News & Articles on Burma-Thursday, 17 March, 2011

News & Articles on Burma
Thursday, 17 March, 2011
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SSA ‘North’ given ultimatum to surrender
As Head of New Military Council, Than Shwe to Reign Supreme
Thein Sein Likely to be Sworn in before Chinese Visit
Civilians Killed in Shan State Clashes
SSA ‘North’ given ultimatum to surrender
Counterpoint on Myanmar's transition
Health experts denied policy role
UWSA Hold Meeting Amid BGF Tensions
Burma’s new parliament will activate arguable Conscription Law
Ten Days at a Karen Guerrilla Base
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SSA ‘North’ given ultimatum to surrender
Thursday, 17 March 2011 17:05 Hseng Khio Fah

The Shan State Army (SSA) ‘North’, the group that has been fighting with the Burma Army since Sunday, 13 March, was given ultimatum to surrender by the end of the month and to pull out from all their bases spread out in areas outside its main base, within this week, according to sources close to the SSA.

“They [the junta] told the group to pull out from all their bases in other townships like Monghsu, Tangyan and Hsipaw by March 20. And they have to assemble at its headquarters in Wanhai,” said a source close to SSA leadership.

The SSA bases that the Burma Army orders has ordered to evacuate were those located in Shan State South’s Monghsu and Kehsi and Northern Shan State’s Tangyan, Mongyai, Hsipaw and Lashio. The SSA is mainly active in Shan State South’s Kehsi and Monghsu townships and Shan State North’s Mongyai and Tangyan townships.

An officer from the SSA said the Burma Army is likely to move in for the final assault soon, as its troops are now moving closer to their base. The distance is only 2 miles between them. The total strength of Burma Army troops around the SSA is at least about 2,000 plus 120 military trucks.

In addition, he said, “In our four days long fighting, the Burma Army has only used firepower more than manpower. Due to that reason, we have lost four of our core bases to the Burma Army. On the other hand, we have yet to receive any support from our allies.”

SHAN editorial has quoted Sao Saimong Mangrai, the late Shan scholar, who commented in his classic “The Shan States and The British annexation”:

“If a disaster occurs somewhere in the world, some Shans are apt to say that it is not in Burma and therefore it matters not. Should the disaster take place in Burma, the same people say it is not in the Shan States. If it happens in the Shan States, they say it is outside their state. If it does in their state, they will say it is not in their town or village. If it comes to their town or village, they say. 'That is not our house'. If the disaster befalls their own house……..”

According to the latest information, the SSA has lost their Namma base, southwest of Lashio, Loikhio base in north of Monghsu and all gateways to its ally Untied Wa State Army (UWSA) controlled areas during yesterday’s fighting.

Dozens of civilians in the conflict zones were reportedly killed and injured by the Burma Army’s heavy shells. The latest report says some 1,000 people including the injured are seeking shelter in Monghsu township. http://www.shanland.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=3511:ssa-north-given-ultimatum-to-surrender&catid=86:war&Itemid=284
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As Head of New Military Council, Than Shwe to Reign Supreme
By THE IRRAWADDY Thursday, March 17, 2011

Snr-Gen Than Shwe will remain the most powerful man in Burma even after he hands over his position of commander-in-chief of the armed forces to his successor, thanks to the creation of a new military council that is in effect the latest incarnation of the junta that has ruled the country for the past two decades.

According to military sources in the regime's capital of Naypyidaw, as head of the new State Supreme Council (SSC), Than Shwe will retain his power over the Tatmadaw, or armed forces, and Burma's national politics.

The sources said that although Gen Min Aung Hlaing will become the new Tatmadaw commander-in-chief, he will only be allowed to supervise and manage military affairs in accord with the will of the SSC, with all important decisions being made by Than Shwe.

“Important matters such as promotions in the army, arms purchases, nuclear plans and many other defense-related issues will be directly taken care of by Snr-Gen Than Shwe. Gen Min Aung Hlaing, as the commander-in-chief, will only have symbolic jobs, such as giving speeches at the graduation ceremonies of the Defense Services Academy and military parades. He has to follow direct instructions from Than Shwe at all times,” said a senior officer in Naypyidaw, speaking on condition of anonymity.

