News & Articles on Burma-Monday, 07 March, 2011

News & Articles on Burma
Monday, 07 March, 2011
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MYANMAR: Rights abuses lead to health "catastrophe" - report
Myanmar 'Developing Scud Missiles with N.Korean Assistance'
Parliamentary Debates to Be Concluded Before April
'Four Cuts' Forcing Shan Villagers from Homes
Tay Za, USDP Secure IT Monopoly
Politicians decry military budget
USDP ‘foreigners’ resign their seats
A Myanmar Times closure would be bad news
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MYANMAR: Rights abuses lead to health "catastrophe" - report
Photo: Contributor/IRIN

The bullet that kills in Myanmar's conflict zones is more often than not disease

BANGKOK, 7 March 2011 (IRIN) - Human rights abuses and counter-insurgency campaigns in Chin State, western Myanmar, are causing a "health catastrophe", says a new study, results which echo an earlier survey in the eastern state of Shan.

"The indirect health outcomes of the abuses likely dwarf the actual killings by the military leaders," said Richard Sollom, deputy director of the US-based NGO Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) and author of a recent medical study on Chin State.

Persecution of civilians has resulted in a "man-made health catastrophe" in ethnic areas, according to Vit Suwanvanichkij at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health in the US.

In eastern Myanmar, the child mortality rate is almost double and maternal mortality triple the national average (122 per 1,000 live births and 380 per 100,000 live births, respectively, according to World Health Organization, WHO), which is related to the "epidemic" of human rights abuses committed against ethnic groups in that area, said Suwanvanichkij.

"Public health indicators in ethnic areas are similar to that of long-term war-torn countries like Rwanda and Sierra Leone," said Debbie Stothard, coordinator of the Bangkok-based Burma rights advocacy group, Altsean.

Nearly one-third of all households in Shan State in eastern Myanmar reported one or more human rights abuses from 2009 to 2010, according to a separate 2010 health survey, conducted by community health organizations.

"Consistently, the minority of deaths are directly from violence. Far more... lose their lives indirectly from the malign neglect of the Burmese military regime," said Suwanvanichkij.

Not only does the government invest the least worldwide in its healthcare system - less than 2 percent in 2009 according to the WHO - but rights groups say it also obstructs healthcare in conflict areas.

"The military actively prevents healthcare workers from doing their jobs by destroying healthcare facilities controlled by communities or insurgent groups," said David Scott Mathieson, Myanmar's senior researcher for Human Rights Watch.

Six out of 10 deaths among internally displaced persons in the east are from preventable illnesses, said Suwanvanichkij.

Babies and hunger

Shan State researchers found the occurrence of human rights abuses in a household increased the odds of an infant dying by up to 50 percent.

In Chin State (western Myanmar), almost 92 percent of households experience forced labour and reported the military stealing or destroying their family's food stock.

"With already amongst the worst food insecurity in the world, such predatory practices by the government can easily push families over the brink - worsening poverty, increasing malnutrition, and further barring access to healthcare," said Suwanvanichkij.

Forty-three percent of families in Chin State reported moderate to severe household hunger to PHR.

Families in Chin State whose food was destroyed or seized reported hunger levels more than six times higher than those left alone, according to PHR.

"If people are forced to give food to the military out of fear, have household crops destroyed or their food stores stolen and livestock stolen or killed, they are obviously going to be more likely to suffer from hunger," said Sollom.

Displacement and disease

Displaced families are about three times more likely to have acutely malnourished children, according to PHR. Almost half a million people are displaced in Myanmar, according to the Mae Tao Clinic in Mae Sot, Thailand.

"Being on the move in the rainy season without access to clean water leaves them vulnerable to malaria and diarrhoea - a major killer of children under five," said Stothard.

Local health workers continue to risk their lives in conflict zones to bring much-needed healthcare to the displaced, but as long as human rights violations continue, the health crisis will not improve, Stothard added. http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=92119
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CHOSUNNILBO: March 7, 2011
Myanmar 'Developing Scud Missiles with N.Korean Assistance'

Myanmar is developing its own Scud-type missiles with North Korean assistance, according to Japanese daily Sankei Shimbun.

