
Tuesday, 01 March 2011 13:55 Ko Wild

Mizzima reporter Ko Wild interviewed two members of Parliament, one in the Upper House and one in the Lower House, about what the daily life of a lawmaker in Naypyidaw is like. They asked to remain anonymous in order to speak freely.

A file photo of a special express bus carrying Burmese lawmakers at a checkpoint on a road leading to the Union Parliament in the capital of Naypyidaw in January 2011. Photo : AFP

A file photo of a special express bus carrying Burmese lawmakers at a checkpoint on a road leading to the Union Parliament in the capital of Naypyidaw in January 2011. Photo : AFP

Question: What is it like working in the huge Parliament complex?

Answer: The buildings of the Lower House and Upper House are adjoining buildings. The Lower House has a separate dining hall. Beside the dining hall, there are two vice-presidential palaces. In the rear area, there are 20 buildings for parliamentary affairs committees. There are a total of 31 buildings including the presidential palace in other parliament premises. A boundary wall encloses the entire parliamentary premise. There are two main gates. There is also a moat. There are several boundary walls inside the premises, and we are not allowed inside these places. The Speaker warned us on the first day of Parliament not to go to these unauthorized areas.

Q: How do you travel around in Naypyidaw?

A: I live at a guest house provided by the City Development Committee (municipal). It usually takes about 20 minutes to reach Parliament on an air-conditioned express bus. The bus stops at the outer gate, and we have to walk a short way. Then we have to take a minibus at another gate to reach our Parliament building.

Q: What kind of security check do you go through?

A: The parliament staff checks us with mine detectors when we enter the premises. We must show our ID number. The staff won’t allow anyone inside who doesn’t have an ID.

Police stand guard at a checkpoint leading into a compound of official hostels provided to Burmese members of Parliament in the capital of Naypyidaw. Photo : AFP

Police stand guard at a checkpoint leading into a compound of official hostels provided to Burmese members of Parliament in the capital of Naypyidaw. Photo : AFP

Q: What are the living conditions inside the hostels that house members of Parliament?

A: The hostels are allocated by party affiliation. If a party won only one or two seats, the MPs have to stay with MPs from another party. Similarly, independent MPs have to stay with other MPs. There are 29 single-story hostels numbered from 1 to 29, eight rooms in each hostel. There is a corridor in each hostel and there are glass windows and wooden doors. Each room is 20’x25’ and equipped with one ceiling fan and two fluorescent lamps with a bathroom and water closet attached. The bathroom is about 9’x9’ and has one basin, one mirror and a 2-foot high plastic bucket. There is one shower in it, but it is unusable. We cannot use the water available in the hostel for even washing your face. We have to use bottled water for that purpose.

Q: Are there recreation facilities?

A: If you don’t have a radio, you will be out of contact with the outside world. There are TV sets in offices, and we can watch there. But most of us stay in our own rooms and barely go out to see TV. The allowances given to holders of public offices at the grades of Union level and regional and state level are more generous that we get at the MP level.

Q: Are there any special security arrangements for MPs?

A: They do not provide round the clock security for us. But there are policemen deployed at the hostel gate. The policemen check us when we go out and come in to our hostels. There are no security guards at the hostels. Media persons cannot come to us without being checked. A guest has to wait at the gate office after signing a registration book. We have to meet with our guests at the gate. Our hostels are surrounded by a boundary wall, and there is only one main gate on this wall.

Q: What other regulations govern MPs?

A: We have to notify officials one day in advance if we want to hold a reception or a meeting in a government room. Then they will arrange a room or meeting hall for us. But many of us avoid this, thinking that people can overhear our discussions. So we talk to each other at either teashops or while strolling around. Sometimes we talk in our rooms.

Q: You receive a living stipend from the government, correct?

A: The military regime issues 10,000 kyat (US$ 11.50) as a daily allowance to MPs who attend Parliament sessions. Each day, MPs usually have to spend at least 5,000 kyat (US$ 5.70) for meals, 2,000 kyat (US$ 2.30) for lodging and 3,000 kyat (US$ 3.45) for miscellaneous expenses including transportation.

Q: What is the food like in the area?

A: Most meals cost around 2,000 kyat (US$ 2.30) in the parliamentary dining halls, and we get coupons to buy food at a buffet lunch or dinner. Otherwise, we eat on our own at various local places.
http://www.mizzima.com/edop/interview/4948-daily-mp-life-everything-you-ever-wanted-to-know.html
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Czech FM Promises Suu Kyi Continued Support
By THE IRRAWADDY Tuesday, March 1, 2011

The Czech Republic's Minister of Foreign Affairs Karel Schwarzenberg told Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi in a telephone conversation on Monday that his country continues to support her efforts towards democratic change in Burma.

