Showing posts with label SANGHA. Show all posts
Showing posts with label SANGHA. Show all posts
Saturday, October 10, 2009
Tuesday, October 6, 2009
THE ONLY WAY TO HAVE CHANGE IN BURMA IS TO FORCE THE REGIME-2007-SEPT-28- BY ZOYA PHAN
JUST TO REMIND EVERYBODY
PHONE HLAING
AlJazeeraEnglish
September 29, 2007
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Sir David Frost talks to Zoya Phan, an exile from Mynamar, formerly knowns as Burma, and Razali Ismael, former UN envoy to the country, about the current violence and why the people are agitating f...
Sir David Frost talks to Zoya Phan, an exile from Mynamar, formerly knowns as Burma, and Razali Ismael, former UN envoy to the country, about the current violence and why the people are agitating for change.
Category: News & Politics
Tags: Al Jazeera David Frost Burma Myanmar Razali Ismail Zoya Phan
Monday, October 5, 2009
Sunday, October 4, 2009
ပတၱနိကၠဳဇၨနကံေဆာင္သပိတ္ အထေျမာက္ဟု သံဃာ့တပ္ေပါင္းစုအဖြဲ႔မွ မိန္႔ၾကား
http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/Oct09/030909b.php
NEJ / ၃ ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၂၀၀၉
ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ ဗဟန္းၿမိဳ႕နယ္ရွိ ေက်ာင္းတိုက္တခုမွ သိမ္တသိမ္တြင္ သံဃာအပါး (၂၀) ခန္႔နွင့္ ပတၱနိကၠဳဇၨန ကမၼ၀ါစာရြတ္ဖတ္ကာ သပိတ္ေမွာက္ကံေဆာင္ လုိက္ၾကေၾကာင္း ျပည္တြင္းမွ သံဃာေတာ္တပါးကို ကိုးကားၿပီး ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလုံးဆိုင္ရာ သံဃာ့တပ္ေပါင္းစုအဖြဲ႔မွ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရးရာတာ၀န္ခံ အရွင္ဣႆရိယက မိန္႔ၾကားသည္။
“အခုသပိတ္က တတိယအႀကိမ္ သပိတ္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ တကယ္သပိတ္ရဲ႕ ေအာင္ျမင္ျခင္းကေတာ့ ၁၉၉၀ သပိတ္နဲ႔ ၂၀၀၇ သပိတ္ေတြကတည္းက ဒါတကယ့္ကို ေအာင္ျမင္ၿပီးသားပါ။ အဲဒီသပိတ္က အခုထက္ထိ ျပန္ၿပီးေတာ့ လွန္ရျခင္းလည္း မရိွေသးပါဘူး။ ပထမနဲ႔ ဒုတိယအႀကိမ္ေတြမွာ ေမွာက္ထားတဲ့သပိတ္ကို ျပန္ၿပီးေတာ့ ခိုင္ၿမဲသြားေစဖို႔၊ အားလုံးကလည္း ဒီသပိတ္မလွန္ရေသးဘူးဆိုတာ သိသြားေစဖို႔၊ ဆက္ၿပီးေအာင္ေအာင္ျမင္ျမင္ ျပဳလုပ္ႏိုင္ဖို႔ကို ဦးဇင္းတို႔က ထပ္ၿပီးေတာ့ လုပ္တာပါ” ဟု အရွင္ဣႆရိယက မိန္႔သည္။
ျပည္တြင္း၌ လွ်ိဳ႕၀ွက္ၿပီး ေနရာေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ား၌လည္း သပိတ္ေမွာက္လိုက္သည္ဟု ျပည္တြင္းမွ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားက သတင္းပါးေၾကာင္း၊ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံ၊ သီရိလကၤာ၊ အိႏၵိယ ႏိုင္ငံေတြက သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားကလည္း အားလုံးစုေပါင္းၿပီး သပိတ္ေမွာက္ ကံေဆာင္လိုက္သည့္အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ ယေန႔တြင္ ပတၱနိကၠဳဇၨနကံေဆာင္သပိတ္ အထေျမာက္ေအာင္ျမင္သြားသည္ဟု ၎က ဆက္လက္မိန္႔ၾကားသည္။
ထို႔ျပင္ ေမာ္လၿမိဳင္ၿမိဳ႕၌လည္း သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားက သပိတ္ေမွာက္ ကံေဆာင္လိုက္ၾကေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
Wednesday, September 23, 2009
Irrawaddy: Sangha leader calls for united opposition – Simon Roughneen
Irrawaddy: Sangha leader calls for united opposition – Simon Roughneen
Tue 22 Sep 2009
Filed under: International
Bangkok — Two years ago, the sight of thousands of saffron-clad monks marching in silence, hands clasped and heads bowed, briefly sparked hopes that some loosening of military control in Burma might be in sight.
Would the junta dare harm the revered monks and pink-robed nuns who took to the streets to bolster protests that begun as a response to an arbitrary fuel price hike in August 2007?
A student monk from Burma holds a photo of Aung San Suu Kyi and joins the protest held to commemorate the annual memorial day of the Saffron Revolution in front of the Burmese embassy in Colombo last year. (Photo: Reuters)
Some observers thought, for the few short days between the start of the monk demonstrations and the army crackdown that the army would not dare touch the monks. However, the Saffron Revolution was crushed when the army moved in under the order of the ruling generals.
In hindsight, given that monks in Mandalay were beaten up, imprisoned and shot in 1990, when they marked another two year anniversary—commemorating the 1988 student demonstrations when the army killed around 3000 Burmese—such optimism was unfounded.
Speaking at a Bangkok press conference on Tuesday to launch the Human Rights Watch report “The Resistance of the Monks: Buddhism and Activism in Burma,” author Bertil Linter said that “the crackdown in 2007 undermined whatever little legitimacy the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) has in the eyes of most Burmese people.”
However, given that the army has a new constitution which mandates a civilian version of military rule and it is seeking to legitimize itself by holding elections in 2010, while not releasing the 2,100 political prisoners in the country’s jails, it seems the junta will not be challenged in the foreseeable future.
Venerable Sayadaw U Pannya Vamsa is spiritual director at the Burmese Buddhist temple in Penang, Malaysia. Speaking to The Irrawaddy last week, he said that the international community needs to understand that the situation in Burma is getting worse—“That has been the trajectory for the past 60 years, and that while we are grateful for the kind support they have shown, the people of Burma need to see action, and there needs to be direct dealing with the real problems faced by Burma’s people.”