The two countries have been maintaining close military ties since 2008 as the relationship between the two has grown stronger over the years.

Sankei Shimbun reported Sunday that a munitions factory located near the small Myanmar town of Minhla is in fact a workplace for North Korean missile experts.

Experts fear the development could spark a regional arms race, prompting neighboring countries such as Thailand to develop or procure their own missile arsenal.
Arirang News / Mar. 07, 2011 10:19 KST http://english.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2011/03/07/2011030700895.html
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Parliamentary Debates to Be Concluded Before April
By THE IRRAWADDY Monday, March 7, 2011

All the ongoing parliamentary sessions are to be concluded by the end of this month, leaving MPs uncertain about future parliamentary procedures, according to opposition parties in Rangoon.

“All parliamentary debate is to be concluded by the end of the month,” said Khin Maung Swe, the leader of the opposition National Democratic Force. “No one, including the MPs, knows when parliamentary meetings will be held again.”

Since the Constitution stipulates that the combined Houses of Parliament must meet at least once within a period of 12 months, observers assume that the next parliamentary session will be several months from now. However, several MPs in Naypyidaw told The Irrawaddy that they themselves do not know any dates for future House meetings.

“It seems the new government is unwilling to call frequent parliamentary sessions,” said an opposition MP. “That's why we now have several parliamentary committees which will, sort of, represent the MPs.”

A senior government official in Naypyidaw said parliamentary meetings will only be convened in times of emergency. He added that four 15-member committees representing public finance, passing parliamentary bills, rights and other parliamentary issues will be formed at all levels of both Houses of Parliament and the regional parliaments.

A parliamentary source said that these parliamentary committees are to be formed of 10 MPs from the junta's proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party and five MPs from other political parties.

The potential absence of parliamentary sessions in the coming months casts into uncertainty the roles of several MPs. http://www.irrawaddy.org/highlight.php?art_id=20890
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'Four Cuts' Forcing Shan Villagers from Homes
By KO HTWE Monday, March 7, 2011

The Burmese army's use of the infamous “four-cuts” strategy and military build-up are driving many villagers in southern Shan State from their homes and landing them among the country's many “internally displaced persons,” observers said.

The “Four Cuts” strategy means cutting off access to food, funds, information and recruitment, often with devastating consequences. The Burmese military's use of this strategy has forced the relocation of the residents of villages located in the area controlled by the Shan State Army-South (SSA-South) Brigade 1, based in Mong Hsnu Township, and SSA-South Brigade 7, based in Kunhing Township.

Many villagers from Kunhing Township left for the border to find safer and better places to live, according to a member of the Shan Nationalities Development Party from Kunhing Township.

“Transportation vehicles are full of passengers because many locals headed to the border. At least 200 to 300 people left their native land,” he said.

In addition, the construction of a new regional command by the Burmese military has forced the residents of villages in Kyethe, Kali and Namsam townships to relocate.

“Most villagers are afraid of the threat of battles because the Burmese army has deployed more troops and tanks,” said Saengjuen Sarawin, the deputy editor of the Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN).

In Namsam Township, the Burmese army forced the residents of three villages to abandon their homes and torched at least 300 houses, according to SHAN reports.

Kham Harn Fah, the director of the Shan Human Rights Foundation, said they also heard news about village relocations but have not yet contacted internally displaced people.

“If they [authorities] build up more army forces, people will gradually move to the border. The extension of the army makes it hard for them to live in the area,” said Kham Harn Fah.

In 2009, the Burmese army forced an estimated 10,000 people in central Shan State to leave their villages and torched more than 500 homes, according to Shan human rights groups’ reports.