“It was a great honor and privilege for me to have an opportunity to talk with her. She is one of the biggest heroes of our time,” said Schwarzenberg.

“I respect and admire her stand and the example she is giving to us, an example of someone who is making so many personal sacrifices for the sake of her people,” he added.

Suu Kyi was released on Nov. 13 last year after spending more than seven years under house arrest. She has spent a total of 15 years years in detention since she was first arrested by the Burmese junta in 1989.

“She [Suu Kyi] needs to get the chance to communicate her opinions directly and I will further encourage my colleagues and fellow foreign ministers to be in direct contact with her,” said Schwarzenberg.

“Having our own Czechoslovak 40-year-long experience with an undemocratic regime, we understand how important it is to have such brave people who dare to speak out,” he added.

The Czech foreign minister also shared with Suu Kyi the Czech government’s reading of the current situation in Burma, including the Czech position that EU sanctions on the Burmese regime should stay in place until it is clear how the new government will interact with all stakeholders in the country.

The Czech Republic is a leading EU supporter of the Burmese democracy movement. At a recent activist conference in Prague, Schwarzenberg and former Czech President Václav Havel delivered opening remarks.

Zoya Phan, the international coordinator for the London-based Burma Campaign UK and an attendee at the Prague conference, said that the Czech Republic's policy on Burma is very much appreciated.

She said she hoped the Prague conference would help the debate over an EU common position on sanctions, which will be under discussion in April when it comes up for its annual renewal.
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20849
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EU Official to Visit Thailand, Discuss Burmese Refugee Camps
By SIMON ROUGHNEEN Tuesday, March 1, 2011

BANGKOK—The lead European Union (EU) official on humanitarian issues will visit Thailand next week to meet government officials and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to assess the situation in Burmese refugees camps in northern Thailand.

The visit by EU Commissioner Kristalina Georgieva comes after NGOs and Burmese exile groups complained of cuts in humanitarian aid to refugees in the camps. Many of the refugee camps have been in place since the 1980s and their population is around 150,000.

Mathias Eick, the Regional Information Officer for ECHO, the European Commission's (EC) humanitarian arm, said that the EC's funding “has remained more or less constant over the last few years, at around 12.5 million euros per annum.”

Since 1994, “the European Commission has provided more than 140 million euros in support to refugees from Myanmar in Thailand,” Mr Eick added.

However, the EC—which functions as a sort-of cabinet within the EU's dispersed and complex governing structures—is shifting its approach to Burmese refugees in Thailand. According to Mr Eick, “As the camps have existed for 25 years, and also serve as a pull factor for economic migrants and third-country resettlement seekers, there is now a need to move from a humanitarian relief focus to more sustainable long term solutions for the refugees.”

Speaking on condition of anonymity, a spokesperson for an organization working with refugees in the camps along the border between Thailand and Burma said that cuts in direct assistance to refugees is cutting into the basic nutrition and health-care needs of the people in the camps.

EU ambitions “to promote a more development-oriented approach to Burmese refugees in Thailand” will not work, says the refugee camp worker, “unless there are changes to Thai policy regarding refugees.” This currently restricts refugees to the camps, thereby limiting the options for those refugees who would prefer not to be reliant on humanitarian relief and making it unclear how the ECHO could implement its “more sustainable long terms solutions for the refugees.”

Georgieva is set to look into reports that some of those entering the camps are not refugees, but economic migrants, or people seeking repatriation to a country outside Thailand. However Thai authorities have not run a screening program for the camps since 2005, making it impossible for camp management officials to ascertain the motives and identity of everyone entering the camps. That uncertainty is not sufficient in itself to justify funding cuts, says the camp worker.

ECHO and the EC are responsible for 30-40 percent of all humanitarian spending by the EU and member states, an average of 640 million euros per annum, according to the ECHO website. In 2008, the most recent year that records are available on the ECHO website, the biggest EU member-state donors to ECHO were the United Kingdom (343 million euros), Germany (224 million euros), Denmark (178 million euros), Italy (141 million euros) and Ireland (117million euros).

Of these, Germany and Italy are thought to be the lead players promoting closer ties with the Burmese Government, as the EU “Common Position” on Burma comes up for its annual review in April. David Mathieu, a Burma expert at Human Rights Watch, said that “there are major divisions in the EU over Burma, and the divisions have always been there but have certainly been growing over the past few years, and are more pronounced since the elections.”

