Peaceful Burma (ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းျမန္မာ)平和なビルマ

Peaceful Burma (ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းျမန္မာ)平和なビルマ

TO PEOPLE OF JAPAN



JAPAN YOU ARE NOT ALONE



GANBARE JAPAN



WE ARE WITH YOU



ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေျပာတဲ့ညီညြတ္ေရး


“ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတာ ဘာလဲ နားလည္ဖုိ႔လုိတယ္။ ဒီေတာ့ကာ ဒီအပုိဒ္ ဒီ၀ါက်မွာ ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတဲ့အေၾကာင္းကုိ သ႐ုပ္ေဖာ္ျပ ထားတယ္။ တူညီေသာအက်ဳိး၊ တူညီေသာအလုပ္၊ တူညီေသာ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ရွိရမယ္။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတာ ဘာအတြက္ ညီၫြတ္ရမွာလဲ။ ဘယ္လုိရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္နဲ႔ ညီၫြတ္ရမွာလဲ။ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ဆုိတာ ရွိရမယ္။

“မတရားမႈတခုမွာ သင္ဟာ ၾကားေနတယ္ဆုိရင္… သင္ဟာ ဖိႏွိပ္သူဘက္က လုိက္ဖုိ႔ ေရြးခ်ယ္လုိက္တာနဲ႔ အတူတူဘဲ”

“If you are neutral in a situation of injustice, you have chosen to side with the oppressor.”
ေတာင္အာဖရိကက ႏိုဘယ္လ္ဆုရွင္ ဘုန္းေတာ္ၾကီး ဒက္စ္မြန္တူးတူး

THANK YOU MR. SECRETARY GENERAL

Ban’s visit may not have achieved any visible outcome, but the people of Burma will remember what he promised: "I have come to show the unequivocal shared commitment of the United Nations to the people of Myanmar. I am here today to say: Myanmar – you are not alone."

QUOTES BY UN SECRETARY GENERAL

Without participation of Aung San Suu Kyi, without her being able to campaign freely, and without her NLD party [being able] to establish party offices all throughout the provinces, this [2010] election may not be regarded as credible and legitimate. ­
United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon

Where there's political will, there is a way

政治的な意思がある一方、方法がある
စစ္မွန္တဲ့ခိုင္မာတဲ့နိုင္ငံေရးခံယူခ်က္ရိွရင္ႀကိဳးစားမႈရိွရင္ နိုင္ငံေရးအေျဖ
ထြက္ရပ္လမ္းဟာေသခ်ာေပါက္ရိွတယ္
Burmese Translation-Phone Hlaing-fwubc

Monday, September 1, 2008

Far Eastern Economic Review | China Grows 'Faster, Higher, Stronger'


August 2008
China Grows 'Faster, Higher, Stronger'
by James A. Dorn
Posted August 11, 2008

From an economic perspective, no country better represents the Olympic motto—“faster, higher, stronger”—than China. During the last 30 years of opening to the outside world and economic liberalization, China has grown to be the world’s third-largest trading nation and fourth-largest economy. More important, the increase in economic freedom has widened the range of personal choices and given millions of people the opportunity to leave the state sector and “jump into the sea of private enterprise.”



During the Cultural Revolution, central planning dominated, capitalism was a crime, and Mao Zedong called upon people to “strike hard against the slightest sign of private ownership.” Today most prices are set by market demand and supply, capitalists can join the Chinese Communist Party, and the PRC constitution proclaims, “The lawful private property of citizens is inviolable.”

The Property Law, enacted in 2007, gives further protection to the private sector and to individual property rights. That legislation reflects the political influence of the growing middle class and private entrepreneurs who have a large stake in continued economic liberalization, which has allowed them a lifestyle few would have dreamed of just a short time ago. Millions of people now enjoy the privacy of their own homes and cars, the freedom to travel, and the enormous benefits of cell phones and the Internet.





While China would win an Olympic gold medal for its economic performance since 1978, it would clearly not be a medalist in the quest for personal freedom. But China also would not be in last place. In 1995, Chinese journalist Jianying Zha wrote in her book China Pop, “The economic reforms have created new opportunities, new dreams and to some extent a new atmosphere and new mindsets. . . . There is a growing sense of increased space for personal freedom.” Many would agree.

It would be foolish to focus only on China’s flaws without recognizing the progress made in improving people’s lives—progress due to the removal of restrictions on economic and personal choices, rather than to central planning. In particular, globalization and the information revolution have played crucial roles in China’s development. Without the benefits of trade, China would still be poor.

The slow pace of political reform and the violation of human rights should be of serious concern, but using trade sanctions against China to promote human rights would do the opposite. Unlike trade, protectionism denies individuals the freedom to expand their effective alternatives, thus limiting their choices. Sanctions would fuel the flames of economic nationalism, harm U.S. consumers, and embolden hardliners in Beijing.

It makes no sense to use such a blunt instrument in an attempt to “advance” human rights in China when trade itself is an important human right. Instead, the United States can best help the Chinese people by continuing its policy of engagement and avoiding destructive protectionism.

Trade increases the wealth of nations and reduces the risk of conflict. Hong Kong, the world’s freest economy, learned long ago the benefits of international trade and the rule of law. Its development strategy—“small government, big market”—has clearly influenced the Mainland, and the “freedom virus” is spreading.

The challenge for China’s new generation of leaders is to continue on the path of “peaceful development” and not let politics get in the way of the market. If China is to prosper and become the world’s largest economy, Beijing needs to allow market socialism to wither away and market liberalism to flourish. That transformation would require a transparent and just legal system that fully protects people’s rights to life, liberty and property.

To help China along that path, the United States should continue the Strategic Economic Dialogue initiated by Presidents Bush and Hu Jintao. Two other positive steps would be to end the discrimination against China in antidumping cases by recognizing the PRC as a market economy, and admit China to the G-8 as a normal rising power. Those acts of friendship would reassure Beijing that the United States welcomes China’s rise and does not view the Middle Kingdom as an inevitable enemy. At the same time, we should not ignore the human rights violations that do occur and use diplomatic pressure to help move China toward a legitimate rule of law.

While tourists admire the compelling architecture in Beijing and other cities, they should not forget that what counts in the long run is not the physical infrastructure but the formal and informal institutions that limit government power and enhance freedom.

Ultimately, the Chinese people must determine the form of their governmental and other institutions, but the United States can help by upholding the same market-liberal principles it wants China to adopt. Finally, by adhering to a free-trade agenda, the U.S. government can show the Chinese people that Americans practice what they preach.

Mr. Dorn is a China specialist at the Cato Institute and editor of the Cato Journal. He is coeditor of “China’s Future: Constructive Partner or Emerging Threat?”(CATO Institute Press, 2000).

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