The SSA-S and Shan State Army-North (SSAN-N) are among the armed groups resisting the regime demand to transform their forces into members of the its border guard force. Other groups defying the regime demand include the National Democratic Alliance Army and the United Wa State Army.
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20888
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Tay Za, USDP Secure IT Monopoly
By NAYEE LIN LATT Monday, March 7, 2011

Frustration and fury have been expressed by representatives of Burmese IT companies, including the semi-governmental Yatanarpon Teleport Company, after it emerged that FTTx (Fiber Transfer to X) contracts previously agreed with the military government were to be suspended in favor of a deal with tycoon Tay Za and an IT firm run by the junta's proxy party to establish a dual-monopoly of Burma's broadband networks.

Most of the affected firms have already installed FTTx services in Rangoon and Mandalay, according to agreed designated zones, and stand to lose their investments.

FTTx is a generic term for any broadband network architecture that uses optical fiber to replace all or part of the typical communication systems, including Internet, television and telephone.

Mostly based Yatanarpon Teleport located near city of Pyin Oo Lwin, the companies signed BOT system contracts with the Ministry of Communications, Posts and Telegraphs [MCPT] in September, sources close to these companies told The Irrawaddy. Many of the deals involved partnership with Yatanarpon Teleport, the country's largest IT firm.

The companies currently holding FTTx contracts are: E-Lite Company, Red Link, High the Princess, Fortune International, MDS, Kinetic Myanmar, Sky Net, and Fisca.

According to the sources, all contracts will soon be handed to the E-Lite owned by Burma's top businessman Tay Za, who is blacklisted under Western sanctions, and the ITCS, which is owned and controlled by the junta's political proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP).

“We have been working on these contracts for four or five months and have already spent a lot of money in implementing operations,” said a representative of one of the affected companies. “Now we are told to stop. We have been sidelined in favor of Tay Za.”

He said that billions of kyat, or millions of dollars, have already been spent by the affected firms on setting up the necessary infrastructure in Rangoon alone.

“By this way, I don't see Burma as a potential place for foreign companies to work,” he added.

“Our contract is for five years,” said a Sky Net staffer. “But now E-Lite and [USDP-run] ITCS will take over all the IT business in Rangoon. We are being kicked out.

“What about the investment we have outlaid? We are being forced to terminate our business in the middle of operations,” he said.

He add that the business climate in Burma is completely unfair, and that Elite is in a privileged position because of Tay Za's close connection to the military junta.

There are currently 13 WiFi zones in Rangoon, a number that will increase once the FTTx system is up and running. FTTx, unlike ordinary communications technology, can offer high-speed data transfer via underground fiber-optic cables.

“All the concerned companies are really angry at the authorities, especially because the situation is so unfair,” said the Sky Net staffer. “The Rangoon market for this service is growing. E-Lite approached the MCPT and convinced it to give E-Lite a monopoly on the service.”

“We can do nothing about it,” he said. “We have to do what we are told. We don't know if we will get compensation. The government has not made any comment.”

According to sources, the MCPT requested the affected companies to detail their expenditures to date after notifying them that their operations would have to be suspended. But, no compensation has been paid yet, they said.

A source said that although ITCS is registered as a private company, incumbent government officers and USDP members play significant roles in its boardroom, just as they do at Yatanarpon Teleport.

Moreover, he said, the ITCS sells mobile phones and prepaid cards in a joint venture with Myanmar Post and Telecommunications.

Elite Company is a subsidiary of Htoo Trading Co. Ltd, which also belongs to Tay Za. In collaboration with Myanmar Post and Telecommunications, it already has stakes in several related sectors, including: providing a nationwide Internet service via fiber optic cables; manufacturing IT-related materials; importing and distributing mobile phones; setting up CMDA phone lines; and the sale of prepaid phone cards.
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20886
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By DVB:Published: 7 March 2011
Politicians decry military budget

The announcement last week that Burma will channel nearly a quarter of its annual budget to the military has brought widespread criticism from the country’s political opposition.

Anger has also been directed at the formation of a Special Funds Law that gives the commander-in-chief, currently Than Shwe, supreme authority to allocate unlimited additional money to the army without any notice, and without parliamentary consent.

“Deciding the country’s budget is a serious business – it should be discussed with the people’s representatives in the parliament before being approved,” said Thu Wei, chairman of the Democratic Party Myanmar, which won three seats in the November elections last year.