Burma's elections held on November 7, 2010 produced a landslide win amid allegations of rigging and ballot-stuffing for the junta-backed party known as the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), which took 76 percent of the vote. 25 percent of seats were reserved for current army officers in any case, and the new government is comprised mostly of military men, and is nominally headed by former Gen Thein Sein, who was prime minister under the old military regime.

Mathieson says that the view held in some quarters that the elections and formation of a new government mean that there is even a small window of change opening in Burma, is “a cereal-box platitude,” and that nothing has changed in how Burma is ruled since the elections.

The EU Common Position mandates some sanctions on the Burmese government, and Burmese groups in Europe have been lobbying for these sanctions to be at least retained in the upcoming review.

The EU envoy to Burma/Myanmar, Piero Fassino, is due in Thailand next week, two days before Georgieva's visit.
Requests to his office for comment on the upcoming visit were not answered, with Mr Fassino having just won the primary election contest in the race to become Mayor of Turin, Italy.

Despite divisions within the EU, it seems unlikely that sanctions will be eased at this juncture, according to people close to the debate.

Mark Farmaner, head of the Burma Campaign UK, said, “The regime has been so blatant in rigging the vote and controlling all aspects of government that it seems most EU countries skeptical about sanctions have had to concede there is no justification for lifting economic sanctions.”

http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20854
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UN’s Libya action must be reproduced
By NANT BWA BWA PHAN
Published: 1 March 2011

A petition sent yesterday to UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon that carried 84,000 signatures was a desperate appeal from Karen civilians who have lived in fear of the Burmese army for their whole lives, as have their parents and grandparents before them.

People from Burma have watched in disbelief at how swiftly Ban Ki-moon and the UN Security Council have acted in response to Colonel Gaddafi’s attacks on Libyan civilians. It took just two weeks for a unanimous Security Council resolution to be passed, demanding an end to the attacks, imposing sanctions, and referring Libya to the International Criminal Court (ICC). Attacks against Karen and other ethnic civilians have been going on for more than sixty years, with no action taken by the international community.

Since Burma got independence from Britain in 1948, our Karen people have been targeted for planned, widespread and systematic attacks by the ruling governments in Burma. These have forced hundreds of thousands of us into hiding, refugee camps and to other countries.

The Karen National Union (KNU), the largest political organisation representing the Karen people of Burma, organised this petition at the request of the Karen civilians. We are asking UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon to take effective action to immediately stop the Burmese regime’s military operations and human rights violations in Karen areas. This petition is supported by KNU branches and Karen communities around the world. The petition was signed by 83,950 Karen civilians from Burma, aged from 16 to 103 years, who are victims and survivors of military attacks and human rights abuses by the Burmese army.

The dictatorship in Burma continues to target civilians in their military operations in our homeland. These attacks are in breach of the Geneva Conventions, and require immediate international action. Our Karen community in the UK fully supports the KNU, not only for defending the Karen people and finding ways to listen to them, but also for leading the Karen struggle for our rights, protection and security to establish a federal democratic Burma where everyone can live side by side in peace. The crisis in our country requires high level international attention in order to influence the dictatorship.

The elections held on 7 November 2010 did not represent any kind of progress towards democratisation, national reconciliation, or peace and stability in Burma. The election was designed only to legitimise the continuation of the military rule, under civilian guise. The constitution that this election brought in gives no protection to the ethnic people. As our General Secretary, Zipporah Sein has said, it is a death sentence for ethnic diversity in Burma.

In order to solve the political problems in Burma, the KNU has always called for dialogue with the ruling regime. This is in line with calls from the international community, including the United Nations, European Union and the US, to solve the problems through dialogue. However, the dictatorship ignores this call and continues its military offensives against the Karen people.

Ban Ki-moon has never made the strong statements on Burma that he has with Libya. This is why Karen communities worldwide also delivered copies of the petition to presidents and prime ministers across the world, calling on them to also take action. We asked them to use their influence to support Ban Ki-moon to secure a nationwide ceasefire as a top priority, leading to meaningful and inclusive dialogue to achieve genuine national reconciliation and a federal Burma. We also called on them to pressure the regime to enter into dialogue with the KNU and other ethnic political parties, together with the rest of the democracy movement in Burma.

The international response to what has happened in Libya has been swift and strong. It has been the opposite with Burma. Are the lives of Karen people and others from Burma less valuable than the lives of people in Libya? Of course the answer is no. In which case, Ban Ki-moon must listen to the 84,000 people who appealed for his help yesterday. We are suffering just as much as the people of Libya. He must put the issue of a nationwide ceasefire at the top of his agenda for Burma. If he continues to fail to act, the cost will be counted in more lost lives, more rape, more torture, and more burnt villages.