While the clergy does not have or seem to seek an overtly political role, its 400,000 members are a bellwether for Burma’s political climate, and it has sought to open political space for others, by carefully chosen activism, such as in 2007. However, it seems unlikely that the monks and nuns will be able to take to the streets any time between now and the 2010 elections.
More than 250 Buddhist clergy remain in prison, and unknown numbers of monks either sought refuge overseas or returned to their villages, discarding their robes. There seems to be scant prospect that a heavily infiltrated Sangha (another name for the Buddhist clergy), now under constant army surveillance, can mobilize again anytime soon.
Monks in Burma have sought assistance from their counterparts in the Sangha in exile. One of the most outspoken and prominent is U Pannya Vamsa, who is also co-founder and chairperson of the International Burmese Monks Organization (IBMO), established in October 2007, as Burmese monks and nuns were being shot at, beaten, rounded-up and imprisoned.
“Before 2007, I did not take a direct interest in politics,” he said. “I left Burma five decades ago to do missionary work and that was my priority. However, the monks in Burma pleaded with me to use my voice and influence, as they could not in such a repressive system.”
While direct political involvement is not ordinarily sanctioned by Buddhist teaching, there are exceptions, as Stanford University’s Paul Harrison outlined in a 2008 interview with the Council on Foreign Relations.
He said that clergy are forced to use their influence to help the oppressed when there is no other option. That Buddhist clergy have become more active in recent decades is “a testimony to the situation in many Buddhist countries where previously things were not so bad in terms of political oppression.”
Things have been bad in Burma for a long time. The Burmese Sangha have been politically active a number of times, and their defiance of some sacrilegious British actions—such as Crown officials refusing to remove their shoes when entering places of worship—helped spark the resistance to colonial rule. The Sangha later protested following the 1962 military coup and participated in demonstrations against military rule in 1974, 1988 and 1990.
Now, the Sangha is trying to take the fight to the global level, and U Pannya Vamsa told The Irrawaddy he is forming alliances with religious leaders of other faiths, at the highest level, to raise awareness about the situation in Burma. He was condemned in an unsigned letter published by the Ministry of Religion in Burma for his efforts, though significantly no junta figure would put his or her name to the document.
Under the controversial 2008 constitution, approved in a rushed and in a flawed referendum held within days of the Cyclone Nargis disaster, monks do not have voting rights. This is something carried over from previous constitutions and electoral systems in the country and indicates that the military has sought to keep the clerics at a remove from politics, fearing their influence, which is based on what Linter described as “a symbiotic relationship with the Burmese people”, 90 percent of whom are Buddhist and whose alms-giving helps to materially support the Sangha across the country.
U Pannya Vamsa thinks that the military is trying to divide the Burmese people, to ensure that no effective opposition can challenge its grip on power.
“The army will proceed with elections its own way, based on the premise that its sole ambition is to perpetuate military rule in Burma, in whatever form,” he said.
Some donor governments and other organizations have advocated some form of engagement with the junta, seeing the elections as an opening to bring about a more enlightened authoritarianism in Burma and in turn creating space for civil society or opposition groups to gain a political foothold.
U Pannya Vamsa believes this to be a fallacy. “I spoke to the EU, who seemed happy that Burma was going to have elections,” he said. “However, I explained that these are not going to be real elections. ‘Election’ is just a name, this is an army project, under army law.”
With the Sangha in Burma silenced, the ethnic ceasefire groups either divided among themselves or mulling a response to the junta’s demand to join the state security services, and the political opposition scattered or in jail, there seems little prospect that the junta can be successfully challenged anytime soon.
U Pannya Vamsa says that with more coherent international support, the Burmese opposition can revive and form a united front, “without ceding their autonomy or identity in the process.”
He thinks that this might set an example to members of the Burmese military, some of whom who are not happy with their leaders, or how the country is run.
“Not all the military are bad,” he said, “but they just follow orders, as they have no leadership to show them another path, and do not know what to do.”
EarthTimes - Two years after 'saffron revolution,' Myanmar monks under thumb
EarthTimes - Two years after 'saffron revolution,' Myanmar monks under thumb
Posted : Tue, 22 Sep 2009 08:17:16 GMT
By : Jolissa Graham
Bangkok - Two years after Myanmar's Buddhist monks launched their unsuccessful "saffron revolution," more than 250 monks and nuns remained in prison and the monasteries have been infiltrated by the ruling military junta, a Human Rights Watch report released Tuesday said. "The movement as such has been forced underground, " the report's author, Bertil Lintner, said at a press conference in Bangkok. "But it doesn't mean it's dead. Monks are not foolish. They are not going to take to the streets to commit suicide, but when the time is right, I am sure you will see the monks again."
Myanmar's ruling military generals have always shown public reverence for the monkhood but have also tried to systematically control the institution' s political activism.
Since 2007, the controls have intensified, especially in anticipation of the general election in 2010, which promises to be neither free nor fair, Linter said.
"There are agents in all major monasteries watching who is going in and out," Lintner said. "The monasteries have been infiltrated with informers."
Regulations to register as a monk have also been tightened.
"There is more scrutiny of who is registering to be a monk and more scrutiny of sermons to make sure they aren't tinged witha political agenda," said David Mathieson, Myanmar expert for Human Rights Watch.
The report was released on the anniversary of the September 22, 2007, demonstration, in which thousands of barefoot monks marched into Yangon in a peaceful protest against decades of military rule and deteriorating economic conditions in the country of 54 million.
The demonstration raised hopes that Myanmar was finally being pushed toward political change because the junta would be afraid to crack down on the country's revered Buddhist monks. That optimism proved unfounded.
"The hopes that everyone had that this would carve out greater freedom in Burma were crushed five days later when the military started shooting, beating and arresting hundreds of Buddhist monks," Mathieson said.
At least 31 deaths were confirmed by the United Nations in the crackdown although other organizations estimated much higher casualties. Hundreds of monks and their followers were arrested. Thousands were disrobed and forced out of the monkhood.
As of last month, there were 237 monks in Myanmar jails and another 35 nuns, the Human Rights Watch report said.
The report was researched and written by Lintner, a well-known Myanmar expert who has spent a lifetime reporting and writing books on the South-East Asian country.