He added that the unilateral decision over the new budget “implies the government’s lack of confidence in parliamentary representatives”.

The National League for Democracy (NLD), which boycotted the polls but remains a potent opposition force in Burma, released a statement saying that the country’s “main sectors for…development”, those of healthcare and education, had been grossly overlooked in favour of the military.

The healthcare sector is set to receive only 9.5 billion kyat ($US110 million), or 1.3 percent of the total budget. This equates to around $US2 per person per year. The nearly 500,000-strong military, on the other hand, will get around $US2.04 billion, despite Burma having no external enemies.

“We see that it is necessary to increase the defence budget when the country is developed,” said Aye Thar Aung, secretary of the Committee Representing the People’s Parliament (CRPP), “but for now, when the country’s economy, education and health sectors are poor, we think the defence budget should be decreased and spending increased for these sectors.”

No official data on Burma’s prior military spending is in circulation, but analysts regularly estimated the figure to be around 40 percent of the annual budget. While the latest announcement, bar the Special Funds Law, signals a decrease from before, it will do little to support the junta’s assertions that Burma is transitioning to civilian rule.

Khin Maung Swe, the head of the National Democratic Force, which occupies 16 parliamentary seats, noted that neighbouring Thailand spends 11 percent of its budget on healthcare. He said that his party would submit a bill to parliament proposing that 10 percent be allocated to the “deteriorating” health sector.
http://www.dvb.no/news/politicians-decry-military-budget/14619
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USDP ‘foreigners’ resign their seats
By AHUNT PHONE MYAT
Published: 7 March 2011

The Burmese junta’s perennial fear of foreign influence in the country reared its head again last week after two members of its proxy election-winning party were forced to quit their parliamentary seats.

While details surrounding the resignation of Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) members Cho Nwe Oo and Ahunt Gyi remain murky, fellow MPs have speculated that it may be related to their holding of a Foreign Registration Card (FRC).

Burmese law dictates that parliamentary members must be born of Burmese parents, and cannot be someone “who owes allegiance to a foreign government, or [is] subject to a foreign government or a citizen of a foreign country”.

Cho Nwe Oo’s resignation took place on Friday last week. Until then she had been one of only a handful of female USDP representatives and a member of the Public Accounts Committee in the Nationalities Parliament.

Both are believed to have fathers of Chinese origin, a detail which is flagged up on their Burmese identity cards. Quite how they initially made it into parliament is unclear, given the rigour with which Burmese intelligence normally vets its political players.

Also of Chinese origin is Khin Nyunt, Burma’s former prime minister and intelligence chief who was purged in 2004 by Than Shwe and placed under house arrest, where he remains.

The law banning those with foreign relations from entering parliament however appears to be concentrated largely on banishing opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from Burma’s political arena, as well as stirring nationalistic resentment of the country’s leading icon and key threat to the junta’s grip on power.

The 65-year-old Nobel laureate had been married to the late British scholar, Michael Aris, who died in 1999. They have two children, Kim and Alexander Aris, both of whom are British passport holders.
http://www.dvb.no/news/usdp-%E2%80%98foreigners%E2%80%99-resign-their-seats/14611
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A Myanmar Times closure would be bad news
By CLIVE PARKER
Published: 7 March 2011

With The Myanmar Times in the middle of a serious threat to its very existence, one might be forgiven for thinking the exile media would relish the prospect of the newspaper’s demise, such is the level of animosity between Burmese news organisations inside and outside the country. But whatever feelings people have towards its former publisher, Ross Dunkley, surely the end of the paper would be a major setback for Burma’s news media and the flow of information in the country, in the same way that the demise of The Irrawaddy print edition was a major setback.

What critics fail to acknowledge is that without The Myanmar Times, the Burma cause would be worse off because ultimately everyone is trying to reach the same goals, namely greater freedom of expression and an improvement in the country’s situation. They are just trying to achieve these aims in very different ways.

