News & Articles on Burma-Monday, 06 December, 2010

News & Articles on Burma
Monday, 06 December, 2010
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Student army to join Karen fighting
Transformed Shan force given choice to revise its decision
New wave of refugees flees Burma
More Refugees Flee Karen State Fighting
Fuel price cap sparks imbalance
Makeover in Myanmar
A new phase in Burmese politics
Suu Kyi Set Free but Media Still Held Captive in Burma
Thailand’s refugee treatment slammed
US official expected to visit Myanmar, meet Aung San Suu Kyi
Socially-active Artists Banned from State TV, Radio
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Student army to join Karen fighting
By JOSEPH ALLCHIN
Published: 6 December 2010

A Burmese student army that rose to prominence following the 1988 uprising is preparing to fight alongside Karen troops in the volatile eastern state.

The decision was confirmed today by a senior official in the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF) who asked to remain anonymous. The group, which at its peak had more than 10,000 troops, will join sides with a breakaway faction of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) as fighting against Burmese forces continues close to the Thai border.

A delegation from the ABSDF met with DKBA commander Na Kham Mwe shortly after 8 November, the official said, when the group took key government positions in Karen state’s Myawaddy. “We are ready to cooperate with Na Kham Mwe’s group which is fighting the [Burmese army],” he added.

Than Khe, chairperson of the ABSDF, said that the group, whose numbers have now significantly diminished since the mid-1990s, approved with Na Kham Mwe’s decision to defect from the pro-junta DKBA faction which has now become a government-backed Border Guard Force (BFG).

“We can support this motive because the timing is very good,” he told DVB. “At the same time the objective is also very meaningful: it shows the people that we do not accept the 2010 elections. We show our solidarity and support to him and those men who were fighting in Myawaddy.”

The ABSDF has been linked with the Karen struggle ever since its formation in the late 1980s, when thousands of students fled to the jungle and were sheltered by the Karen National Union (KNU) and it armed wing, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA).

When the DKBA split from the KNLA in the mid-1990s and allied itself with the junta, the ABSDF was “caught in the middle”, according to its former foreign affairs spokesperson, Aung Naing Oo.

As a result of the new dominance of the pro-junta faction, and due to splits within the ABSDF, its fighting capabilities diminished. But the breakaway faction of the DKBA has given added hope that an inter-ethnic and organisational alliance is possible.

“This is part of the national reconciliation process,” said Than Khe. “Without working practically we cannot get the understanding needed for reconciliation.”

The junta’s quest to transform all 17 ceasefire groups into border militias has stumbled: few have accepted the demands, and tensions are now high in the border regions where the Kachin Independence Army and the United Wa State Army are also preparing for possible attacks.

“We can co-operate with any groups who have the basic principle of restoring democracy and the federal union to Burma and freeing the people from dictatorship,” added Than Khe.
http://www.dvb.no/news/student-army-to-join-karen-fighting/13243
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Transformed Shan force given choice to revise its decision
Monday, 06 December 2010 16:28 Hseng Khio Fah

The Shan State Army (SSA) North’s 7th Brigade that transformed itself into Burma Army-controlled Home Guard Force (HGF) was given the option to consider returning to the armed struggle if the group was unhappy, according to informed sources from Shan State South.

“The regional commander told the group to make a clear-cut decision whether it will be a unit under the army or return to the jungle,” a source close to the group said.

The group was told by Commander of Taunggyi based Eastern Region Command Brig-Gen San Oo while he was on a trip to supervise security for Deputy Senior General Maung Aye and director of the Burma Army Artillery (unidentified) to inspect the sites in Mongzang, Monghsu township and Kunhing-Takaw motor road for setting up artillery bases on 30 November.

The commander said if the group decided to be one of the Burma Army’s subordinate units, it must fully obey the army’s directive; otherwise it is free to join its former sister unit, the 1st Brigade.

The group was reported to be still behaving like it used to be as an independent armed movement enjoying ceasefire agreement with the junta, local sources said.

Sources have reported that many fighters of the group refused to put on militia uniforms provided by the Burma Army in late April even though they had transformed themselves into a home guard force, under the command of the Burma Army.

“The group also failed to persuade the 1st Brigade to become a militia unit as demanded by the former Northeastern Region Command commander Aung Than Htut,” a source said.

The 7th Brigade and 3rd Brigade transformed themselves into junta run home guard force in April. The 1st, which is regarded as the strongest SSA unit, with an estimated strength of 4,000, has refused to accept the demand. It had since October already fought 4 times against attacking Burma Army units. http://shanland.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=3349:transformed-shan-force-given-choice-to-revise-its-decision&catid=86:war&Itemid=284
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Bangkok Post
New wave of refugees flees Burma

* Published: 6/12/2010 at 12:00 AM
* Newspaper section: News

More than a thousand refugees have crossed into Thailand following a fresh round of fighting between Karen ethnic rebels and Burmese government forces along the border.