Nant Bwa Bwa Phan is the UK representative of the Karen National Union.
http://www.dvb.no/analysis/un%E2%80%99s-libya-action-must-be-reproduced/14506
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Myanmar: Call to build up local NGOs

Source: United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs - Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN)
Date: 01 Mar 2011

YANGON, 1 March 2011 (IRIN) - The international community should make better use of local NGOs and community-based organizations in Myanmar, while at the same time building capacity among them, aid officials say.

"Local NGOs... have local knowledge, contacts and they don't have to worry about getting permission on planning and resources from a central head office. They also have little problem accessing different parts of the country," said Walter Davis, programme manager for Paung Ku, a consortium of 11 international and local organizations established in 2007 to strengthen civil society in Myanmar.

But as things stand, most donors continue to funnel money through international NGOs (INGOs), which at times compete with local groups.

"INGOs need to change to do more capacity building. The rules of engagement still see local NGOs as subcontractors because their capacity is weaker," said Aung Tun Thet, a senior adviser to the UN Resident Coordinator in Myanmar.

"INGOs need to decide whether they are in direct competition with [local organizations] or whether they are here to mentor local NGOs," he added.

Post-Nargis growth

Cyclone Nargis in 2008 spawned hundreds of civil society organizations to cope with the humanitarian crisis that killed a reported 140,000 and affected another 2.4 million, by UN estimates.

"Nargis was a catalytic push for the mushrooming of local NGOs. There were 50 times as many NGOs as before," said Aung Tun Thet.

"Faced with the magnitude of Cyclone Nargis, donors needed to find a way to give money and not go through the government - the elephant in the room," he added.

Local groups were a natural funding vehicle as they reacted most quickly when the tidal surge hit.

But when the government declared an end to the tsunami's emergency phase in 2010, many of these same NGOs collapsed or turned to development activities - often lacking basic capacity to carry out the work.

"With such rapid evolution [of NGOs activated by Cyclone Nargis], the rigor required of NGOs did not accompany this expansion. These groups have good intentions but lack basic rudimentary management skills," said Aung Tun Thet.

Too often, local groups have been recruited and supported to serve the project needs of INGOs, but not beyond, said Ingeborg Moa, Myanmar director of Norwegian People's Aid, which has supported dozens of local groups since 2004.

"If more funding could be [made] available for organizational development, capacity building and support for initiatives that aim to strengthen local organizations' overall capacities, not just their capacity to 'deliver services' as implementing partners of international organizations, this would be a big step in the right direction," said Moa.

Removing barriers

Focusing on so-called shortcomings in local accounting and management systems may be misguided, according to a December report by Paung Ku, which includes Save the Children, Oxfam and CARE, as well as local groups.

Receipts, for example, are often difficult to obtain in Myanmar, leaving many organizations unable by international standards to account for resources and unable to qualify for international funds, Davis said.

"Myanmar has a long history of using accountability mechanisms related to religious donations, with Buddhist monks playing a key check and balance role. Strengthening these existing frameworks may ultimately be more effective in building accountability than continuing to use imported concepts," said Davis.

A cumbersome government NGO registration process is an additional obstacle for local groups to tap international funds.

"The government would not allow any group without a [memorandum of understanding] to accept donor funds. What is needed is a more transparent registration process," said Aung Tun Thet.

An official at the local relief NGO, Aung Yadanar, based in the town of Pyapon in southern Myanmar, said he applied for registration soon after he co-founded the NGO in 2008 - but has yet to receive any news.

"In the meanwhile, we have to keep [a] good relationship with township authorities so that we can do our job."

Even without being formally registered, the group still receives funding from the UK Department for International Development, which also provides technical assistance along with the Ministry of Agriculture.

There are an estimated 300 NGOs working in Myanmar, of which a maximum 10 percent are registered, according to the UN Myanmar Information Management Unit (MIMU) [ http://www.themimu.info/ ].

mh/ds/mw http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/rwb.nsf/db900SID/MUMA-8EJ4ES?OpenDocument

[END] A selection of IRIN reports are posted on ReliefWeb. Find more IRIN news and analysis at http://www.irinnews.org
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The Diplomat
Suu Kyi Strikes a Chord
By Luke Hunt
March 1, 2011

It was a commanding performance sprinkled with a few laughs.

Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi sounded a conciliatory note when she recently spoke with foreign correspondents in Kuala Lumpur via an audio link from Rangoon.