The source added that although the junta chief will step down as commander-in-chief, he will not resign from the army and will keep his current rank so that he can lead the SSC. Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye, the regime's second-in-command, will also be part of the SSC with his current rank, he said.

In the meantime, Min Aung Hlaing has reportedly already assumed some duties as commander-in-chief, and has also become a member of the SSC.

The senior officer also said that Burma's president-elect, former general Thein Sein, who will also serve as the chairman of the National Defense and Security Council, will have to submit monthly reports on administrative, security and economic affairs to Than Shwe after his government is inaugurated.

“Than Shwe has shared his authority with many different people, but he controls them all from the top. Neither the president nor the commander-in-chief can do anything without his approval. Everything will be under his control,” said the senior officer.

The SSC is not an authorized body under the Constitution, which was adopted after a rigged referendum in May 2008.

Military sources also said that Than Shwe plans to reform the country's intelligence units by appointing someone to lead it and putting it under th control of the SSC.

The sources also said that henceforth, no one in the armed forces will ever be given a rank higher than general, with just Than Swe and Maung Aye occupying the position of senior general. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20958
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Thein Sein Likely to be Sworn in before Chinese Visit
By WAI MOE Thursday, March 17, 2011

The Burmese military junta is planning to hold an inauguration ceremony for President-in-waiting Thein Sein and his Cabinet ahead of a visit to Burma by a high-ranking Chinese leader, according to intelligence sources in Naypyidaw.

The possible dates for the swearing-in ceremony are reportedly during the week following Armed Forces Day on March 27 to Friday, April 1. Jia Qinglin, the fourth highest ranking leader in the Chinese politburo hierarchy, arrives on Saturday, April 2.

A senior official in Naypyidaw confirmed the Jia Qinglin visit, describing the trip as a “congratulatory visit” by Beijing.

“The Chinese always keep our government close to them,” he said. “The Chinese leader will come to congratulate U Thein Sein.”

He added that following the visit, a Burmese delegation consisting of several members of the new government will travel to China to meet their counterparts.

Officials from both countries have been preparing for the Burma visit of Jia Qinglin who is the chairman of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference and a member of the powerful Politburo Standing Committee of the Communist Party of China.

Nearly three months after Burma’s Nov. 7 general election, the opening session of the Parliament—which is dominated by military officers and members of the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party—was held on Jan.
31. The parliament chose Prime Minister ex-Gen Thein Sein as President, while Secretary-1 ex-Gen Tin Aung Myint Oo and a Shan USDP MP, Sai Mauk Kham, were selected as vice-presidents on Feb. 4.

Two day later, the state-run New Light of Myanmar reported Chinese President Hu Jintao and his successor Vice-president Xi Jinping sent congratulation to Thein Sein and his two vice-presidents, the first recognition of Burma’s new presidency by a foreign nation.

Burma's junta are anxious to swear in its new cabinet ahead of the start of the new fiscal year on April 1. This date will not, however, mark the end of the era of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) which has ruled the country since 1988. Observers have pointed out that the SPDC's official budget is included in Burma’s 2011/12 fiscal year budget.

Observers also noted that Beijing’s decision to sent its fourth-ranking official to Naypyidaw marks a diplomatic recognition of Thein Sein as No. 4 in the Burmese junta's hierarchy after Snr-Gen Than Shwe, Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye and ex- Gen Shwe Mann who is now house speaker.

Jia Qinglin’s visit comes shortly after a senior official of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) made a four-day visit to Burma. Lt-Gen Jia Tingan, the PLA’s deputy director of General Political Department, visited the country on March 12-16.

The Chinese army officer's trip came at a time of heightened tensions between Burmese government troops and ethnic armed groups in Shan State, one of overland gateways to China.

Burma's state media reported on Thursday that Jia Tingan met his Burmese counterpart, Maj-Gen Tin Ngwe who is the chief of the Bureau of Special Operations-5, in Rangoon on Wednesday following a visit to Naypyidaw, Mandalay and the military town of Pyin Oo Lwin.