Tak governor Samart Loifa said yesterday 1,129 refugees were staying at a border patrol police base in tambon Mahawan of Mae Sot district.

Most of the refugees fled fighting on Friday night but the latest group of five refugees only entered Thailand yesterday.

The governor insisted the authorities would not send the refugees back to Burma as long as the fighting continued.

''It's very likely that the fighting will be prolonged,'' he said.

''Humanitarian groups and the Thai authorities are doing our best to take care of the refugees by giving them food, drinking water and medical treatment.''

The New York-based Human Rights Watch has called on the Thai government to stop treating refugees fleeing conflict in eastern Burma as ''human ping pong balls'' who are returned to their home country prematurely.

More than 20,000 people have crossed the border into Thailand since fighting erupted in November, and while many returned within days, refugees continue to flee renewed conflict, the group said in a statement.

The Burmese general elections on Nov7 had done nothing to change the government forces' tactics of ''terrorising'' civilians, who need expanded protection when they seek refuge in Thailand, HRW deputy Asia director Elaine Pearson said.

''People fleeing conflict in Burma are being treated like human ping pong balls _ reluctantly allowed into Thailand when fighting flares but then returned to Burma at the first sign of quiet,'' she said.

''Thailand should not return refugees until the risk to them in Burma truly ends, but should allow them to stay in safe areas away from the border with access to protection services and assistance from humanitarian agencies.''

Tensions soared in Burma on polling day when Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) ethnic rebels occupied Myawaddy town in Karen state, opposite Tak, sparking a state army counter-attack and a mass exodus of civilians into Thailand.

Subsequent sporadic fighting at several points along the border, with state troops conducting a major build-up, has caused continued displacement.

Ms Pearson added: ''Sadly, so far neither side in the recent fighting has shown much regard for the civilians caught in the crossfire.''

She said the Burmese people suffered from indiscriminate shelling and rights abuses such as forced labour. http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/local/209876/new-wave-of-refugees-flees-burma
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More Refugees Flee Karen State Fighting
By THE IRRAWADDY Monday, December 6, 2010

Refugees from Burma continue to flow into neighboring Thailand as fighting fails to die down in Karen State between Burmese government troops and breakaway forces of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA).

The latest military action was reported early on Monday from Myawaddy Township, where the village Metta Linn Myaing was shelled by junta troops. More than a dozen artillery shells hit the area of the village, according to local sources.

The English language Bangkok Post quoted the governor of Thailand's Tak Province, Samart Loifa, as saying that 1,129 refugees were staying at a border patrol police base in Mahawan, in Mae Sot district, on Dec. 5.

The current conflict started when the breakaway faction of the DKBA led by Col Saw Lha Bwe, who opposed the junta's plan to transform his troops into the regime's Border Guard Force, overran for a short time key government positions in Myawaddy Township on election day, Nov. 7.

Government troops drove the DKBA forces out of Myawaddy, but isolated clashes have been occurring since, sending waves of refugees into Thailand.

“Sadly, so far neither side in the recent fighting has shown much regard for the civilians caught in the crossfire,” said Elaine Pearson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch (HRW).

When fighting at first died down after government troops retook control, of Myawaddy, Thai authorities encouraged refugees to return home. The HRW called on the Thai authorities, however, to stop pressuring refugees to prematurely return to Burma, where they may be caught in the fighting or subjected to human rights abuses.

The situation in Karen State was further complicated when the Karen National Union (KNU) entered into the conflict in support of the DKBA breakaway forces. On December 1, the KNU called for the withdrawal of the junta troops from the areas held by the Karen armed groups.

David Takapaw, the vice chairman of the Karen National Union (KNU), told The Irrawaddy: “We will not stop fighting if they [the Burmese army] insist on trying to deploy in our area.” http://www.irrawaddy.org/highlight.php?art_id=20259
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Fuel price cap sparks imbalance
By JOSEPH ALLCHIN
Published: 6 December 2010

Major fiscal imbalances are occurring in Burma as the market adjusts to the new prominence of private fuel stations.

Key to the problem is the 2,500 kyat ($US2.80) per gallon price cap artificially placed on fuel sales; a little over half of the more than $US4 per gallon for unleaded petrol in neighbouring Thailand.