In drawing parallels between protests in the Middle East—censored out of the Burmese press—and the pro-democracy movement in her own country, she said an unwillingness by armies in Tunisia and Egypt to open fire on their own people was key.

It's an incomprehensible thought in Burma, as the nation’s monks discovered in 2007 when thousands demonstrated. Some were shot, arrested and beaten, while others simply disappeared. ‘The people have stood up in Burma before as you know, and in those instances they were fired upon by the army and I think that makes a great difference,’ she said.

‘Now the situation in Libya is that the army itself appears divided in regards to how the situation should be handled. In Burma, I don’t think there was any noticeable division with regards to the policies of the military.’

Suu Kyi won democratic elections in 1988, but the military declined to accept the result, opting to physically crush and intimidate any opposition out of business. She spent most of the next two decades under arrest, but was freed after last November’s poll, which was condemned as a sham in the West.

Relations with the junta haven’t improved much since she got out. The military recently warned Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) that they’d meet a tragic end if they continued to support Western sanctions against Burma.

But Suu Kyi was unfazed, saying she’d been reviled by the junta for 20 years, so nothing has changed.

She said she was happy to promote talks aimed at ending sanctions and steering the country towards national reconciliation, while at the same time warning investors that Burma remains fraught with difficulties in terms of dealing with the junta. Critics have argued that Suu Kyi and the NLD have sent mixed signals on sanctions, prompting speculation of a split among the leadership.

During a speech at the World Economic Forum in Davos last month, Suu Kyi appeared to signal a policy change by lauding potential investment and lamenting that the Burmese people had been left behind while Burma’s neighbours did deals with the junta, exploiting the country’s natural resources.

Her tone on business in Burma was clear when she commented on the jailing of Australian Ross Dunkley, publisher of The Myanmar Times, who was jailed in Rangoon for a visa violation amid reports his local business partners were attempting to seize control of the newspaper.

‘I'm not certain exactly why Ross Dunkley has been arrested but certainly one thing I can say is that there is no freedom of the media yet in Burma and it helps if people try to expand the limits of what journalists can do in Burma,’ she said. ‘I think we all have to work towards greater freedom of information, but I don't know whether that kind of freedom of information can be obtained by investing in Burma in the media through the authorities.’

She added that even Burma can’t escape 21st century technology that has significantly expanded the ability of people to organize without government interference, which was a major factor behind the protests in the Middle East.

‘There haven't been reports about what’s happening across Tunisia, Egypt and Libya in the national papers, but those who know about those events are comparing what’s happening there with what happened in Burma 1988.

‘Everybody is waiting around to see with great interest what transpires because people were impressed with what happened, particularly in Egypt.’

Suu Kyi said she has also been attempting to establish Facebook and Twitter accounts, but complained the Internet connections in Burma were too slow. She added: ‘I think that I must say that I’m also reading a book on how to manage my dog.’
http://the-diplomat.com/asean-beat/2011/03/01/suu-kyi-strikes-a-chord/?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+the-diplomat+%28The+Diplomat+RSS%29
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ASIA TIMES ONLINE
Mar 2, 2011
Myanmar, North Korea in missile nexus
By Bertil Lintner

BANGKOK - Military-run Myanmar's growing weapons ambitions, including new revelations that the reclusive regime is producing long-range Scud-type missiles with North Korean assistance, threaten to destabilize the region and make the Southeast Asian country a new global weapons proliferation hotspot.

According to exclusive information received by Asia Times Online, one of two munitions factories located near the small town of Minhla on the west bank of the Ayeyarwady River, south of Minbu in Magway Division, is involved in the production of sophisticated Scud-type missiles. North Korean experts are reportedly assisting Myanmar's own military technicians in the top-secret project.

Known as ka pa sa, shorthand for the Burmese-language initials


of the the Directorate of Defense Industries, the country's weapons factories have for decades produced basic armaments for the military. But ka pa sa 2 and 10 near Minhla are now churning out more advanced weapons, including Scud-type missiles, than the country has to date. These are more difficult to detect from the air because they are located partly underground.

A Scud-armed Myanmar would place its capabilities a significant notch above its Southeast Asian neighbors, which do not possess such long-range missiles. The revelations could spark a regional arms race, prompting neighboring countries such as Thailand to develop or procure their own missile arsenal.

The existence of the two factories was outlined in an August 27, 2004 United States embassy cable from Yangon, which was made public by WikiLeaks late last year. One of the US Embassy's sources claimed that North Korean workers were assembling surface-to-air missiles at "a military site in Magway Division" where a "concrete-reinforced underground facility" was also under construction. The source told the embassy that "he had seen a large barge carrying a reinforced steel bar of a diameter that suggested a project larger than a factory".