China is the Burmese junta’s closest ally, as well as a leading investor and business partner in the country. On the other hand, Burma is China’s strategic route to access the Indian Ocean. China has invested at least US $2.5 billion in Sino-Burmese oil and gas pipeline projects from Burma’s western port town of Kyaukpyu to Kunming, the capital of China’s southwest province of Yunnan.
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20957
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Civilians Killed in Shan State Clashes
By KO HTWE Thursday, March 17, 2011

Ongoing clashes between Burmese regime troops and the Shan State Army-North (SSA-North) have killed at least three civilians in the past week and forced nearly 500 others to flee from their villages, according to residents of Mongshu Township.

Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Thursday, local people who are helping the victims said that six villagers had been injured in the fighting in addition to the three killed, who included one 10-year-old child.

They said the injured civilians, from the village of Honam in Mongshu Township, were hurt during a clash on Monday.

“We are trying to take care of them because they are afraid to go to the hospital,” said one Mongshu resident, speaking on condition of anonymity.

There has been continuous fighting between junta troops and the SSA-North in Mongshu and Tangyan townships since last month. According to the Thailand-based Shan Herald Agency for News, the conflict is severely affecting civilians in several townships.

“Many villagers are taking shelter in the homes of their relatives. There has been a notable increase in the number of people coming into town from the surrounding area,” said a resident of Mongshu.

Those caught in the crossfire are not the only ones on the move. Sources said a Burmese military commander has ordered people from around 11 villages in Kunhing, Namsan and Kyethi townships to leave their homes as part the Burmese army's “four-cuts” strategy, aimed at depriving insurgents of local support.

Military sources said that the Burmese army is planning to mount a full-scale assault on SSA-North Brigade 1, based in Kyethi Township, before the end of this month. As part of the offensive, it has sent 10 battalions to blockade the Brigade 1 headquarters.

The SSA-North controls territory in Kyethi and Monghsu townships in southern Shan State and Mongyai and Tangyan townships in the northern part of the state.

Brigade 1, led by Col Pang Fa, is the strongest of the SSA-North's three brigades, with an estimated 3,000 troops. The former cease-fire group's other two brigades, 3 and 7, have joined a Border Guard Force (BGF) under Burmese military command, but Brigade 1 refused to accede to the scheme.

The Burmese regime has pressured 17 cease-fire armies to accept the BGF plan, but only a few have joined. The others, including the largest groups—the United Wa State Army (UWSA), with 30,000 troops, and the 10,000-strong Kachin Independence Army—have refused.

The UWSA and the Shan State Army-South, a non-cease-fire armed group, have offered support to SSA-North Brigade 1 since it resumed hostilities with the Burmese army. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20956
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SSA ‘North’ given ultimatum to surrender
Thursday, 17 March 2011 17:05 Hseng Khio Fah

The Shan State Army (SSA) ‘North’, the group that has been fighting with the Burma Army since Sunday, 13 March, was given ultimatum to surrender by the end of the month and to pull out from all their bases spread out in areas outside its main base, within this week, according to sources close to the SSA.

“They [the junta] told the group to pull out from all their bases in other townships like Monghsu, Tangyan and Hsipaw by March 20. And they have to assemble at its headquarters in Wanhai,” said a source close to SSA leadership.

The SSA bases that the Burma Army orders has ordered to evacuate were those located in Shan State South’s Monghsu and Kehsi and Northern Shan State’s Tangyan, Mongyai, Hsipaw and Lashio. The SSA is mainly active in Shan State South’s Kehsi and Monghsu townships and Shan State North’s Mongyai and Tangyan townships.

An officer from the SSA said the Burma Army is likely to move in for the final assault soon, as its troops are now moving closer to their base. The distance is only 2 miles between them. The total strength of Burma Army troops around the SSA is at least about 2,000 plus 120 military trucks.

In addition, he said, “In our four days long fighting, the Burma Army has only used firepower more than manpower. Due to that reason, we have lost four of our core bases to the Burma Army. On the other hand, we have yet to receive any support from our allies.”

SHAN editorial has quoted Sao Saimong Mangrai, the late Shan scholar, who commented in his classic “The Shan States and The British annexation”:

“If a disaster occurs somewhere in the world, some Shans are apt to say that it is not in Burma and therefore it matters not. Should the disaster take place in Burma, the same people say it is not in the Shan States. If it happens in the Shan States, they say it is outside their state. If it does in their state, they will say it is not in their town or village. If it comes to their town or village, they say. 'That is not our house'. If the disaster befalls their own house……..”