Burma economics expert Sean Turnell told DVB that gas prices determined by the state will inevitably cause problems. “If the state is going to determine the price, it doesn’t really matter if the fuel outlets are owned by the government or the private sector – you still have not got a market-determined price and if you haven’t got a market-determined price, you haven’t got a balance between supply and demand.”

Whilst many private filling stations are owned by large domestic conglomerates such as Htoo Trading or Max Myanmar, they have to buy the fuel from the government at around $US2.60 and sell it at the artificially-capped rate of $US2.80.

The $US0.20 margins are so small that the incentive to sell fuel is diminished, as are the profits needed to expand. This means that there is little money to buy assets such as new filling stations in more remote areas.

“If you’ve got a margin of less than five percent, then that’s nothing,” said Turnell. “How would you possibly recoup labour costs, rent costs or increase of capital costs or anything? That’s a certain loss-maker.”

The executive director of Htoo Trading, U Min Swe Oo, told the Myanmar Times in May that “[the private filling stations] will be a great challenge for businesspeople and creates many options for customers”. Indeed now customers will have to search for the cheapest prices on the black market, given the likelihood of filling stations running out of fuel or the lengthy queues they have faced since the recent introduction of a three-gallon limit on each fuel purchase.

Moreover, the challenge of turning a profit and meeting demand from disparate customers is likely to push retailers toward the black market, a sector that the recent mass privatisation had hoped to eliminate.

Fuel prices in rural areas or small towns in Burma are often significantly higher than urban areas because there are no local filling stations. Furthermore, private business has no interest in setting up shop there given the small profit margins available in the official sector, and the smaller demand in less affluent areas.

Thus private individuals in search of an income fill this void by buying the maximum capacity from fuel stations in urban areas such as Rangoon, and selling it on at inflated prices. Burmese economist Aung Thu Nyein confirmed that, “The private pumps are smuggling out their fuel to the black market”.

The Weekly Eleven magazine reported that black market prices in one small town in Arakan state were hovering between 4000 and 5000 kyat ($US4.50 to $US5.50) per gallon, close to the price of neighbouring Thailand.

The government’s artificial price is capped partly to prevent social unrest, as seen in September 2007, but the country has to import around 23,000 barrels of refined fuel a day. Unlike richer countries, Burma does not have the means to refine oil, and thus is forced to purchase the more expensive processed version.

The government is largely responsible for the import of fuel, and with the extent of black market profiteering, it is hard for the government to respond adequately to demand, leading to inevitable shortfalls.

The fuel sector is therefore caught between the inflexibility of the government’s price cap and role in importing the commodity from regional countries, and the lack of incentives that the private sector now has in distribution. Privatised fuel stations are meanwhile reduced to a veneer where the lack of profitability makes every part of the retail chain an accessory of the black market.
http://www.dvb.no/news/fuel-price-caps-spark-imbalance/13230
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Makeover in Myanmar
6 December 2010,

Myanmar, it seems, is poised to witness a unique transition of power. If United Nations envoy to Burma, Vijay Nambiar, is to be believed, one can hope for ‘new’ opportunities for the liberal democrats who had boycotted the polls at the outset last month in protest against the reigning military junta.

Hinting at by-elections for the vacant seats, the diplomat perhaps has just furthered the impression that a host of pro-democracy politicians and activists can now make their way into the parliament, which at the moment is loaded with military-backed elected nominees. This new political space for persons of repute that had struggled for civilian supremacy is a welcome development, and can go a long way in uplifting Myanmar from the throes of backwardness and iron-fisted governance.

Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, on the other hand, has also sent in the right signals. By offering to walk an extra mile with the generals, she has in fact stressed on an evolutionary process, rather than seeing through a stage-managed revolution of sorts. However, secluded she may be and in wilderness her party in the present power decorum, one thing is for sure: a credible government cannot come into existence without being endorsed by Suu Kyi and her comrades. This silver lining in the political process makes the generals feel jittery and inadvertently come to terms with the very concept of sharing power with the genuine representatives of the people. This is no small achievement on the part of Suu Kyi to make the adamant generals fall in line, irrespective of the fact that they continue to wield power by ?hook or crook.