Asia Times Online has discovered that the site referred to in the embassy cable is ka pa sa 10, situated near Konegyi village in Minhla township. Construction of the site began in 1993, but has only recently been completed. The site reportedly covers 6,000 acres (2,428 hectares) and, according to a source who used to work at the facility, the aim is to produce surface-to-air, surface-to-surface and air-to-air missiles.

The same source, who requested anonymity for personal security reasons, claimed that the North Koreans working at the site first entered Myanmar discreetly by road from China. They were met at the border and then brought to Minhla by officers from Myanmar's Defense Production Directorate, known as ka ka htone, according to the source.

On the Myanmar side, between 600 and 900 army technicians and other military personnel are currently based at ka pa sa 10. Initially Russian and Chinese technicians also took part in the facility's construction, but they appear to have since left and been replaced with North Korean experts.

Ka pa sa 2 controls no less than 100,000 acres of land near Malun village, which is also based in Minhla township. According to the source, the somewhat older factory employs 900 engineers and other military personnel and produces 60mm, 81mm and 120mm mortars and 105mm artillery pieces.

The complex also includes a huge firing range where heavy weapons, including artillery and rockets, are tested. According to the source, Singapore, as a small island country which doesn't have enough space for such testing, paid for the construction of the firing range. Weapons are also brought from Singapore and tested at the site.

Name games
On October 4 last year, the English-language weekly Myanmar Times reported that Myanmar authorities had inaugurated on September 19 a "25.4-mile section, or approximately 40 kilometers, of railroad between Minhla in Bago Region and Minbu in Magwe Region". Construction of the new section, "which is part of the ongoing Kyangin-Pakokku Railroad Project along the western bank of the Ayeyarwady River", started in April 2007, according to the same news report.

The infrastructure project's opening was presided over by then prime minister, now President Thein Sein, underscoring the apparent importance of the short rail link. According to the Myanmar Times, Thein Sein also stated that the railroad would enable "the people to have easy access to various regions of the nation".

The problem with the report is that Minhla in Bago Region is located several miles to the east of the Ayeyarwady, and nearly 200 miles or, more than 300 kilometers, south of Minbu. Deliberate or otherwise, the reports confused the location of the two towns that share the same name. A 40-kilometer railroad between "upper" Minhla on the western bank - the only stretch of railroad on that side of the river - and Minbu could only serve one major purpose: to transport heavy goods relevant to producing Scud-type missiles or supplying a nuclear program to and from Minbu, a major port on the Irrawaddy River.

So far, however, there are no reports to suggest that Minhla's two ka pa sa facilities are involved in Myanmar's nascent and clandestine nuclear program. That research is reportedly carried out at Myaing to the north of Pakokku, which is also in Magway Division but far from the Minhla facilities. The progress of Myanmar's nuclear research is not known, but it is believed to be in its infancy and widely regarded as a pipedream that is unlikely to succeed in developing nuclear weapons.

Still, North Korean involvement in ka pa sa 2 may be cause for international concern - even for Myanmar's traditional military partner, China.

In the 1990s, China supplied Myanmar with between US$1 billion and $2 billion worth of military hardware. The list of imported armaments included 80 Type-69II medium-battle tanks, more than 100 Type-63 light tanks, 250 Type-85 armored personnel carriers, multiple launch rocket systems, howitzers, anti-aircraft guns, HN-5 surface-to-air missiles, mortars, assault rifles, recoilless guns, rocket-propelled grenade launchers, JLP-50 and JLG-43 air defense radars, heavy trucks, Chengdu F-7M Airguard jet fighters, FT-7 and FT-6 jet trainers, A-5C ground attack aircraft, SACY-8D transport aircraft, Hainan class patrol boats, Houxin-class guided missile fast attack craft, minesweepers and small gunboats. In 2000, China delivered 12 Karakoram-8 trainers/ground attack aircraft, which are produced in a joint venture with Pakistan.

Since then, however, it appears that Chinese deliveries of military equipment have waned significantly. However, in November 2007, immediately after the crackdown on a widespread protest movement led by Buddhist monks, China supplied Myanmar with howitzers and bomb-detection equipment.

According to a February 18, 2011, report by the US Congressional Research Service (CRS), China followed that up with a delivery of 450 military trucks in December 2007. In January 2008, China sent another 500 military trucks to Myanmar and in August that same year supplied an additional 3,500 military trucks with spare parts. In 2009, China delivered another five large military trucks and in March last year sent an additional 400 military use vehicles.