According to the latest information, the SSA has lost their Namma base, southwest of Lashio, Loikhio base in north of Monghsu and all gateways to its ally Untied Wa State Army (UWSA) controlled areas during yesterday’s fighting.

Dozens of civilians in the conflict zones were reportedly killed and injured by the Burma Army’s heavy shells. The latest report says some 1,000 people including the injured are seeking shelter in Monghsu township. http://www.shanland.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=3511:ssa-north-given-ultimatum-to-surrender&catid=86:war&Itemid=284
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ASIA TIMES: Mar 18, 2011
Counterpoint on Myanmar's transition
By Stanley A Weiss

YANGON - As demonstrators from Tunis to Cairo to Tripoli wonder if their revolutions will succeed, Myanmar remains an unfortunate poster child for what happens when revolutions go wrong. With a population equal in size to the United Kingdom, and a per capita income of less than US$2 per day, Myanmar has suffered under military rule since 1962.

Peaceful demonstrations for democracy like those seen in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya (seen, that is, everywhere but here, since coverage is censored) led to soldiers opening fire on defenseless monks and students - first in 1988 when an estimated 6,000 were killed; and again in 2007 when hundreds died and thousands were jailed in unrest that became known around the world as the "Saffron" revolution.

So, it came as no surprise last November when the international community dismissed Myanmar's first general election in two decades, which saw regime-backed candidates win handily, as "neither free nor fair", in US President Barack Obama's words. As the new elected government prepares to take over this month, there are still unanswered questions about what the people in Myanmar think and what people in the West understand about Myanmar's transition. This writer reached out to contacts made in the years I've traveled to Myanmar and three strong themes emerged from their insights.

First, the elections mattered more than the West realizes. "What has been missed in the West is that these elections took place within a much broader political transition," said Myanmarese historian Thant Myint-U, the grandson of former United Nations (UN) secretary general U Thant. "Nearly the entire junta has resigned their military commissions. Many ran in the elections and some will wind up in the new government. A whole new generation of army officers has been promoted to the leadership. Under the new constitution, the National Assembly and various regional assemblies will be one of three political actors, along with the presidency and the army."

A long-time political activist, who was once jailed by the junta, he added, "When the junta started the Union Solidarity and Development Party [USDP] that won the elections, the high level members they chose for ranking positions were from small towns - doctors, high school principals, business people - who were already well-known and popular in their society. When you look at the candidates who won, they won. What has escaped notice by the West is that the new President, Thein Sein, is clean and his children are clean, with no corruption scandals. It's a start."

Long-time Myanmar scholar Robert Taylor said, "While outwardly it appears that the generals have traded suits for uniforms, underlying it there is change of a more substantial nature. The army realizes that it cannot govern alone forever and wants to open up political space and opportunities for those who share its goal of economic development, political stability and political nationalism."

"And don't forget," added Thant Myint-U, "In the election dozens of parties competed, most entirely independent of the junta. Millions have voted for the first time in 20 years. Is this a step toward democracy? Only time will tell. But who can say, even in hindsight, what the important steps were that eventually led to democracy in, say, South Korea or Indonesia."

Second, many Myanmarese feel embittered toward the West. "There is solid mistrust and resentment toward the West, not only among the generals but the country as a whole," says the activist. "We're tired of being represented in your newspapers as cowering in fear and barefoot, scrabbling in the mud. It's just insulting. America now talks about China's growing influence here. We just happen to be right next to it. So, finally the American administration is looking at a map?"

A local expatriate who requested anonymity said, "It is too late for the United States here now. You were arrogant for too long to think Western input was needed. It's not. Now, a major economic corridor is forming in Myanmar, and massive investment is flowing in. Sad to say, but you've lost this generation."

Third, Western sanctions are not just useless but they actually strengthen the regime while weakening the opposition. "What the West doesn't understand," says a transplanted British citizen, "is that the sanctions of the international community [imposed by the US] have not only failed but the community itself has failed to achieve the respect of the generals that would enable meaningful dialogue".

Thant Myint-U agrees: "US policy for a long time has been based on an objective that was extremely unlikely to be met - a dialogue between opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi [who was recently released after 17 years in jail and under house arrest] and the junta leading to democratic change. Western sanctions that were put in place to force the dialogue have not bankrupted the government, nor pressured leaders toward political reform. What they have done is severely weaken the position of independent businessmen and the middle classes on whom an open society depends."