Lintner travelled to Malaysia, Sri Lanka, London and New York to interview monks who fled
Sunday, September 20, 2009
ဂ်ပန္ေရာက္ျမန္မာမ်ားသို႔ ဆရာေတာ္ဦးထာဝရ သဝဏ္လႊာ။
ဂ်ပန္ေရာက္ျမန္မာမ်ားသို႔ ဆရာေတာ္ဦးထာဝရ သဝဏ္လႊာ။
http://demowaiyen.blogspot.com/2009/09/blog-post_8099.html
Friday, March 20, 2009
U Gambira is urging the Burmese people to carry on
http://democracyforburma.wordpress.com/2009/03/18/a-leader-of-burma%E2%80%99s-2007-saffron-revolution-u-gambira-is-urging-the-burmese-people-to-carry-on-in-resisting-the-military-government-and-has-agreed-to-appeal-his-conviction-and-lengthy-prison/
A leader of Burma’s 2007 Saffron Revolution, U Gambira, is urging the Burmese people to carry on in resisting the military government and has agreed to appeal his conviction and lengthy prison sentence, according to his mother.
2009 March 18
tags: Human Rights, world focus on Burma, Junta, UN, Burma, prisoner, monksby peacerunningU Gambira, leader of the All-Burma Monks Alliance, is serving a 69-years jail term Khandee prison for his role in the 2007 protests. He was transferred from Mandalay prison in February after staging a hunger strike there.
His mother, Daw Yay, said that when she visited her son in prison he quoted Burma’s late independence hero Gen. Aung San, father of detained opposition leader and Nobel peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.
“If one wants [to follow] the way of the Buddha, one must practice Buddhism. If one wanted independence, one must practice the way towards independence,” she quoted U Gambira as saying.
“He is continuing along that same road,” she said.
Hunger strike
U Gambira began a hunger strike Feb. 15 in Mandalay prison to demand the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners, prompting authorities to transfer him in iron shackles to remote Kamdee prison in the north of the country, she said.
“The trip from Mandalay to Kamdee prison was like being sent to Hell alive,” she said, adding that it required a three-day boat trip from Monywa to Homalin. “I was in the middle seat of the boat without a back rest. It was very uncomfortable.”
“My life, and my family’s life, is just clockwork now. We eat and sleep like robots. There is no life in our bodies,” she said, calling on the authorities to free all political prisoners on humanitarian grounds.
“The ordeal we are going through—it’s a punishment for our entire family.”
Daw Yay said that she had persuaded her son to appeal his conviction for treason, although he initially refused, and that she would travel from her home in Mandalay to the former capital, Rangoon, to file papers on his behalf.
Monday, February 9, 2009
Burma, Your Chance to Make a Difference
http://west-wight-sangha.blogspot.com/2009/02/burma-your-chance-to-make-difference.html
Friday, 6 February 2009
A United Nations envoy has just returned from Burma and has yet again failed to secure the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and Burma’s 2,130 other political prisoners. UN envoys have now made 38 visits to Burma and have consistently failed to achieve any progress towards democracy and human rights.
Stronger action is needed. These prisoners have done nothing wrong. They have been imprisoned for calling for freedom and human rights. The United Nations Security Council must bring in a binding resolution to ensure that Burma’s political prisoners are released. We need your help to make this happen.
TAKE ACTION - IF YOU LIVE IN THE UNITED KINGDOM
Take 2 minutes now and write to your MP and urge them to support Aung San Suu Kyi by signing Early Day Motion 343* (Early Day Motions are similar to a parliamentary petitions – read more below**).
EDM 343 calls for all the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and all Burma’s 2,130 political prisoners. The EDM demands that the British government uses its position on the UN Security Council to get the Security Council to take action.
We’ve made it really easy for you. Just go to this page and click “Take Action, Click Here”. Then all you do is put in your details (so we can find your MP for you) and personalise the message we’ve drafted for you. We take care of the rest!: http://voiceyourviews.net/eactivist/vyv.v?v=2121:999:15574
TAKE ACTION - IF YOU LIVE OUTSIDE THE UK
Take 2 minutes now and email UN Secretary General Ban-Ki Moon and the UN Security Council from this website and urge him to make it his top priority to secure the release of all Burma’s political prisoners:
http://www.burmacampaign.org.uk/un_action.html
An update from inside Burma
This week Burma’s imprisoned democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi was allowed out of her house arrest for a few short minutes to meet with the UN Envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, and the Central Executive Committee of her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD).
Suu Kyi called on the UN to prioritise the release of all 2,100 political prisoners in Burma.
She once more bravely stated that she is willing to talk to the Burmese regime at any time, but the regime is refusing to come to the negotiating table.
Aung San Suu Kyi is only kept safe because of her high international profile. You, as one of her supporters are helping to keep her safe.
at 20:07
Labels: Aung San Suu Kyi, Buddhist, Burma, Gordon Brown, Petition
Sunday, February 8, 2009
Burmese Justice
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/02/07/opinion/l07myanmar.html
Letter
Burmese Justice
On behalf of monks and nuns inside Myanmar, which we still call Burma, I applaud Nicholas D. Kristof’s call for new actions against the “odious” regime ruling our country.
Burmese monks and nuns were brutally attacked by the military during peaceful protest in September 2007. Senior Gen. Than Shwe exacted vengeance against all protesters, shooting and killing many and arbitrarily imprisoning monks and political activists (issuing sentences ranging from 4 to 104 years in prison).
Mr. Kristof calls for new approaches. We monks are not politicians, but it is our religious duty to try our best to help relieve the suffering of our people, and we consider justice an old approach that has eluded the junta.
The world has an International Criminal Court, and the United Nations Security Council has the power to refer Burma to it. This call for justice is not a new approach. It is a basic human right.
Ashin Nayaka
New York, Feb. 5, 2009
The writer, a visiting scholar at Columbia University, is a leading member of the International Burmese Monk Association.
Sunday, January 25, 2009
Jailed Myanmar monk goes on hunger strike
http://news.yahoo.com/s/afp/20090123/wl_asia_afp/myanmarpoliticsprisonrights_20090123070007/print
Fri Jan 23, 1:58 am ET
BANGKOK (AFP) – A Buddhist monk imprisoned in Myanmar for leading street protests against the junta has gone on hunger strike to demand access to his family, according to an exiled group of former political prisoners.
Monk Gambira began to refuse food ten days ago, said Bo Kyi of the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners-Burma.
Burma is the country's previous name.
"He was at Mandalay prison when his family visited him. He was not allowed to see his family, therefore he demanded a meeting with (them). Then he set on hunger strike," Bo Kyi said.
