Peaceful Burma (ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းျမန္မာ)平和なビルマ

Peaceful Burma (ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းျမန္မာ)平和なビルマ

TO PEOPLE OF JAPAN



JAPAN YOU ARE NOT ALONE



GANBARE JAPAN



WE ARE WITH YOU



ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေျပာတဲ့ညီညြတ္ေရး


“ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတာ ဘာလဲ နားလည္ဖုိ႔လုိတယ္။ ဒီေတာ့ကာ ဒီအပုိဒ္ ဒီ၀ါက်မွာ ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတဲ့အေၾကာင္းကုိ သ႐ုပ္ေဖာ္ျပ ထားတယ္။ တူညီေသာအက်ဳိး၊ တူညီေသာအလုပ္၊ တူညီေသာ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ရွိရမယ္။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ညီၫြတ္ေရးဆုိတာ ဘာအတြက္ ညီၫြတ္ရမွာလဲ။ ဘယ္လုိရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္နဲ႔ ညီၫြတ္ရမွာလဲ။ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ဆုိတာ ရွိရမယ္။

“မတရားမႈတခုမွာ သင္ဟာ ၾကားေနတယ္ဆုိရင္… သင္ဟာ ဖိႏွိပ္သူဘက္က လုိက္ဖုိ႔ ေရြးခ်ယ္လုိက္တာနဲ႔ အတူတူဘဲ”

“If you are neutral in a situation of injustice, you have chosen to side with the oppressor.”
ေတာင္အာဖရိကက ႏိုဘယ္လ္ဆုရွင္ ဘုန္းေတာ္ၾကီး ဒက္စ္မြန္တူးတူး

THANK YOU MR. SECRETARY GENERAL

Ban’s visit may not have achieved any visible outcome, but the people of Burma will remember what he promised: "I have come to show the unequivocal shared commitment of the United Nations to the people of Myanmar. I am here today to say: Myanmar – you are not alone."

QUOTES BY UN SECRETARY GENERAL

Without participation of Aung San Suu Kyi, without her being able to campaign freely, and without her NLD party [being able] to establish party offices all throughout the provinces, this [2010] election may not be regarded as credible and legitimate. ­
United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon

Where there's political will, there is a way

政治的な意思がある一方、方法がある
စစ္မွန္တဲ့ခိုင္မာတဲ့နိုင္ငံေရးခံယူခ်က္ရိွရင္ႀကိဳးစားမႈရိွရင္ နိုင္ငံေရးအေျဖ
ထြက္ရပ္လမ္းဟာေသခ်ာေပါက္ရိွတယ္
Burmese Translation-Phone Hlaing-fwubc

Tuesday, November 25, 2008

Remember, Aung San Suu Kyi's disengagement is not her choice

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2008/nov/25/burma-aung-san-suu

Remember, Aung San Suu Kyi's disengagement is not her choiceBurma's pro-democracy movement is still strong, but action is not currently possible, says Thaung HtunComments (2) Thaung Htun guardian.co.uk, Tuesday November 25 2008 00.01 GMT The Guardian, Tuesday November 25 2008 Article historyThere are several misinterpretations and failures to contextualise in the article on Burma's democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi (Not such a hero after all, November 11). We will concentrate on the most glaring.

The writers have wrongly assumed that the Burmese pro-democracy movement's willingness to be self-critical and/or to be critical of Suu Kyi is evidence of its demise. They quote many figures. One, a "senior MP in Rangoon", said: "We ... have to consider seriously ... whether our sacrifices alone will actually bring victory." Another argued that "the NLD, a party that was popular, got lost". But, rather than signal the breakdown of the opposition movement, these voices prove its strength - its ability to air disagreements and to debate differences without recrimination.


Burma revels in its multifaceted culture and in its many voices, as would any who were as faithful to democracy as we are. Burmese people have proven that the clamour of multitudes does not equate to an implosion. This critical tendency is a sign of rude health.

In assessing Suu Kyi's current silence, your article sought to blame her for the ills of Burma's military regime. She is "internationally renowned for her recalcitrance rather than her compliance"; has become "mute since her arrest"; her "fight appears to have sublimated to a meditative battle"; and she has been guilty of "political naivety and moral high-handedness". The writers ask, "What new policies did the NLD generate?", the implication being that Suu Kyi's seemingly truculent disengagement is her choice, and that the "vacuum" she has created has left the democracy movement weak and directionless.

But under Suu Kyi's incarceration she is denied even the most rudimentary means of communicating with the wider world. Under the regime's iron rule, it is effectively impossible to engage the population and even those who represent them democratically. As such, lasting policy cannot be secured as it would be policy on the run, created without due reference to our constituents - by definition, undemocratic.

Our movement encourages an educated engagement with the issues we are confronting. Suu Kyi herself has never shied from a good debate; informed criticism is constructive and ultimately helpful. Yet firing ill-informed grapeshot in the interests of deflating a national heroine is useful only in terms of sensationalism, not solid debate.

Aung San Suu Kyi's case is quite unique in world politics. Never before has a Nobel peace prize winner been imprisoned for such a long period after receiving the award. Few, if any, democratically elected governments have had to face such extraordinary obstacles over nearly five decades as we have.

Despite this article, we can only keep going, knowing such hollow attacks on the resolve and standing of a woman our people hold very dear will not break her will, nor that of the Burmese people who are sacrificing all to bring freedom to their country.

• Thaung Htun is the UN representative for the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, the government in exile made up of MPs elected in 1990, nominally led by Aung San Suu Kyi thaung.htun@gmail.com.

• If you wish to respond, at greater length than in a letter, to an article in which you have featured either directly or indirectly, email response@guardian.co.uk or write to Response, The Guardian, 119 Farringdon Road, London EC1R 3ER. We cannot guarantee to publish all responses, and we reserve the right to edit pieces for both length and content.



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