Adds the expatriate: "The regime has no reason or incentive to want sanctions lifted. They want no NGOs [non-governmental organizations], no UN, and no ILO [International Labor Organization] to have to compromise with."

"Like it or not," Thant Myint-U adds, pointing to Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, "We have to accept that we no longer live in a time when the West can determine political change half way around the world." Unfortunately for the West, that may be the revolution that lasts.

Stanley A Weiss is Founding Chairman of Business Executives for National Security, a nonpartisan organization based in Washington.
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/MC18Ae01.html
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Health experts denied policy role
By AHUNT PHONE MYAT
Published: 17 March 2011

A proposal for Burma to develop a board of experienced medical professionals to improve the country’s woeful healthcare system has been rejected by parliament.

Advocates of the new board were told by Burma’s health minister, Kyaw Myint, that the current National Health Committee was sufficiently placed to tackle crises that have developed from long-term economic and administrative mismanagement.

The proposal was out-voted by 172 to 20, according to Hpone Myint Aung, representative for the opposition National Democratic Force (NDF) in the National Parliament.

But its chief proponent, U Steven Thabeik, said that Burma’s health system is only just adequate in urban areas such as Rangoon and Mandalay, while the isolated border regions have long suffered and “people die unnecessarily”.

He drew on his experiences of his native Chin state in Burma’s northwest, where famine has been persistent and where, according to a Physicians for Human Rights study last year, 43 percent of households suffer from moderate to severe hunger.

The men and women that make up the National Health Committee are largely government ministers with little hands-on experience in the health profession. Hence, according to U Steven Thabeik, the need for experts to guide health policy.

A World Health Organisation (WHO) report in 2000 ranked Burma’s healthcare system second worst in the world, one place above the then war-ravaged Sierra Leone.

Critics of the junta have found little to praise since the new parliament sat in January, the vast majority of which is dominated by junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) members, including health minister Kyaw Myint.

The new budget unveiled last month allocated just 9.5 billion kyat ($US110 million), or 1.3 percent of the total, to the health sector. This equates to around $US2 per person per year. Neighbouring Thailand meanwhile spends more than 10 percent of its annual budget on healthcare.

The health crisis is particularly severe in the war-torn ethnic regions such as Karen state, where victims of the 60-year civil war are often forced to flee to Thailand for medical treatment.
http://www.dvb.no/news/health-experts-denied-policy-role/14815
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UWSA Hold Meeting Amid BGF Tensions
By WAI MOE Wednesday, March 16, 2011

As tensions threaten to spill over between Naypyidaw and several ethnic armed groups in northeastern Burma, more than 200 key members of the largest ethnic army, the United Wa State Army (UWSA), have gathered for an annual meeting at UWSA headquarters, Panghsang. Talks are expected to focus on the potential for armed conflict and forming alliances with other groups.

Among those in Panghsang this week are UWSA battalion commanders, administrative officers and leaders of the United Wa State Party, the political wing of the Wa army, which has an estimated 30,000 troops.

“Traditionally, the meeting is held at the end of every year,” said a UWSA source on the Sino-Burmese border. “But it had to be postponed until now.”

UWSA sources said the meeting began on Tuesday and will go on for three days. The discussions come just days after skirmishes broke out between government troops and the Shan State Army (SSA)-North, an ally of the UWSA, near the town of Monghshu in Shan State. Meanwhile, more government troops have been reinforced in Tangyang, which is strategically located as the main “gateway” to the Wa headquarters.

According to sources in Panghsang, the SSA-North leaders reportedly met with their UWSA counterparts on the sidelines of the annual meeting and agreed better cooperation between the two groups in defending themselves from Burmese army attacks.

Despite no official confirmation, reports said that UWSA troops were also involved alongside SSA troops in the skirmishes over the weekend. Sources close to ethnic armed groups claimed eight government troops, including an officer, were killed during the clash.

On the Burmese government army side, the Light Infantry Division (LID) 33 headquarters in Sagaing and the LID 99 bases in Meikhtila have reportedly mobilized their front lines.