Gambira was transferred from Mandalay prison to the remote Hkamti prison three or four days later, Bo Kyi told AFP, citing his family members and prison sources.
The reports could not be confirmed by official sources.
Gambira was sentenced to 68 years in prison last November, for his involvement in monk-led protests against the regime in 2007.
The protests began sporadically against fuel-price hikes in the August, but subsequently involved tens of thousands of people, led by the monks.
At least 31 people were killed and 74 went missing in the brutal crackdown that followed the demonstrations, according to the United Nations.
In recent weeks about 270 activists including monks, student leaders and NLD members have been handed long jail terms for their roles in the 2007 protests and for helping victims of Cyclone Nargis last May.
In mid-January a Myanmar court also jailed a student activist for 104 years, while the junta freed six people who had campaigned for the release of pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, officials said.
Myanmar's military rulers have kept 63-year-old Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest in Yangon for most of the past 19 years. She currently has an appeal pending against her detention.
Myanmar has been ruled by the military since 1962.
Aung San Suu Kyi's party won a landslide victory in 1990 elections but the junta never allowed them to take office.
Copyright © 2009 Agence France Presse. All rights reserved. The information contained in the AFP News report may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without the prior written authority of Agence France Presse.
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Sunday, January 4, 2009
Leading saffron monk's memoir -MIZZIMA
http://www.mizzima.com/edop/commentary/1497-leading-saffron-monks-memoir.html
Commentary
by U Pyinya Zawta
Friday, 02 January 2009 19:30
Burmese monks are known to have played an important role in their nation's politics throughout its history. While they did not partake in mundane political processes, they traditionally held positions of moral authority, and dispensed wisdom and guidance to past kings, rulers and governments in Burma. On some occasions, emissaries from the monasteries were despatched on peace missions to avoid war with foreign powers.
Buddhist monks gave council to past monarchs, ranging from the first King Anawrahta of unified Burma in Bagan, to the last King Mindon and his son King Thibaw, guiding them on how to properly conduct themselves as responsible rulers. Burmese monks fulfilled their obligations toward their religion and the people in the past as royal advisers, and most importantly, as the guardians of sacred rights and responsibilities of all citizens.
Burmese monks continued to play an important role in national affairs even after Burma fell under British colonialism, in 1886. During the Colonial era, a monk leader U Ottama brought political enlightenment back to Burma and eventually helped lead the nation to independence from Britain. His lectures inspired generations of followers including Ko Aung San who later became the father of Burma's Independence. Another brave and defiant monk, U Wisara, died in prison after a 166-day hunger strike in 1929, but still helped reawaken political consciousness in Burma, and with his final words, to "never forget," urged the people to persevere until independence was obtained from Britain.
After the 1948 independence, numerous political and social organizations proliferated in Burma. During this period Burmese monks formed the All Burma Young Monks' Union (ABYMU) to continue championing the causes of their people.
But after the 1962 military coup, General Ne Win abolished all civil and political organizations in Burma, and the ABYMU was banned in 1964. Even though barred by the military, young Buddhist monks remained at the forefront of political movements from the 1974 U Thant crisis, to the 1975-1976 one hundred years' anniversary of labor unrests in Burma.
During the nationwide uprising in 1988 when one government faction after another failed to control the county, monks used their authority to prevent anarchy and chaos and provided sanctuary to the public. After the military took back power through another coup on September 18th, 1988, the All Burma Young Monks' Union was again established, as an Upper Burma branch in Mandalay and as a Lower Burma branch in Rangoon, and monks joined the people's protest against the return of the military dictatorship.
In 1990, the National League for Democracy (NLD) members, student activists, and ordinary citizens made alms donation to the monks marching peacefully on Zay-Cho and 26-B roads in Mandalay, marking the two year anniversary of the '88 uprising. When the army forcibly tried to stop the procession, unrest broke out and many monks were brutally beaten. Since the authorities prevented the monks from alms collection by egregiously violating Buddha's Dharma, two monk leaders, U Raza Dama Bewitha and U Kovida Bewitha of the Upper Burma Young Monks' Union called for a religious boycott dubbed 'Overturning of the Alms Bowl,' against the SLORC government, for the first time.
Led by monks from major monastic academic institutions, the Young Monks Union in Rangoon joined the boycott movement, as prescribed under Buddha's Dharma laws, and they affirmed their pledge with obeisance toward the Shwe Dagon Pagoda, on 3 October 1990, the Tha-din-kyut full moon day of Burmese year 1352, at the Ngar Htait Kyi Pagoda pavilion.
With prompting from U Ahnt Maung, a high ranking member of the government's religious affairs department, the military junta in panic arrested and sentenced to long prison terms senior monks from renowned monastic academies, members of the Rangoon Young Monks' Union, and monks from other Sangha academies. Tragically Ashin U Arsara from the Thayettaw monastery died in Thayet prison and Ashin U Zaw Tika from the Shwebon Pyint monastery died in Insein prison, both from torture and inhumane conditions. The fates of many other monks taken away by the government during the 1990 boycott protest remain unknown.
Finally, after almost two decades since many monks were arrested and imprisoned, the monks' resistance against military oppression in Burma seemed to have all but evaporated. But the Saffron Uprising in 2007 proved that the monks' resolve to defend the future of Burmese Buddhism and their people was growing only stronger, not weaker.
Before the leading monks' organization the 'All Burma Monks Alliance' was founded during the Saffron Revolution, many smaller monks' coalitions had already been established. As the first step, the All Burma Young Monks Union organized a central working committee with five leading monks from Rangoon and one from Mandalay, selected from many monks' organizations. At the same time various smaller local monks' organizations were being created, in Pegu, Pye, Magwe, Moulmein, and Arkan areas. The famous leading monk, Ashin U Gambira, who was arrested last year, and six other monks led the formation of the Rangoon Young Monks' Union to represent monks from the Rangoon area.
Monks from upper Burma in Mandalay formed the Federation of All Burma Monks' Union and helped organize monks' reading groups, libraries, and literary discussion groups, among other activities. Young Monks' Unions, like Students' Unions, were being formed all over Burma with the sole intention of ending the military dictatorship in Burma. During the mean time, Young Monks' Union members helped other monks' organizations to coordinate, consult and exchange ideas by helping them communicate with each other. When the regime became suspicious at times, new monks and civilians were used as dispatchers. And on occasion, meetings were cancelled in order to evade the junta's relentless assaults.
Since 2005, there was a growing realization that a mass movement to overthrow the Burmese dictatorship was becoming inevitable, and many activist groups began expanding their underground movements in anticipation.