While those criticising The Myanmar Times regularly point out that every article in the newspaper is censored, and in recent years the Ministry of Information has forced publication of state propaganda, they routinely fail to mention key positives that represent what could be lost.

Using funding and donations from Japan’s Sasakawa Peace Foundation, The Myanmar Times has trained dozens of Burmese journalists to an international standard. It has also provided Burmese journalists with well-paid jobs, thereby building journalistic capacity among people that otherwise may have become rickshaw drivers or clerks in office jobs.

In terms of information flow, although the newspaper is indeed censored, it also has amongst the largest on-the-ground presence of any news media outlet in the country, a major asset for those seeking information on Burma. It was therefore no surprise when The Myanmar Times produced pre-election coverage last year that was superior to anything else available, and that includes the exile media.

The paper was also surprisingly dissenting ahead of the election and, although censored, those with modest Burma knowledge knew how to read the articles, as they do with any other journal inside the country: readers simply read between the lines. This is a key point on censorship that most critics overlook, either willfully or due to ignorance: that although key information is missing, readers know what to expect and fill in the blanks elsewhere, thus avoiding any indoctrination.

So why are these major contributions overlooked? Much of the disagreement between news media inside and outside the country stems from a key difference in philosophy, mostly in regards to censorship. The very essence of the exile media is, of course, that it bypasses the censors, while publications inside do not.

Much of the exile media’s venom has been targeted at The Myanmar Times and Living Color in particular because they were considered close to the now-defunct Military Intelligence. Both gained their publishing licences through ties to MI, an arm of the junta blamed for much of the pre-2005 interrogation and torture that targeted Burmese dissidents.

The Myanmar Times has no doubt received additional critical attention due its status as a foreign investor, a position Aung San Suu Kyi reiterated in her response last week to Dunkley’s continuing legal problems. “We all have to work towards greater freedom of information but I don’t know whether that kind of freedom of information can be obtained by investing in Burma in the media through the authorities,” she told Malaysian journalists in Kuala Lumpur via an audio feed.

Where the exile media comes into its own is on stories that the generals don’t want us to read – an obvious plus. After all, don’t the best news publications talk directly to power?

In response, Dunkley answers his critics by arguing The Myanmar Times is on the playing field while the exile media is just watching from the sidelines. Where exile media claims to offer ‘the truth’, being further away from the scene and therefore the facts makes accuracy all the more difficult in a country not known for its clarity.

Whichever side you sympathise with – and clearly both make valid arguments – this difference in outlook has led to acrimony that over time has created a cycle of criticism from both sides. The recent funding realities that have seen exile media outlets lose money in favour of projects inside the country certainly have not helped resolve differences.

This persistent divide has not only exposed inherent hypocrisies on both sides, it has also played into the hands of the regime in that the subsequent lack of collaboration and mutual appreciation has weakened the flow of information on Burma. When media inside the country and outside respect and utilise each other’s strengths to improve their own transmission of information, they can begin to nullify junta efforts to promote silence and distortion. This means greater cooperation and communication in the interests of increasing access to information.

When unconstructive, one-sided and misleading criticism becomes the norm, not only have media outlets failed in terms of impartiality and accuracy – a fatal journalistic flaw – they contribute to a huge bubble of misinformation and destroy the possibility for cooperation.

This all represents too much wasted energy and intellectual dishonesty on the part of too many people that work on Burma. When these same people begin to acknowledge and utilise the positives produced by organisations that are too often considered ideological opponents, then they should realise they are not opponents at all. Disagreement and criticism is democratic and useful but only when it is accurate, balanced and constructive.

Most Burma media organisations have a genuine desire to further the cause of freedom of expression, reform and prosperity in the country, as shown by their actions, and this includes many publications inside the country. Once this reality is honestly and actively acknowledged, reconciliation among these groups can be realized. And then major progress on informing people about Burma can really begin.

Clive Parker has worked as a journalist at The Myanmar Times and The Irrawaddy.
http://www.dvb.no/analysis/a-myanmar-times-closure-would-be-bad-news/14607