Memo on Myanmar
Difficult Issues Clamor for Advocate’s Attention
BANGKOK — The jubilant throngs that greeted Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the pro-democracy leader, this past weekend in Myanmar confirmed that her huge popularity remains intact. But as she steps gingerly back into the swirl of political combat, she confronts difficult realities that will limit her ability to translate that popularity into fundamental change.
Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi is taking a conciliatory tone, at least for now, saying she bears no grudge toward her former jailers and suggesting that she might support the relaxation of international sanctions against the military government in Myanmar, formerly Burma. “If people really want sanctions to be lifted, I will consider this,” she said in an interview on Sunday. “This is the time Burma needs help.”
After seven years of isolation in her lakeside villa, she is now overwhelmed with supplicants and supporters seeking her ear. “I know I said I wanted to hear what the public is thinking,” she said during her rally on Sunday, perhaps only half joking. “But now that there are so many voices and so much noise, I don’t know what is being said anymore.”
In the coming weeks, she faces difficult decisions on uniting the opposition, the demands of armed ethnic minority groups, the sort of movement she hopes to shape and the degree to which she chooses to challenge the government.
She must also assimilate new realities that include the rising influence of China, the dispersal of wealth among well-connected businesses, and the emergence of new institutions and new political players as a result of parliamentary elections held just six days before her release. And looming above all these concerns are the ruling generals who, whatever their gestures or promises, remain determined not to cede power or to allow any real democratic opening.
A new Constitution, passed last year, sets up a bicameral national Parliament, 14 regional parliaments, a president, a cabinet and new government institutions that will give military rule a much more complex form.
All but the very senior members of the military junta were required to resign to run for office as civilians and were replaced by a younger generation of officers in their 50s whose personal agendas could conflict with those of the senior officers.
“It’s not the same environment that existed when she was taken into detention seven years ago,” said Priscilla Clapp, the former chief of mission in the American Embassy in Myanmar and a principal adviser to the Asia Society task force on United States policy toward Burma/Myanmar.
“She has come out into a different world, and I think she is trying to feel her way into it,” Ms. Clapp said.
Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi’s mandate is precarious, built purely on the gauge of an applause meter, without an organized base or formal platform to ground her. Her party, the National League for Democracy, was forced to disband when it declined to contest the elections.
On Tuesday, she made her first trip into downtown Yangon, formerly Rangoon, to file papers with the country’s High Court asking to have her party reinstated, but analysts said the court was unlikely to rule in her favor.
While Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi has moved cautiously so far, some analysts said they did not expect this spirit of compromise to last. “She’s always been confrontational, every time she has gotten out,” said David I. Steinberg, a professor of Asian studies at the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University in Washington, in an interview. “She has always tested the limits of how far she can go. I feel sure she’ll try to quietly test the limits of what she can do.”
She had been released twice before, in 1995 and in 2002, and both times she reached that limit. The outpouring of support for her was too much for the generals, and she was arrested and returned to detention.
Now 65, she has been under house arrest for 15 of the past 21 years.
Some people are asking not only what she might be able to accomplish now that she is free, but also how long she might remain free. She was returned to house arrest in 2003 after an attack by organized thugs on her motorcade that some people say was an assassination attempt.
“This is not an ordinary military dictatorship we are talking about,” said Bertil Lintner, the author of seven books on Myanmar. “This is a military that has become expert at staying in power.”
The liberation of Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi says nothing about the broader motives of the military junta, Mr. Lintner said. “It’s a public relations exercise for foreign opinion after a totally fraudulent election, rather than part of political reform, which it’s not.”
The generals may see this as a moment of national redefinition, within the boundaries they set.
Along with establishing the new Parliament, they have moved into a new capital and decreed a new flag, a new national anthem and a new name for their nation: the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (formerly the Union of Myanmar).
“I don’t think there’s a place for Aung San Suu Kyi in that new state that the military has created,” Mr. Lintner said.
Although the bottom line of military control remains unchanged, this is a nation in some flux as it sets up its first civilian government since a 1962 coup and as the military enters a period of generational change.
“She has to maneuver among all of these difficult transitional questions,” Ms. Clapp said. “The country is in the middle of a transition the likes of which it has not seen for a long time. There are many different outcomes, so I think she’s going to be very careful.”
Monday, November 22, 2010
Difficult Issues Clamor for Advocate’s Attention
World must watch postelection Myanmar
World must watch postelection Myanmar
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Myanmar's recent general election, its first in 20 years, was far from free and fair.
The party backed by the military junta declared victory, winning more than 80 percent of contested seats.