Both the UWSA and the SSA-North are among at least 17 ethnic armed groups which have signed cease-fire agreements with the military junta since 1989. However, the truce appears to be over as tensions boiled over after Naypyidaw ordered all the cease-fire groups to transform their units into a Border Guard Force (BGF) under government army command in April 2009. The order was rejected by a majority of the groups
Due to the BGF tensions, regime troops launched a snap offensive against the Kokang armed group, a small alliance of the UWSA, in August 2009, which affected as many as 37,000 ethnic Kokang civilians who fled to China. Naypyidaw’s close ally, Beijing, complained about border stability to their Burmese counterparts.

As former communist insurgents, the UWSA leadership has historical ties with the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) while millions of ethnic Wa people live in both Burma and China. Military observers said until now the UWSA has been provided with logistics and IT technology by the PLA.
A Wa district leader recently told The Irrawaddy that unless Beijing gives the Burmese junta the green light, the Burmese regime will be extremely cautious about launching an offensive against the Wa army.

Due to Chinese influence, the UWSA recently avoided attending an ethnic armed groups’ alliance initiative, proposed by the Kachin Independence Organization, one of the larger ethnic armed groups which also rejected the BGF plan.

Meanwhile, the UWSA will mark its 22nd anniversary in April. It formed after splitting from the Communist Party of Burma in 1989 and signing a cease-fire agreement with the junta.

Wa issues are frequently said to go far beyond Panghsang, but are spread to the geopolitical playgrounds of Beijing and Naypyidaw due to the group's longstanding affinity with trade in illegal drugs.

Wa sources said that since February, the Wa police and Chinese anti-drug units have joined the fresh “war on drugs” in Wa areas.

“The operation began in early February,” a Panghsang resident told The Irrawaddy. “The special task forces of Wa and Chinese police are patrolling every night. If somebody goes outside after 10 pm, he/she might get seized by task forces. If they are suspected of drug trafficking, they will be arrested immediately.”
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20951
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Burma’s new parliament will activate arguable Conscription Law
Thu, 2011-03-17 01:33 — editor

* News Comments

By - Zin Linn

The first regular session of People’s Parliament or Lower House went on for the eighth days at People’s Parliament Hall of Parliament Building on 11 March. Present were Speaker of the People’s Parliament Thura Shwe Mann and Parliament representatives.

On the Tuesday session’s attendance was 431 out of 433 representatives-elect, and the Speaker of Lower House Thura Shwe Mann declared that the seventh-day session turnout was 99.54 per cent and valid. Of the questions submitted by representatives-elect, acceptable topics were raised. The incumbent junta’s respective ministers replied to the queries.

Soe Win of Sangyoung Constituency raised a question on the recently-enacted civil military service law, whether it has come into force or not; and how young citizens will be called for military service if it comes into force.

Attorney-General Aye Maung quoted the speech by General Aung San at the constituent assembly on 16 June 1947, that in the colonial days, to defend Myanmar (Burma) was the duty of the British, but it was the duty of Myanmar people when the nation regained independence. If the number of servicemen was not enough, a military service law had to be enacted for all healthy adult citizens to serve military service, at least two or three years. They had to engage in battles if there was a war. It was one of the major tasks to be carried out when the nation regained independence.

He went on to say that Civil Military Act (1959) was promulgated on 11 March 1959. The act came into force on 1 July 1962. The Article 171 of the 1974 constitution says, “Every citizen shall, in accordance with law (a) undergo military training, and (b) undertake military service for the defense of the State.”

The Article 385 of the 2008 constitution says, “Every citizen has the duty to safeguard independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar.”

Additionally, Article 386 says, “Every citizen has the duty to undergo military training in accord with the provisions of the law and to serve in the Armed Forces to defend the Union.”

Thus, the recently-enacted civil military service law will come into force on the date featured on the notification issued by the President; and that the processes to summon people for military service are stated in the law.

The controversial Conscription Law, which is to be ratified in Burma, has been criticized by the National League for Democracy (NLD) on 19 January. As said by the draft law, it will come into force on the day that the military regime endorses the law by an article in an official decree.

According to NLD, a draft law is related to the whole population in the country and it should be approved through lower and upper houses of the parliaments. Releasing the draft law ahead of the parliament assemblies looks like a deceitful ploy. And it also shows the military is above the parliament, considered a sham lawmaking body.