That bilateral cooperation was reaffirmed last September when Myanmar junta leader General Than Shwe traveled to China, ostensibly to update the authorities in Beijing on his country's upcoming elections, which were held in November. During the visit, Than Shwe also inspected Huawei Technologies, which CRS says has supplied Myanmar's military with communications equipment. At the end of last year, Myanmar's air force agreed to buy 50 K-8 jet trainers from China; CRS speculates that some of the assembly work for the order will be done in Myanmar.

While China remains a major player in the still ongoing expansion of Myanmar's military forces, it is no longer Myanmar's main military partner. The regime in Naypyidaw is increasingly turning to North Korea for assistance in clandestine military research and the production of more sophisticated weapons, which seems to be at the top of the junta's list of strategic priorities. As the newly exposed North Korean-staffed facilities indicate, Myanmar's generals are angling to diversify their sources of hardware and know-how.

Bertil Lintner is a former correspondent with the Far Eastern Economic Review and the author of several books on Myanmar. He is currently a writer with Asia Pacific Media Services.
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/MC02Ae01.html
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Maday Island Deep-Sea Port No Boon to Locals
By KHIN OO THAR Tuesday, March 1, 2011

Until recently, Maday Island on the coast of the Bay of Bengal in Burma's western Arakan State was a virtually unknown and unspoiled island possessing both natural beauty and resources that provided a simple living for about 2,400 residents. But that changed in 2009, when Burma's junta chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe and China's Vice President Xi Jinping inked an agreement to build a deep-sea port on the island that will be used by China to import crude oil from Africa and the Middle East and natural gas from Arakan State.

China currently imports crude oil from Africa and the Middle East that meet 80 percent of its fuel needs through the Strait of Malacca. Consequently, it has faced huge transportation costs, long transportation times and potential threats from pirates launching raids in the Strait. The completion of the Maday Island deep-sea port will allow China to bypass the Strait and save time and money.

In August 2007, the Burmese regime announced that it will sell gas to China from blocks A-1 and A-3 of the offshore gas fields located off the Arakan Coast that were discovered in December 2003. In June 2008, a Memorandum of Understanding was signed between the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), the regime and other partners for the sale and transport of gas to China. An export gas agreement was then signed on December 24 of that year under which Burma agreed to supply China with gas for at least 30 years.

According to the Shwe Gas Movement, which is made up of individuals and groups who are concerned about the overall impact of the extraction of natural gas in Burma, the sale of gas will provide the junta with an estimated US $1.2 billion annually.

Apart from the deep-sea port, Chinese companies and Korea's Daewoo International Company have begun construction of oil and natural gas reservoirs and gas refinery projects on Maday Island and in Kyaukpru (also known as Kyauk Phyu), the pleasant port city known as the “Second Singapore” among Arakanese people that is located about 13 kilometers from the island.

In addition, the IGE Company, owned by Nay Aung, the son of former Industry 1 Minister Aung Thaung, has been granted a contract for the construction of gas pipelines from Maday Island to China.

According Arakan Oil Watch (AOW), an independent non-governmental organization that is an active member of the Shwe Gas Movement, the $1.5 billion oil pipeline, carrying 12 million tons of crude oil per year, will travel the 1,100 kilometers from Maday Island to China's Kunming city through central Burma. The natural gas pipeline will run parallel to the oil pipeline and extend even further, from Kunming to Guizhou Province and the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, for a total of about 1,700 kilometers. It is expected to transport 12 billion cubic meters of natural gas to China every year.

CNPC is heading up the Maday Island deep-sea port construction project, with about 10 other Chinese companies involved under its management. In addition, The Htoo Group of Companies and Asia World, owned by Burmese business tycoons Tay Za and Zaw Zaw, respectively, have reportedly been granted permission for the construction of some parts of the port.

According to Arakan Oil Watch, CNPC began construction of the deep-sea port and an oil reservoir on Maday Island in October 2010 and will finish the projects by 2013. The construction has already taken its toll on the island's mountainous environment and about 2,400 residents living in six villages.

Locals said farm lands are being confiscated on Maday Island in order to build the port and refinery and in Kyaukpru in order to build an international airport, hotels, golf courses and hospitals. In addition, about 500 acres of farmland near Gangawtaw Pagoda in Kyaukpru were confiscated for the construction of a gas refinery.

“Five mountains on Maday Island have already been demolished and many plots of garden land have already been confiscated and cleared. The confiscation of farmland continues as necessary,” said a resident of Ywarma Village on Maday Island.