When the military junta suddenly increased the price of fuel on August 15, 2007, impoverished people in Burma faced an unprecedented level of hardship. When small demonstrations broke out against the severe economic conditions, government thugs' organizations named, Swan Ahh-shin, Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), and riot police were sent in to violently suppress the peaceful protests, and swiftly ended the public outcry.
In order to come to the rescue of frightened and battered citizens suffering under severe economic hardships, the monks took it upon themselves to unite all of the monks' unions and to create a larger monks' alliance at a meeting scheduled for September 9, 2007 at a monastery in Mandalay. By September 4 many monks had left their monasteries and were on the way to the meeting.
But on September 5 when the Pakokku monks came out to chant the peaceful prayers of the 'Metta Sutta,' - the sutra of loving kindness to radiate the spirit of love to all beings - in sympathy with the suffering public, the local government militia brutally attacked the monks and tied them to electric poles, beat them with rifle butts, and arrested them. News of these actions spread quickly, and the next day unrest broke out and cars were burnt in Pakokku.
Burmese monks from all over the country felt compelled to respond to such shocking violence against revered Buddhist monks who were marching peacefully. When the monks gathered on September 9 as previously agreed, the meeting was forced to move to a new location for fear of detection by the authorities. Finally, monks at the meeting unanimously decided to boycott the military if the government failed to comply with the following demands by a given deadline.
The monks demanded that the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC)
1. Apologize to the Pakokku monks, by midnight of September 17
2. Reduce the prices of fuel oil and basic commodities
3. Unconditionally release Aung San Suu Kyi and all other political prisoners
4. Hold dialogue with the democratic political opposition representatives in order to begin a national reconciliation process
The ensuing united monks' organization was named the 'All Burma Monks' Alliance' (ABMA) and the monks decided to proceed with boycotting the military on September 18, 2007 after the regime failed to meet the demands before the deadline.
Members of All Burma Monks' Alliance
1. All Burma Young Monks' Union
2. Federation of All Burma Monks' Union
3. Rangoon Young Monks' Union
4. Sangha Duta Council of Burma
The executive founding members of ABMA
1. U Pakada (Pannasara )
2. U Medhavi
3. U Kheminda
4. U Aww Ba Tha
5. U Tay Za
6. U Gambira
The announcement of the above formation of the ABMA was handwritten, photographed, and published via email media sent from a handheld camera, since computer communications were disrupted or unavailable.
During the Saffron uprising, generous provisions of food and essential services were donated to the monks by a caring public. There were exemplary unforgettable individuals like one outstanding patron who took diligent care of the monks.
On September 18, 2007 the ABMA effectively began the boycott against the SPDC regime, and the event became known as "the Saffron Revolution." The United Nations and the rest of the world were forced to acknowledge the Burmese people's struggle for freedom from brutal military dictatorship.
Much of the credit for the Saffron Revolution was since given to famous organizations or people, but the real contribution to the Saffron Revolution was made by the monks and people who genuinely shared the grievances of ordinary citizens, and who took unified and daring actions inside Burma.
Many Burmese people were aware of the 2007 Saffron Revolution and people from all over the world had also taken notice and became more interested in Burma, since 'The Golden Uprising' - as it was known in Burmese - eventually brought the UN Secretary General's special envoy, Mr. Ibrahim Gambari, to Burma.
But the Saffron Revolution did not simply emerge without effort. The Saffron Revolution was born of the leadership of the All Burma Monks' Alliance - ABMA - the joint organization of four original monks' unions and the extraordinary courage of the member monks, and their ability to unite for the sake their people. The uprising took place precisely because of the determined leadership of the All Burma Monks' Alliance (ABMA).
The All Burma Monks' Alliance (ABMA) was founded on 9 September 2007. Numerically it lines up as 9-9-9, when 2 and 7 from the year 2007 are added and also when all numbers 9+9+2+7=27 are added, including the sum of 27; 2+7=9.
After the thugs hired by the junta government attacked a group of monks marching peacefully in Pakokku, on 5 September 2007, the ABMA made four demands to the Burmese military government, with 17 September 2007 as a deadline to respond. The ABMA announced via local media that if the military failed to accede to its demands, the monks would carry out a boycott against the government officials beginning on 18 September 2007. Numerically digits of the date 09 18 2007 also add up to numeral 9.
September 18, 2007 was the 19th anniversary of the military coup and therefore an important date for Burma's generals. It also became a symbolically significant day for the Burmese monks, as the severe moral rebuke by the monks against the army junta, called 'overturning of the alms bowls,' was to begin on that same day. As early as 5:00 AM on 18 September, reporters began calling the ABMA leaders about the monks' boycott against the military. The reporters continued calling every hour on that day, asking whether the monks' boycott -- of refusing alms from military families, effectively denying them important religious merit -- would still be taking place. Early on, while events were still unfolding, it was very difficult to predict the day ahead. But, at that moment it became evident that the honor and esteem of Burmese monks and their religion was terribly at stake. As the gravity of the risk we had taken became clearer, we anxiously continued reassuring the public that conditions were good and that monks were proceeding with a boycott against the Burmese military. Still, we were not able to give a real encouraging answer, yet. Till noon of that day we were not quite sure of the outcome of the decision we had made while we responded to the inquiries about the monks' boycott.
The dramatic event of the 18 September 2007 Saffron Revolution was similar to the '8-8-88' uprising in Burma. Even as news media were reporting the rising momentum for countrywide mass protests in 1988, no one dared predict the inevitability of 8-8-88 uprising with confidence. Even at 7:00 and 8:00 a.m. there was still no certainty that the uprising was to take place. Only at 9: a.m. on 8 August 1988, when marchers from labour and student movements joined and advanced together along the promenade could we let out a sigh of relief.
In spite of heavy army roadblocks, the Burmese monks had also successfully staged a protest against the SLORC military government for the first time on 3 October 1990, the full moon day of the lunar month Thadingyut, (the end of Buddhist Lent), Burmese year 1352, at Rangoon's Ngar Htait Kyi Pagoda.
The most anxious moment on 18 September 2007 was at noon after our daily meal, as we watched the day's events with anticipation and saw nothing unusual. But after that moment many monks began gathering at Thingan-Kyun, Kyaikasan, and Shwedagon pagodas.