The military authorities will be misused the rights of the grassroots level people under this law in the name of ‘the State’, NLD pointed out in its statement.

Although the 1959 Public Military Service Act said the state had the authority to order any person who is qualified to serve in the armed forces, the current junta’s draft law prescribes that all male and female adults between selected ages should be subjects to serve in the military, the NLD statement pointed out.

Burma Army has been exercising forced conscription and it has the highest number of child soldiers in the world. As stated by rights groups, there are about 70,000 child soldiers in the Burma Army, some as young as 11, being taken from bus stops and street corners, or on their way home from school, and forced to join the army.

Hence, Attorney-General’s explanation is certainly in agreement with the incumbent junta’s arguable Conscription Law dated November 4, 2010. According to the observers, Attorney-General’s explanation goes against the opinion of the voters and their representatives.

- Asian Tribune - http://www.asiantribune.com/news/2011/03/16/burma%E2%80%99s-new-parliament-will-activate-arguable-conscription-law
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Ten Days at a Karen Guerrilla Base
By SAW YAN NAING Wednesday, March 16, 2011

PAPUN DISTRICT, Eastern Burma—I was excited about my first trip inside northern Karen State to the headquarters of the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) Brigade 5, the rebel base at the heart of one of the world’s longest running ethnic insurgencies.

On day one, my colleague and I arrived at the small Thai border town of Mae Sam Laep on the bank of the Salween River which demarcates much of the borderline between Burma and Thailand. Sitting at a small shop eating lunch, we could see Burmese government soldiers mulling around their base on the other side of the river.

We took a longtail boat upstream. All along the Salween, the natural beauty of the jungle, its tropical fresh air and songbirds seemed to welcome us. Brought up at a refugee camp, it was many years since I had been able to take in the magnificence of my homeland—the towering mountains, the rocky riverbank, the teak trees and bamboo plants, and the swirling flow of the Salween. We waved to the villagers along the riverbanks, washing, scrubbing pots, fishing, swimming, tending to vegetable gardens.

March is dry season; it's very hot and many of the trees in Karen state are bare. But, as the sun went down, it became cool—then cold. As the sun set behind the mountains, I shot some video footage.

The Karen boat driver had advised us that we were to pass Thai checkpoints, Burmese army camps and a Karen refugee camp called Ei Htu Hta—housing about 4,500 refugees of war.

It took about two and half hours to reach the nearest KNLA base. We showed the soldiers our letter of permission from the Karen National Union (KNU) and then went ashore.

The following morning, a KNLA commander ordered one of his men to guide us to the Brigade 5 headquarters. We took another boat trip and reached a Karen village called Mae Nu Hta on the Burmese side of the Salween within four hours.

I thought we were at the HQ, but the guide pointed toward the huge mountains. We had a brief rest and then started climbing. With his wispy beard, the KNLA soldier just smiled at us. He could see the doubt in my eyes. “Don't worry,” he said. “We can sleep in a hut in the jungle if you get too tired.”

After one hour of walking, we stopped to catch our breath. My shirt was soaked through with sweat. It was getting dark, but we had to go on. The night sky was crystal clear and peppered with bright stars. We had to use our flashlights to keep going. At about 10 pm, we reached a hamlet where we slept.

We were trekking again the next morning by 7 am. Finally, we got to Dae Bu Noh where KNLA Brigade 5 is based.

I busied myself talking with villagers, students, teachers, medics, mothers, KNLA officers and soldiers.

I learned that the people in the village call Dae Bu Noh a “black zone,” meaning an area where armed conflict between the Karen guerrillas and Burmese troops can break out at any time.

A medic explained: “If they [Karen rebels and Burmese army units] meet, they fight. If the government troops come through the village, the villagers run away. If they don’t run, they may get shot. In the 'black zone,' the only option is to escape every time.”

I was under the misconception that the “black zone” was an area where civilians got caught in the crossfire. However, that is not the case: the Karen villages in this region are deliberately targeted by government troops, routinely accused of being KNU supporters or sympathizers. Villagers are tortured, killed or forced to serve as porters. Women can get raped and even children get mistreated.

According to KNLA Brigade 5 records, there are some 10,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) currently in the Papun District of northern Karen State alone.

Located in one of the most remote and cut-off areas in Southeast Asia, villages in Papun District seldom see anything in the way of aid from Rangoon-based NGOs.