A peaceful transition of power in Yangon can have lessons for many such societies elsewhere in Asia and Africa. The very fact that Suu Kyi and other pro-democracy elements have not called for annulling the results of the charade November vote, irrespective of their severe reservations on its fairness, is real accommodation. Moreover, the UN envoy’s proposition that the newly elected parliament can find credibility with the introduction of new faces from the rank and file of democrats’ is a novel idea to keep the fragile boat of representative government sailing. The large turnout itself was a proof that people want to register their protest with the junta at work, and make use of an opportunity to exhibit their flair for democracy. Now Suu Kyi and Nambiar’s synopsis make it a perfect case for the Myanmarites to feel the change in the air. The junta has no option but to supplement the world body’s efforts of broadening the government’s base for the collective good of its people and the region. Yangon’s junta is once again the dock. http://www.khaleejtimes.com/DisplayArticle08.asp?xfile=data/editorial/2010/December/editorial_December11.xml§ion=editorial
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Bangkok Post
A new phase in Burmese politics
What drives Brig Gen Saw La Bwe, the commander of the DKBA's 5th Brigade?
Published: 5/12/2010 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: Spectrum

The exact motive of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army's (DKBA) 5th Brigade and its charismatic and controversial leader Brig Gen Saw La Bwe is the most talked about subject among Burma's armed resistance and independence groups.

On Nov 7, the date of Burma's first "election" in 20 years, Brig Gen Saw _ also known as Na Kam Mui _ thrust himself into the limelight when his troops seized the Burmese border town of Myawaddy and engaged in fighting with the Burmese army the following day.

It was a provocative move from Na Kam Mui, who changed his mind after earlier agreeing to join the Border Guard Force (BGF) which aims to bring all the ceasefire groups under the junta's control. The other four DKBA brigades joined the BGF before the election, which was ordered by the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC).

The DKBA was formed in 1994 after the defection of some Buddhist commanders and their troops from the Christian-dominated Karen National Union (KNU). The split centred around religious disputes, especially the row over the building of the Myit Zone Zedi Buddhist pagoda near the KNU headquarters at Manerplaw. Na Kam Mui, who was at that time a KNU Colonel, defected in 1995.

Maj Gen Timothy Laklem, KNU/KNLA-Peace Council.
Manerplaw, just over the Burmese border from Mae Sot district in Tak province, was the headquarters of the KNU and at least 25 other groups. They were attacked in January, 1995, and overrun by the Burmese army after the Buddhist defectors showed the Burmese army how to penetrate Manerplaw. It was perceived as a major betrayal of the KNU and other independence groups by the DKBA.

With his chequered past, some members of armed resistance groups _ speaking on condition of anonymity _ expressed unease over Na Kam Mui becoming a major player in the resistance movement.

Older KNU members said they will never forgive their Buddhist members for betraying them at Manerplaw, which was an enormous setback for the entire independence movement.

"He has a long-time relationship with one young KNU commander who signed a treaty with him a few years ago. Now he wants to work more closely with the KNU, not to help the Karen people but for his own personal interests," said one KNU commander.

"If Na Kam Mui is sincere, he should have immediately renamed his group because this name is associated with a lot of bad things done to the Karen people during the past 15 years.

"Taking over Myawaddy on Nov 7 was good timing and an excellent opportunity for him to show off, to gain popularity, and to score few points with the KNU and other groups that applauded him, like the Shan State Army-South, led by Lt Gen Yawd Serk.

"Of course, he knew he couldn't hold the town for too long. It was a clever move. You can't hold Myawaddy for a month or even for a few days because the Burmese army will attack you with all they've got. You can't win. That's why we use guerrilla warfare."


KNU Deputy Foreign Minister Brig Gen Hsar Gay.
He believes that Na Kam Mui and his KNU friend were behind the incidents in Myawaddy and in Three Pagodas Pass where there was fighting after the election that occurred almost simultaneously, despite the two places being hundreds of kilometres apart.

"The DKBA has no presence at Three Pagoda Pass. About 200 KNU troops were involved with some elements of the New Mon State Party," the commander concluded.

Whether he's loved or loathed, it's generally agreed Na Kam Mui is an influential businessman and smart operator.

Since the DKBA was formed, the KNU, other groups and even the Thai authorities have accused it of various crimes, including human and drug trafficking, smuggling and extortion.

However, not all resistance leaders speak negatively about Na Kam Mui.

KNU Deputy Foreign Minister Brig Gen Hsar Gay said "It's important that we have a good understanding with Na Kam Mui and his people. We are, in fact, cooperating but we don't yet have an official agreement because we have to see how we can align ourselves politically with him and we have to make sure that we will pursue common political goals. "He won't become a big player, but he will be one of the players. It all depends on the agreement that the KNU can reach with him. Of course, it will weaken the ex-DKBA forces and their base because it is the first time in their history that someone left them."

When asked how the KNU can accept and cooperate with Na Kam Mui after his past actions, Brig Gen Hsar said things had changed and they had to deal with the current reality. "Now we have to bring both groups together because it will be good for the unity of the people. That's why we haven't signed an agreement with him yet because we have to settle certain political issues first to see whether we will pursue common political goals."