The authorities moved to close down the monks' quarters at Kyaikasan Pagoda, and monks from the Thingan-Kyun monastery began arriving at the Kyauk-sar-daw historic pagoda of the Magin monastery. The government and its violent militia organizations, the USDA (Union Solidarity and Development Association) and Swan Ah Shin (SAS-force of violence) were sent into pandemonium. Meanwhile, the monks began to arrive and seated themselves with great dignity and grace on the ground of the Kyauksardaw Pagoda. And then there was only utter silence.
Until suddenly, when sounds came from the distance, we only listened, listened for the sounds. It was 1:30 PM on 18 September 2007, and the resounding murmurs of the monks' Metta Sutta prayers could now be heard from afar. The monks were praying and chanting to emphasize their rebukes against the military for violating Buddha's teaching.
Soon after, the phones began to ring constantly, and the news of monks chanting the Metta Sutta and marching to the Shwedagon Pagoda in Rangoon and to other pagodas and monasteries in Taunggote, Pakokku, and Kyaukpadaung began to reach us.
Then phone calls from news media started to come in. And it was recorded that the All Burma Monks' Alliance had survived this great day. Followed by more dramatic days….
May freedom come to the people of Burma soon…
The writer is the founding member and Foreign Executive Director of the All Burma Monks' Alliance
Sunday, December 28, 2008
RM1 million aid for cyclone victims-MALAYSIAN BUDDHIST ASSOCIATION
http://thestar.com.my/metro/story.asp?file=/2008/12/27/north/2889948&sec=north
IT has been almost seven months since Cyclone Nargis battered Myanmar but help continues to pour in.
One of the latest efforts was initiated by the Malaysian Buddhist Association (MBA) which raised a total of RM1.05mil through the Burma Cyclone Relief Fund.
MBA advisor Ven. Seck Boon Keng said the committee would channel all the funds through the Burmese Shangha Organisation to launch the Myanmar Cyclone Recovery Project.
“These funds were collected through our branches and members from the public within the fastest time to ensure help arrives for the needy as soon as possible,” he told a press conference when presenting the cheque to the Burmese Shangha Organisation on Wednesday.
The organisation advisor Rev. Sayadaw U. Rajinda, who was authorised to receive the funds, said the funds were expected to be distributed in stages within two years.
“Of this, RM60,000 have been used to purchase 10 tractors for affected farmers to help them in agricultural rehabilitation including re-cultivation.
“We are also giving out a monthly RM30 voucher each for 51 orphans for 12 months and RM93 monthly each for 38 university students for 10 months,” he said.
The purpose of the Myanmar Cyclone Recovery Project was to assist flood and Nargis storm victims in Laputta and Kyaiklat with provision of aid for plantation and agricultural rehabilitation.
It is also aimed at rebuilding the schools for the affected village children who are facing problems of daily survival and difficulties in continuing their education.
“Receiving quality education has been a problem for many children due to many schools having been destroyed by the cyclone,” Sayadaw said.
He said the committee was in the midst of constructing two primary schools and one lower secondary school.
He added that a total RM255,000 was needed for the construction of the schools, each measuring 167 sq m.
They were sheduled for completion in four months’ time, he said.
A Brother's Plea: Remember Burma-The Saffron Revolution must not be forgotten.
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB123025716276634733.html?mod=googlenews_wsj
By MIN ZIN
On Nov. 28 my brother, Thet Zin, a Burmese journalist brave enough to remain in his country, was sentenced to seven years in prison by the military junta there. His crime? Possession of a U.N. report about the military's crackdown on demonstrations by monks and democracy activists in September 2007 -- known around the world as the "Saffron Revolution."
He's not alone. In the past two months the junta has sentenced more than 230 political detainees to lengthy prison sentences, some as long as 68 years. The total number of political prisoners in Burma is now more than 2,100, up sharply from nearly 1,200 in June 2007, before last year's protests, according to Amnesty International and other human-rights groups.
The terrible irony is that when I tell my Burmese friends and colleagues about my brother's sentence the typical response is, "Only seven years?" How far we've fallen that we consider anything less than decades in prison to be somehow a blessing.
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My brother is the editor in chief of a weekly journal you've likely never heard of called the Myanmar Nation. On Feb. 15, the military raided his office and dragged him and his office manager, Sein Win Maung, away. They were eventually charged with crimes against the state under the regime's Printing and Publishing Law. All this for being in possession of a U.N. report widely available on the Internet.
Torture and interrogations followed. He was sent to Burma's notorious Insein prison. He nearly died there when Cyclone Nargis hit Burma in May, claiming more than 80,000 lives. Now he's facing a term in a filthy, disease-ridden prison that could result in his death.
The reality is that my brother did get a lighter sentence -- the maximum under the law which he was charged with violating. Nowadays, high-profile dissidents usually receive prison sentences from 20 to 70 years. Since November, the special courts held inside the Insein prison compound have rushed to complete the hearings against Burmese democracy activists, Buddhist monks, student leaders, ethnic minority youth, labor activists, journalists, poets, bloggers, and even comedians and musicians who were arrested during and after last year's peaceful protests.
These hearings and sentencing continue in the absence of their attorneys. Worse yet, three defense lawyers were imprisoned for between four and six months for contempt of court after transmitting their clients' complaints of an unfair trial. (Another defense lawyer convicted of contempt of court fled to the Thai border to evade arrest.) Four other defense lawyers were barred from representing their clients.
The military is immediately transferring those who receive sentences to prisons in remote areas. Earlier this month, my brother was sent to a prison in Kalay, 680 miles from his home in Rangoon in Burma's northwestern frontier -- far from all those who care about him.
The goal of such harsh punishments is clear: to eliminate potential opposition in the run-up to the 2010 election, which is the last step in the junta's "Seven-Point Roadmap to Democracy."
In Today's Opinion Journal
REVIEW & OUTLOOK
Obama's Secretary of EarmarksBridges to EverywhereStill Oklahoma's Most Wanted
TODAY'S COLUMNIST
Declarations: A Year for the Books
– Peggy Noonan
COMMENTARY
Obama Picks a Moderate on Education
– Collin LevyThe Economic News Isn't All Bleak – Zachary KarabellDonor Disclosure Has Its Downsides
– John R. Lott Jr. and Bradley SmithBush Is a Book Lover
– Karl RoveA Brother's Plea: Remember Burma
– Min ZinThe junta is mocking the U.N. Security Council, which issued a statement in October 2007 calling for the release of all political prisoners, including Nobel Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, who remains under house arrest. In response, 112 former presidents and prime ministers from more than 50 countries signed a letter this month urging U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon to return to Burma for the first time since his visit after Cyclone Nargis and press for the release of political prisoners.