Most Karen people here depend on rice and vegetable farming, breeding livestock, and selling a few simple handicrafts.
To obtain “imported” items such as pots and pans, clothes and other basic commodities, the menfolk often walk for two days to buy supplies at the Thai border.

When asked about the effects of the reduction in cross-border humanitarian aid, most shrug and have no idea what I am talking about.

They may have a GDP of almost zero, but these simple villagers are almost completely self-sufficient.

They tell me they could survive well by themselves without any outside help— if only they were not terrorized by the Tatmadaw, the Burmese army.

Like a game of cat and mouse, the Karen villagers learn how to detect when the Tatmadaw is closing in, and usually flee just in time. They stock hideaways in the jungle and stay there when the Burmese soldiers patrol their village, returning only when they are sure the troops have left.

Pway Doh Moe, a housewife who has lived in Dae Bu Noh for 40 years, said she dreads the summertime because that is when the Burmese army launch military offensives and patrol the villages.

“When it comes to the dry season, we are overcome with fear,” she said. “We cannot sleep for worry. Every day, we are afraid that the Tatmadaw will suddenly appear.”

She said that in 2007 the government troops came to the village and burned down a makeshift clinic. They made themselves at home in the village until the KNLA launched an assault on them. Then they ran away.

“At that time, everyone in the village fled. We had to hide in the jungle for three weeks,” she said.

“We just want to live without fear,” she added.

Most of the current residents in Dae Pu Noh are IDPs who have been on the run since 1990 due to repeated military offensives in northern Karen State. Established in 1972, the village now houses more than 1,200 people.

They all seem to trust in the ultimate victory of Karen resistance. Many say nobody will respect the Karen people unless they possess their own state.

It's a big ask—the KNU has been fighting for autonomy for 63 years, ever since Burma gained independence from Britain in 1948. Unlike other ethnic armed groups such as Wa, Kachin and Mon, the KNU has never signed a cease-fire agreement with the Burmese junta.

A military training officer told me about the time he went to Thailand. His eyes grew wide with wonder as he recalled all the modern towns with restaurants, cars and electricity.

“It was like a dream,” he said.

“My home is in Karen State. I want to stay here. But without freedom, we will be oppressed and live in poverty forever. We have to fight until we win,” he said.

We left Dae Pu Noh village on Mar. 7, heading out of the village and immediately up a steep mountain at 6:30 am. We knew from our KNU guide that the mountain is estimated to be about a 3,500-foot climb.

From the top of the mountain, we could see for miles and miles in every direction. But there was nothing to see except hills and trees.

The KNU soldier-cum-guide told us that we were passing the area where a well-known British officer from the famed Force 136, Maj. Hugh Seagram, once hid out under the protection of the Karen fighters.

Seagram was famous in hand-to-hand combat against Japanese forces. He fought alongside the Karen guerrillas to repel the Japanese throughout World War II. Seagram, whose name is still widely known among KNU fighters, eventually surrendered to the Japanese army in 1944 after learning that Karen villagers were being tortured to reveal his hideout. He was executed by the Japanese army.

We passed several villages and witnessed the lifestyles and livelihoods of the local people. Some make a living by collecting and selling leaves, which are used as roofing tiles in the villages.

Before crossing back into Thailand, we spent two days in the jungle with the KNLA soldiers and visited Ei Htu Hta refugee camp on the bank of the Salween River.

We visited a school and I spoke with a 17-year-old Karen schoolgirl, Naw Katherine, who had just finished her exams. She told me she wanted to become a schoolteacher to help her fellow Karens who have been suppressed for decades. She said she could not bear to see another generation growing up without an education.

“I want to serve my country and my people,” she said. “I want my people to be educated. I am very sad to see my people being displacing and fleeing into other countries even though we have our own state,” she said.

Tow days later and I'm back in the comfort of The Irrawaddy office in Chiang Mai with its air-conditioning, WiFi and fresh coffee. I can't help remembering the misery and hardship I saw in Karen State—the desperate faces of the villagers, the refugees and KNLA troops.

The voice of Pway Doh Moe echoes in my ears. I recall her words as I finished interviewing her. She looked me straight in the eye while shaking her head forlornly. “We are getting older every day out of worry and fear,” she said.
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