Brig Gen Hsar said under an official agreement they would have to cooperate both militarily and politically. "If we start closely cooperating with them, we will have to see how our allies react and how they can be brought in. There must be a political consistency among us."

Maj Gen Dr Timothy Laklem, head of Foreign and Diplomatic Relations at the KNU/KNLA-Peace Council said despite the incorporation of the four other regiments into the BGF, the DKBA still exists under the command of Na Kam Mui.


BROTHERS IN ARMS: Brig Gen Saw La Bwe flanked by other DKBA leaders.

He said the fighting between the DKBA and the Burmese army on Nov 7 was to be expected. ''It wasn't a set up to show something,'' he said. '' The regime forced voters to vote for the Union Solidarity and Development Association. Whether it is the DKBA, KNU or our group, we Karen are all together as one. It is our Karen area. We all live in Karen State. It doesn't belong to the SPDC.''

Maj Gen Laklem then produced an email he said was from Na Kam Mui in which the commander had refused a new ultimatum from the newly-appointed Eastern Com mander, Lt Gen Tun Ne Lin to join the BGF.

In an interview with Na Kam Mui published in Spectrum on Dec 13, 2009, he said that most of his people were happy to join the BGF.

''Development along the border is our main objective because we want our people to be prosperous,'' Na Kam Mui told Spectrum. ''After joining the BGF, we can receive salaries, cars, rations, food, medical help as well as uniforms and ammunition from the Burmese government.

''I've been here many years waiting for this to come, so that we don't have to carry the burden of looking after our army. We should accept anything that is good for our people. We've been staying along the border, acting as an unofficial border guard force and I'm waiting for it to be recognised legally. The DKBA has had a military alliance with the Burmese government since early 1994, and it has worked well so far.''

However, Maj Gen Laklem said the junta started to apply pressure on Na Kam Mui to join the BGF at the beginning of this year. ''After he defected about three months ago, one SPDC commander told him: 'Do you want to be a friend, an enemy, or a slave'?'' Maj Gen Laklen recounted. ''His response was: 'If you treat me as a friend, I am a friend; if you treat me as an enemy, I am your enemy; if you treat me as a slave, I will treat you as a slave.'''

U Aye Saung, Secretary General of the People's Liberation Front, said of Na Kam Mui: ''Now he has done something bad to the SPDC that damaged its reputation, so I have to support him. We should forget the past.''

Saw Kwe Htoo Win, chairman of the KNU Mergui-Tavoy district said that some DKBA soldiers don't want to join the BGF nor abandon their name.

''I believe that Na Kam Mui wants to be independent from both the SPDC and the KNU, but prefers to work with the latter. I don't know if he can be trusted because I have never had a relationship with him. I don't know his ideas and background. But if he fights the SPDC then we have to trust him and work with him.''

THE LAST HOLDOUT ?

Brig Gen Saw La Bwe, also known as Na Kam Mui, is commander of the 5th Brigade of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA). He refused to be integrated into the Border Guard Force (BGF) as ordered by Burma's Ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) and defected several months ago with his troops.

Since then he has come under pressure from the SPDC, with a large financial reward offered for information leading to his capture _ dead or alive.

Na Kam Mui was also recently given an ultimatum by the SPDC to join the BGF or face attack. He rejected the "offer" and vowed to fight if confronted.

He also recently joined hands with a former enemy, the Karen National Union (KNU), and is on good terms with other Karen opposition armed groups that could increase their military capability.

Q: Can you briefly explain the DKBA's situation?

A: The Burmese regime is trying to swallow up the identity of all the ethnic groups through the BGF programme to use ethnic forces as a shield and protect and maintain the long-term survival of its dictatorship. The reason I refused to join the BGF is that the regime has never had any good intentions for all the peoples in Burma.

In my 10 years of experience, they always say one thing but do another. They can't be trusted. I do not want to see the continued suffering of my Karen and all those who live under the oppressive rule of the regime.

We are standing with all Karen groups that carry the patriotic spirit for justice and freedom of all Karens, whether DKBA, Karen National Union/Karen National Liberation Army [KNU/KNLA], Karen Peace Force, KNU/KNLA-Peace Council [KNU/KNLA-PC], Thandaun Peace Force or other ethnic resistance groups who are opposing cruelty and oppression. In my conscience, I'd rather fight to defend the rights of the people than become a slave dog of this cruel regime.

Q: What is your current status?

A: The fighting will most likely continue with combined efforts from all Karen resistance forces. We will not fight aimlessly, that would harm the innocent. But we will have specific targets to weaken the regime to defend the innocent against violations. I feel very sorry to see young Burmese soldiers who have no choice but to accept their superiors' orders and become victims of the cruelty of war. I deeply sympathise with parents and families who lose their young men. The regime has created this problem and has to be held accountable and responsible.