Indeed, Mr. Ban, who recently expressed his "disappointment" and "frustration" with progress in Burma, should go back and tell junta leader Gen. Than Shwe what he told the press not long ago -- that the "status quo ante is not acceptable and politically unsustainable," and that all political prisoners must be released by 2010.
Meanwhile, my brother and thousands of other political prisoners in Burma continue to languish behind bars. The world was watching during the "Saffron Revolution." Is it still?
Min Zin, a Burmese journalist in exile, is a teaching fellow at the University of California, Berkeley, School of Journalism.
Friday, November 7, 2008
Joint Statement Issued by All Burma Monks’ Alliance and the 88 Generation Students
Monday, September 29, 2008
Aggression, Retaliatory Behavior, and the Buddhist Sangha
http://www.opednews.com/articles/Aggression-Retaliatory-Be-by-J-M-Dharmakara-Bo-080926-307.html
by J.M. Dharmakara Boda
www.opednews.com
While everyone supports the need for change in Myanmar, there seems to be a "disconnect" in the reasoning of some people who have attempted to justify or just ignore behavior that is contrary to the Buddha-dharma, beginning with members of the Sangha who took hostages and set cars on fire in Pakokku [1], an overt act of retaliatory aggression clearly meant as intimidation and unbecoming of the spirit of the Buddhist tradition, then the most recent reports that some members of the Sangha are stockpiling firearms for their next encounter with military junta [2].
Most notable in all of this is the continued attempt to compare such aggressive behavior to an incident mentioned in the Parinibbana Sutta of the Digha Nikaya, where the Buddha is said to have stood in the middle of a river to stop two warring kingdoms who were about to fight over the supply of water.
I don't remember the Parinibbana Sutta mentioning any aggressive behavior by the Buddha, nor was it a protest or demonstration, but intervention in and of itself alone. When members of the laity don't know the difference between a peaceful demonstration and aggressive behavior it is sad enough, but when this appears within the Sangha it becomes even a greater tragedy.
Demonstrations can bring about reform, but real reform only exists when dialogue is pursued by all involved parties, not by one party attempting to intimidate the other, where demonstrations are typically the result of passion and intervention is typically the result of true compassion, not the mundane variety.
For all intents and purposes, any governmental administration would be an improvement to what's currently in place within Myanmar, but if someone believes that aggressive and/or retaliatory behavior will somehow solve all of their problems, then they're in for a very rude awakening and might be in need of "Buddhism 101" as a refresher course:
"He abused me, he beat me,
he defeated me, he robbed me,"
in those who harbour such thoughts
hatred will never cease.
"He abused me, he beat me,
he defeated me, he robbed me,"
in those who do not harbour such thoughts
hatred will cease.
The verses above are from the Dhammapada, a collection of profound wisdom for a confused world. Just as hatred does not cease through hatred, the same can be said that aggression does not cease through aggression, but only creates more suffering and hostility.
An example of this can be found within the Ghandian non-violent Satyagraha movement, where they refuse to inflict injury on others and must be willing to shoulder any sacrifice or suffering of the struggle they have initiated, rather than pushing such sacrifice or suffering onto their opponent, always providing a face-saving "way out" for their opponent.
It should also be noted that this was the path taken by Martin Luther King, apparently possessing a degree of wisdom which is lost to many activists today, Buddhist and non-Buddhist alike.
Without doubt, the economic problems and fuel prices which set off the unrest in Myanmar are related to the State Peace and Development Council, but very few people are looking at the cause of it or the realities that would have to be faced by any government, democratic or otherwise.
These matters were brought up by Dr. Alfred Oehlers, a respected security analyst of Asian-Pacific studies [3]:
"First, most of the gas contracts were negotiated some time ago and probably have much lower locked-in prices than those prevailing today. These lower gas prices cannot compensate for the higher spot prices for diesel.
"Second, revenues are not always obtained in such sales. Sources indicate that the deal with Petronas, for example, involves the SPDC bartering its share of gas production for diesel from the Malaysian company on pre-agreed terms, without any money being exchanged.
"Third, it should also be remembered that though revenues may be obtained from gas sales, expenditure on refined gas products are a drain on such income and can diminish what is available for diesel imports. It is a great irony that while Burma sells unrefined natural gas to neighboring countries, due to lack of capacity to purify such gas domestically, it must import refined gas products at substantially higher prices.
"What we have currently is a conjuncture of these structural characteristics and circumstances that make it impossible to sustain subsidies at the previous level. Rising imports of diesel, gasoline and gas products at escalating prices cannot be paid for from existing gas revenues. Nor can an already weak state budget, depleted by projects such as a new capital, absorb such rising costs. The only solution is to slash the subsidies and raise fuel prices."
Does this excuse the ongoing oppression and behavior of the State Peace and Development Council? No, but on the other hand there isn't any excuse for the lack of objectivity either, especially when addressing the issues that caused the price hikes in the first place. It is always easier to look for a scapegoat than it is to find a solution.
Maybe the best summation of the events unfolding in Myanmar was offered by Matt Milligan in his blog Buddhologie: that (i) yes the monks are doing a good thing, (ii) the monks have a right to voice their opinion and strive for democracy for an oppressed people, but (iii) the monks are not entirely innocent. Why are they (probably) not entirely innocent? Well, they are choosing now, as opposed to last year, or the year before that, or the year before that, and so on, to protest. The fact is, they have been sustained by the Burmese government for decades and live quite comfortably compared to the rest of the population.
Taking into account the realities that face Myanmar and its ever growing dependency on diesel imports, who will be blamed for the suffering after the current regime is gone? What happens when the economy gets even worse than it already is? If history is any indicator, we can expect to see not only much more suffering, but also the decline of the institutionalized Sangha in Myanmar if retaliatory behavior begins to spread among its members, though this appears to have been an isolated incidents and hopefully won't happen again.
Within the Buddhist tradition, one does not fight aggression with aggression, no sooner than one fights fire with fire --- one fights aggression through open dialogue and compassionate intervention in total equanimity, even after one has been abused or mistreated.
Of equal concern should be the fact that the Burmese Sangha showed that it possessed the strength and support to lead these demonstrations in the first place, then likewise it should also have had the strength and support to pursue the greater path of intervention --- to enter the river as the Buddha is said to have done so many centuries ago, to find solutions and work with the people and the current regime to transform Myanmar into a free and productive society, doing so in accord with the spirit of the noble Sangha and not the political agendas of the pro-democracy movement.