“Farming and gardening are the main businesses for country folks like us. If we don't have land, we will have nothing to work on,” said another Maday Island villager whose land was confiscated.

U Ohn, one of Burma's most prominent environmentalists and the vice-chairman of the Forest Resource Environment Development and Conservation Association, told The Irrawaddy that the environment on Maday Island and in the surrounding Kyaukpru area will be severely affected by construction of the deep-sea port and related projects.

“What has been written in the book with regard to environmental conservation is really great. But there has been no implementation. We were not consulted on anything about the environmental impact of projects in Kyaukpru,” said U Ohn.

U Ohn said wastes and poisonous chemicals from gas extraction will not only affect the environment but also endanger aquatic animals as the amount of water pollution will be huge. In addition, the loss of mountains, mangrove forests and reefs along the coast will be inevitable, he said.

People on Maday Island said that apart from economic hardships they will encounter due to the confiscation of their farm and garden lands, they are anxiously worried about being left unprotected if they face another natural disaster. They said that although they were affected by Cyclone Giri in October 2010, they survived because they were protected by the surrounding mountains which have now been demolished one by one because of the deep-sea port project.

“These mountains protect us from natural disasters such as storms and floods. We can face catastrophe any time if there are no mountains around us,” said a Maday Island resident.

The regime, however, insists that despite the environmental impact and hardships faced by locals, the deep-sea port project is worthwhile because the Kyaukpru area will be developed as a result.

“I accept the fact that our area will be developed under these projects but there will be more disadvantages than benefits,” said a Kyaukpru lawyer. “China will extract natural resources from our area for about 30 years, so after the completion of those projects we will be left with nothing but empty buildings.”

The lawyer said if the regime really wants to focus on local development it should build up the skills of young people in the area and let them be involved in the projects. The opposite, however, seems to be occurring, as locals are reportedly precluded from working on the deep-sea port project.

The CNPC and its subsidiaries reportedly do not allow local people to work on their projects and have appointed Chinese to many positions. Kyaukpru residents said there are an estimated 2,000 Chinese currently working in their area.

“Our farm lands were confiscated but we can't work on those projects. We are not even allowed to catch fish and move around freely in nearby areas,” said a Maday Island resident.

He said those who lost their farmland were compensated only 200,000-700,000 kyat [$230-805] per acre, compared to the minimum market value of at least one million kyat per acre.

“We only received about one third of the compensation given by foreign companies because local authorities took some,” confirmed a villager from Kyauk Tan Village on Maday Island.

They said that even though locals are not allowed to work on the deep-sea port construction, they can take hard-labor jobs on the gas refinery project.

“I earn 1,500 kyat [$ 1.70] for my work from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m.,” said a worker.

He said that although his daily wages are too small to meet the current commodity prices, people have no choice because they don't have any other job options. Female workers are given only 1,000 kyat [$ 1.15] a day, he said.

In addition to the Chinese, people from other parts of Burma will be coming to the Kyaukpru area to work on the projects. Restaurants, entertainment businesses, bars and brothels are consequently emerging in the area to meet the needs of those employees.

“We now can see people take sex workers with cars and motorcycles. But we can't stop them because authorities have allowed such business,” said a Kyaukpru resident.

He said Chinese companies neither follow local regulations nor pay respect to religion. Some company staff even drink alcohol inside monasteries, he said.

Among the other hardships they have to endure, Kyaukpru residents face the bitter irony of having little access to electricity even though their area is rich in natural gas and oil. Instead, they use wood and charcoal fires for heating and cooking.

“It costs 600 kyat [$ 0.7] for a unit of electricity. An average monthly electricity bill is more than 20,000 kyat per household. For those who have businesses, they have to pay more than 100,000 kyat,” said a Kyaukpru resident.

People in Sittwe, the capital of Arakan State, said they only have access to electricity about three hours a day.

Four hydro-power plant projects are being implemented in Arakan State, but the regime has already signed deals with China, India and Bangladesh to sell them the electricity from these power plants.

With Maday Island and Kyaukpru residents apparently enduring all of the hardships related to the deep-sea port and related projects while the Burmese regime, the Chinese and other outside parties reap the benefits, legal experts and politicians in the area said they will try their best to protect locals from repression and human rights abuses.

“We will raise this issue in the national parliament if we can. Otherwise, we will discuss it in the state parliament. If the parliaments do not agree with us we will speak out against the projects,” said Ba Shin, a Kyaukpru resident and member of the Pyithu Hluttaw [People's Assembly] from the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party.

“I don't see any significant benefit for local people following the completion of those projects. So, we will only discuss issues beneficial for our people,” he said.
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