Q: The SPDC has offered a reward for your capture. What is your comment?

A: Anyone right-thinking person would know this warrant has no credibility and is not legitimate. The whole world knows that the real criminals are the regime, not me, I'm simply protecting and standing up for the freedom of my own Karen and all peoples in Burma. I believe that no Thai authority has such a low-class mentality to follow the order of the regime.

Q: Why did the DKBA fight the Burmese troops simultaneously on two fronts on election day? Who started the fighting?

A: On Nov 8, fighting broke out in Myawaddy, a border town in Karen State, close to Mae Sot. The junta's troops pointed guns at people, forcing them to vote. In response, I sent troops to protect the innocent citizens. While we were monitoring the voting area, the junta troops spoke aggressively to my troops, trying to force us to leave and began to shoot at us. They began shelling the middle of the public area and even on the Thai side. We had to return fire to protect the civilians and ourselves. During the crossfire, we assessed that it would be better for us to pull out our troops from Myawaddy to protect innocent people.

Q: Do you associate with the KNU/KNLA and KNU/KNLA-PC?

A: I associate with all Karen groups who believe in freedom and justice for all Karen people.

Q: What are your plans?

A: I will continue to struggle alongside all ethnic forces and all peoples in Burma until this regime is removed and held accountable for what it has done against the citizens of Burma. I will continue until I see a true democratic society in Burma.

Q: What do you think about Aung San Suu Kyi's release?

A: I am thrilled to see her released. At the same time I am concerned and worry about the dirty game that the regime will play, even to the extent of a possible assassination attempt. They have attempted to do this before, and I am certain they will not hesitate to try again.

Q: What is your opinion of the Burmese election?

A: I can say on behalf of myself and all the ethnic groups, including many people from abroad, that we knew the intentions of the regime before the elections. I have stated many times in the media that this regime will never have good intentions or the ability to bring change for the country to move forward. They think they own the country and can do whatever they like. This election is a game the regime is playing to tease the international community.

Q: Would you accept Mrs Suu Kyi as prime minister?

A: Of course, she has gained the majority vote from the people and deserves the legitimate role chosen by the people. Any democratic country that believes in the principle of democracy should not accept this regime as a legitimate government.

Q: What do you think about armed struggle? Should it stop? Is it worth?

A: The nature of a military regime is not to understand the language of diplomacy or political talks, but guns. The regime uses guns cruelly against its own people. We have guns to protect innocent lives and to secure peace.

Q: Are you going to join with the KNU/KNLA-PC or KNU/KNLA?

A: We are the same blood ... from one family, although we have different names, we all fight against a common enemy which is attempting the genocide of all Karen.

Q: Do you want an independent Karen State, and if so, will you fight until you get one?

A: Of course, we want an independent Karen State but it might be too early as the international community still wants to see a federal union and we currently agree to that.

However, all the ethnic groups, including the Karen, are sick and tired of the discrimination and brutality of the regime for more than six decades. They have been trying to swallow up the identity of ethnic groups with their Myanmar-isation ideology for example: Changing the name of Burma to Myanmar; changing the union flag to the one star [Myanmar] flag without any consideration or discussion with the ethnic groups or even the National League for Democracy. This is a part of their strategy to wipe out all the ethnic groups including Karen.

Burma is not owned by this military regime or the Myanmar race alone. We desire independence like East Timor. However, we still want to give Aung San Suu Kyi a chance to reconcile all the ethnic groups to establish a true Democratic Federal Union of Burma, the same as her father, but based on equality for all.

If that fails then for the sake of long-lasting peace, all the ethnic groups will combine together and claim independence for their respective states.

http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/investigation/209789/a-new-phase-in-burmese-politics
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Suu Kyi Set Free but Media Still Held Captive in Burma
Simon Roughneen
December 5, 2010

Burma has in recent weeks been one of the top world news stories. The country's November 7 general election was followed less than a week later by the release of Aung San Suu Kyi, one of the world's best-known political dissidents, whose appearance at her front gate on November 13 was carried on news networks around the world.

However, getting news out of Burma is no easy task. Foreign journalists were banned from entering the country to cover the elections. Though an estimated 30 to 40 managed to sneak in on tourist visas, seven were deported after being detained by the police. Fourteen media workers are currently behind bars, some serving sentences of up to 35 years. There are a total of around 2,200 political prisoners who remain locked up, despite the release of Suu Kyi.