To say otherwise, or believe that everything has reached the "point of no return", is to deny the power of the Dharma to transform ourselves and others.
And what will happen the first time a monk points a gun and pulls the trigger?
It will be the shot heard around the world, not only bringing about the end of the institutionalized Sangha within Myanmar, but also sending shockwaves through the international Buddhist community as whole, which begs only one question... When will we recognize that the greatest threat to Buddhism is not outside of the institution, but might actually be within?
[1] Monks Take Officials Hostage for hours in Upper Burma Standoff
http://www.buddhistchannel.tv/index.php?id=51,4818,0,0,1,0
[2] Monks with guns? Burma's younger activists get bolder
http://www.buddhistchannel.tv/index.php?id=82,7147,0,0,1,0
[3] Behind Burma's Fuel Price Rise
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=8318
A respected teacher of dialects from the Mahabodhi Sunyata in Tarragona, Spain, the Ven. J.M. Dharmakara Boda is executive director of the Mahabodhi Maitri Mandala in America and a member of the Buddhist Brotherhood Assembly of Bangladesh.
Monks stage quiet protest as world powers call for Burma reform
P. Parameswaran, New York
September 29, 2008
Women in bamboo hats, symbol of the National League for Democracy, gather outside the organisation's Rangoon headquarters to mark its 20th anniversary. Photo: AP
ABOUT 100 Buddhist monks in western Burma staged a peaceful protest march to mark the anniversary of last year's bloody crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators as world powers called on the junta to make "tangible" progress on political reforms.
Ahead of a possible visit by UN chief Ban Ki-moon to the country by the end of the year, the first ministerial meeting on Burma by the five permanent Security Council and mostly Asian nations urged the country's military rulers to co-operate with Mr Ban's special envoy to resolve the nation's political crisis.
Envoy Ibrahim Gambari has made four visits to Burma since the protests a year ago but failed to restart a dialogue between detained democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and the junta or achieve significant gains.
In the country's biggest city, Rangoon, recently released political prisoners helped celebrate Saturday's 20th anniversary of the founding of the party led by Ms Suu Kyi, while police and other security personnel kept a close watch.
No protests directly related to the crackdown anniversary were noted in Rangoon, where last year's demonstrations attracted up to 100,000 people. The junta put down the protests with force, killing at least 31 people and detaining thousands.
But in the western port city of Sittwe, about 100 Buddhist monks marched peacefully in heavy rain for about 30 minutes, according to witnesses who asked not to be named.
The monks' march took the form of their morning round of begging for alms, but it is widely understood that such a large number of monks marching in an organised fashion represents a veiled protest.
In Rangoon, six truckloads of riot police were deployed near the opposition party offices. People attending the ceremony there were videotaped and watched by at least 50 plainclothes security personnel.
The ceremony, attended by about 350 people including party members, diplomats and reporters, was also a homecoming for a senior party member, Win Tin, released from jail a few days earlier.
In an anniversary statement, the party reiterated its call for the immediate release of all political prisoners, including Ms Suu Kyi — who has spent 13 of the past 19 years in detention — and her deputy Tin Oo. It also called for the freedom of Buddhist monks and ethnic leaders arrested by the junta.
The party was founded in 1988 after an abortive pro-democracy uprising, and since then has faced nearly constant harassment from the ruling military. When the party's candidates won the most seats in 1990 general elections, the military refused to let it take power.
The anniversary coincided with UN talks, which Mr Ban's spokeswoman, Michele Montas, said underlined "the responsibility of the Myanmar (Burma) Government to demonstrate its stated commitment to co-operation with the good offices (of the UN Secretary General) through further tangible results".
The meeting of Mr Ban's so-called "group of friends on Myanmar" also wanted the generals to "respond more positively" to international demands for the release of political prisoners, including Ms Suu Kyi, and a dialogue with the opposition, Ms Montas said.
Mr Ban chaired the informal talks on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly amid little signs the military junta will embrace political reforms, one year after its bloody crackdown on pro-democracy protests.
The group comprises permanent Security Council members — the United States, Britain, France, Russia and China — as well as Australia, the European Union, India, Norway, Japan and South Korea plus ASEAN states Indonesia, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.
AFP, AP
Saturday, September 27, 2008
Monks protest in Sittwe, western Burma
စစ္ေတြကသံဃာေတာ္ေတြကေတာ့စံျပဘာဘဲလို ့ျပည္ပေရာက္ဒီမိုကေရစီေရးလွဳပ္ရွားသူေတြႀကားထဲေလးေလးစားစားေျပာေနတဲ့အသံ
ေတြက်ယ္က်ယ္ေလာင္ေလာင္ကိုႀကားေနရပါတယ္-သံဃာေတာ္အရွင္ျမတ္မ်ားမွတပါးကိုးကြယ္ရာအျခားမရိွပါဘုရား။
ုဘုန္းလိွဳင္-fwubc
Mizzima News
Saturday, 27 September 2008 21:38
New Delhi - About 150 Buddhist monks in Sittwe town in western Burma's Arakan state staged a protest march on Saturday morning to observe the first anniversary of last year's 'Saffron Revolution', eyewitness said.
Than Hlaing, a local resident of Sittwe town who witnessed the protest march told Mizzima that about 150 monks began marching from the Sittwe main road at about 10 a.m. (local time). The demonstration was peaceful.
"The monks were marching silently. Police and other officials in several cars and motorcycles followed them and asked them why they were marching," Than Hlaing said.
"People on the road were bowing and paying obeisance to the marching monks," he added.
The monks, he said, took the right side and continued marching on to U Ottama till the end of the road. They dispersed peacefully later.
"As soon as the first batch dispersed, another group of about 100 followed them and dispersed at the same point," said Than Hlaing adding that the monks ended the march at about 10:30 a.m. (local time).
While the authorities did not disrupt the procession, officials, however, followed the monks, Than Hlaing said. He was told that a monk, Shin Thawbanah, of the Ashokayone Monastery was taken away by the police.
"I was told that he [Shin Thawbanah] was taken to the police station for interrogation," said Than Hlaing, adding that he was unaware of the details.
The monks, according to Than Hlaing, were marching along the street in commemoration of the first anniversary of last year's monk-led protests, that was brutally crushed by the ruling junta.
According to the UN, at least 31 people were killed while thousands of monks and activists were arrested and detained. But activists and opposition political groups said, the number of deaths following the junta's brutal crackdown could be hundreds if not thousands.
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