Still, high-profile reporters such as BBC's John Simpson managed to interview Suu Kyi after her release, with no apparent retaliation or punitive measures by the ruling junta. One reporter in Rangoon, who asked to remain anonymous due to the restrictions on foreign journalists operating in Burma, told me the apparent indifference to the journalists-posing-as-tourists was more due to ineptitude on the part of the police, rather than newfound tolerance.

Telecom backwater

Chinese correspondents are the only foreign press permitted to work in Burma on a full-time basis; news agencies and wire services such as Associated Press, Reuters and Agence France-Presse are allowed only to deploy Burmese stringers.

The information challenge was heightened in the week before the November 7 election, when a moratorium on new SIM cards was imposed by the junta, pushing the price of black-market SIMs to well over $1,000. Economics are another form of censorship in Burma, as the average wage is a little over $200 per year. Even if the release of Suu Kyi somehow galvanized the public into another confrontation with the junta, there is little prospect of seeing the SMS-organized mass protests that emerged a decade ago elsewhere in Southeast Asia, such as when tens of thousands of protesters took to the streets of Manila to demand the ouster of President Joseph Estrada.

All told, only four percent of the population is wired up to telephone networks, one of the world's lowest telephone usage rates. There are rumors that various multinational telecommunications companies are seeking ways into the market, trying to get around U.S., E.U. and Australian sanctions by setting up shell companies in Singapore and Hong Kong. However, the privatization of various state assets over the past year appears to have benefited only a narrow cabal of Burmese businessmen affiliated with the ruling junta. There are 1.3 million mobile phones and 866,084 landlines in Burma, according to statistics released by Myanmar Post and Telecommunications. The country has a population of roughly 50 million people. In contrast, over half the population of neighboring Thailand has mobile phones.

The country has been deemed "an enemy of the Internet" by Reporters Sans Frontiers (RSF), and Vincent Brossell, RSF's Asia representative, told me that "it is so risky to try to work with people inside Burma."

When it comes to the Internet, foreign news and social networking sites are blocked, though tech-savvy Internet users and Internet cafe owners in Rangoon and Mandalay can find ways around the wall using various proxies. However, just one in 455 Burmese were Internet users in 2009, according to the International Telecommunications Union. Internet cafes in Rangoon and Mandalay charge around $0.40 an hour for access, which is far too expensive for ordinary Burmese.

Enhanced online surveillance

A new ISP regime is being implemented by the ruling State Peace and Development Council, the official title for the junta. The planned "national web portal" will split the military, government and general ISPs into separate services, meaning that the publicly available Internet can be closed down or slowed without impinging on the government or army's web access. Critics say the new plan will enhance surveillance and online snooping, and make the country's few bloggers more vulnerable than ever to arrest.

During the monk-led mass protests in September 2007, citizens used the web to send reports and video to the outside world, circumventing the ban on foreign media. Blogger Nay Phone Latt was a central figure in that effort, but he was given a 12-year jail term for his efforts—a harsh reminder of what happens to those who use the Internet to speak out against the ruling junta.

Any hope that the release of Suu Kyi signals even a tentative loosening-up appears to be misplaced. The military censors have stuck to the old ways, as evidenced by the fact that only ten of the country's 100-plus privately owned publications were sanctioned to offer coverage of the release of Suu Kyi. All publications in Burma must have their content approved in advance by the Press Scrutiny Board. Speaking at a seminar on post-election Burma in Bangkok on November 23, Aung Zaw, the editor of Irrawaddy, a news magazine based in Thailand but run by Burmese journalists, told me that "media in Burma are trying to push the envelope with the censor, since the release of Aung San Suu Kyi."

Shawn Crispin, southeast Asia representative of the Committee to Protect Journalists, told me there is a "yawning news gap" caused by heavy censorship and intimidation inside Burma. Burmese exiles try to fill the void, operating mainly from India and Thailand. Clandestine reporters inside the country take great risks to funnel information to editors in Chiang Mai, New Delhi and beyond.

Late in 2009, Hla Hla Win, a reporter for the Norway-headquartered Democratic Voice of Burma, was sentenced to a total of 27 years in jail for violating the Electronics Act, another draconian lever used by the junta to stop information from getting around the country or to the outside.

First Eleven's cover

However, since the release of Suu Kyi, even the state-watched media in Burma have shown daring creativity to get their message out, risking the wrath of the regime in the process. Sports journal First Eleven led with a front-page story on the Tuesday after Suu Kyi's release that was a combination of headlines ostensibly about English Premier League soccer matches, but that also used colored lettering to discuss Suu Kyi's release. Three innocuous-looking headlines—"Sunderland Freeze Chelsea," "United Stunned by Villa" and "Arsenal Advance to Grab Their Hope"—read as "Su Free Unite and Advance to Grab The Hope."

First Eleven got the ruse past the censors by submitting the advance copy of the page in black and white, but were subsequently hit with a two-week publishing ban after the military realized that they had been fooled. http://www.worldpress.org/Asia/3661.cfm
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US official expected to visit Myanmar, meet Aung San Suu Kyi

Dec 6, 2010, 4:41 GMT

Yangon - A US State Department official was to arrive in Myanmar Tuesday for the first high-level talks between the two countries since the release of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, diplomatic sources said.

Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia and the Pacific Joseph Y Yun was scheduled to spend four days in the country and was expected to meet with Suu Kyi and other political party and military leaders, the sources said.

Suu Kyi, head of the opposition National League for Democracy, was released from house arrest shortly after Myanmar's first election in two decades on November 7, which the ruling junta won amid criticism of the vote's fairness.

US President Barack Obama called the election a sham as Suu Kyi was barred from participating and because of other restrictions intended to ensure military-backed candidates won.

But the US administration has signaled its willingness to engage the ruling junta diplomatically and economically to encourage reforms. Suu Kyi has also said she favours dialogue with the regime, and that she does not aspire to political office herself.

US Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell visited Myanmar in November 2009 and in May 2010. He met with Suu Kyi, then still under house arrest, during his second visit. http://www.monstersandcritics.com/news/asiapacific/news/article_1603629.php/US-official-expected-to-visit-Myanmar-meet-Aung-San-Suu-Kyi
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Thailand’s refugee treatment slammed
AFP/Bangkok

Thailand must stop treating refugees fleeing conflict in eastern Myanmar as “human ping pong balls” who are returned to their home country prematurely, a top rights group warned yesterday.

Since fighting erupted in November more than 20,000 people have escaped across the border to Thailand, and while many returned within days, refugees continue to flee renewed conflict, said a Human Rights Watch (HRW) statement.

An election on November 7 has done nothing to change the Myanmar army’s tactics of “terrorising” civilians, who need expanded protection when they seek refuge in Thailand, according to HRW deputy Asia director Elaine Pearson.

“People fleeing conflict in Burma are being treated like human ping pong balls—reluctantly allowed into Thailand when fighting flares, but then returned to Burma (Myanmar) at the first sign of quiet,” said Pearson.

“Thailand should not return refugees until the risk to them in Burma truly ends, but should allow them to stay in safe areas away from the border with access to protection services and assistance from humanitarian agencies.”

Tensions soared in Myanmar on polling day when Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) ethnic rebels occupied Myawaddy town in Karen state, sparking a state army counter-attack and a mass exodus of civilians into Thailand.

Subsequent sporadic fighting at several points along the border, with state troops conducting a major build-up in the area, has caused continued displacement.

“Sadly, so far neither side in the recent fighting has shown much regard for the civilians caught in the crossfire,” said Pearson.
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Socially-active Artists Banned from State TV, Radio
By KO HTWE Monday, December 6, 2010

The Burmese regime has ordered a blackout on news about several socially-engaged personalities from the country's arts and entertainment scene.

The blackout was ordered by regime censors after a group led by Kyaw Thu, founder of the Free Funeral Services Society and one of Burma's best-known actors, visited the HIV/AIDS shelter in Rangoon's Dagon Myothit (South) Township,run by the National League for Democracy.

A patient eats orange as he rests in a HIV/AIDS hospice founded by a member of Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party in Rangoon. (Photo: Reuters)
Accompanying Kyaw Thu were along writer Than Myint Aung, film director Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi, popular vocalist Than Thar Win, punk-rock singer Kyar Pauk (aka Han Htoo Lwin) and rapper Annaga. They donated food and clothing.

According to sources close to the state-owned television station MRTV, the Ministry of Information presented MRTV and the state-run Cherry FM radio station with a list of their names and instructed the two establishments not to broadcast news about them.

“We received a letter from the ministry with a list of the artists [who visited the shelter] and were told not to air any program mentioning them,” said a Cherry FM official.

“It’s an abuse of human rights,” said Kyaw Thu. “We are doing social work, not politics. We went there to encourage the patients and hand out donations.”

Kyaw Thu and his wife were arrested at the time of the September 2007 demonstrations after giving food and water to the monks who participated.

The following month, his HIV/AIDS awareness film, “Absolutely safe” (A-Kywin-Mè Longyon-Ya), was banned by the government censorship board.

The censorship board has also banned news about the popular satirical troupe “Forever Rose” (Htar Wa Ya Ninsee), directed by Maung Myo Min (Yintwin-Phyit), Burma’s most popular film director. News about another troupe, “New Year Rose” (Nit Thit Ninsee), has also been blacked out, said Maung Myo Min. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20258

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