The military junta prohibited many pro-democracy activists, including Aung San Suu Kyi, who remained under house arrest during the election, from running or campaigning. In some regions inhabited by ethnic minorities, who account for 30 percent of the population, voting was not even held, with security problems cited as the reason.
The junta allowed neither monitoring of voting and ballot counting by international observers nor firsthand coverage by foreign media. It is likely the junta feared that fraudulent practices might be uncovered.
Given the situation, we cannot help but seriously doubt the legitimacy of the election.
By convening the parliament within 90 days and electing a president and other top national leaders, the junta aims to promote the appearance that it is "shifting to civilian rule" so that it can make a comeback in international society. The junta probably wants to break the deadlock it faces in both domestic politics and foreign relations.
Wolves in civilian clothing
But many of the ruling party members who have been declared election winners are high-ranking government officials and senior military officers under junta control. All they have done is take off their uniforms. The true nature of military rule seems unlikely to change.
It is imperative for international society to step up its monitoring of how the junta-controlled nation goes about transforming itself to "civilian rule."
Boasting abundant funds and strong organizational power, the junta fielded its own candidates in almost every constituency. One-fourth of all seats were automatically reserved for military officers. The election system thus was overwhelmingly advantageous to the junta.
Pro-democracy parties, including the National Democratic Force, took part in the election despite various restrictions, in the hope that they could win votes in urban areas. But they did not perform as well as expected.
The pro-democracy forces were split as iconic figure Suu Kyi called for a boycott of the election. This apparently led them to fail to obtain sufficient voter support.
With the completion of the election, the military junta was set to soon release Suu Kyi. But if she is not given freedom in her activities, her release will merely be an empty gesture.
The way forward
Releasing political prisoners, ending the suppression of ethnic minorities and achieving national reconciliation are the ways for Myanmar to improve its people's lives. The international community needs to unite in urging Myanmar to move in that direction.
However, China and India are strengthening their relations with Myanmar's junta in the quest for resources there, such as natural gas.
While the United States and Europe maintain their sanctions against Myanmar, Japan has tried to urge Myanmar to achieve democracy through its own engagement policy, which is limited to medical and other humanitarian assistance and human exchange programs. But this has hardly proved effective.
The government must reexamine its policy and make it truly effective.
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Nov. 13, 2010)
(Nov. 14, 2010)
Myanmar elections aside, few see change
Associated Press / November 21, 2010
YANGON, Myanmar — The shopkeeper, a thin, jittery man who has spent nearly half his life in prison, wishes change were coming to Myanmar.
But the recent elections were a sham, he says, and the promises of democratic reform are empty words. He celebrated the release of prodemocracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest, but dismissed the idea it heralds a change in this secretive military-ruled nation.
“This is not a new era,’’ said Bo Bo Oo, 46, in sentiments echoed around the country, which is also known as Burma. “The generals will not change.’’
Globalization reached the long-isolated nation while Bo Bo Oo was in prison, serving 20 years for helping organize prodemocracy protests in 1988. Amid Myanmar’s withering poverty, you can now buy knockoff iPhones at the Mobile World shop in Mandalay and browse for lingerie at the Sexy Girl store in Yangon. You can live in a high-rise condo and watch CNN on satellite TV.
But belief in political change is much harder to find. This is a country battered by its own government, its pessimism shaped by decades of experience. In conversations with dozens of people, little was heard but anguish.
“The government has the power, and it does not want to give it up,’’ an elderly Buddhist monk said.
He remembers the days of British colonialism, and the Japanese occupation during World War II. He can talk about fleeing into the forests when Allied bombs began falling around the town, and the first military coup, in 1958. In 2007, he watched as monks were arrested and even killed during antigovernment protests dominated by the Buddhist clergy.
He sees modern Myanmar as the darkest time.
Like most people in Myanmar, he spoke on condition he not be identified, fearing retribution from the ruling junta’s agents and the Tatmadaw, as the army is called.
A few analysts do see signs of change. At the very least, they say, the elections will create new clusters of power in Naypyidaw, the capital city.
In Mandalay, a young businessman also sees a sliver of possibility in the elections.
“I don’t believe in these generals. I cannot see them giving up any power,’’ he said. “But maybe some new people [in the government] will change something. I hope so.’’
Bo Bo Oo, though, sees no hope. “All this is just about publicity,’’ he said of the Nov. 7 elections and Suu Kyi’s release.
Like many, he notes that Suu Kyi’s release came just a week after the first elections in 20 years, giving the junta a desperately needed publicity boost. While the military claims the vote will usher in a democratic government, much of the international community decried it as political burlesque that will entrench the generals behind proxy politicians.
“They want the world to think that this is becoming a democracy. But the Burmese people know the truth,’’ he said.
Myanmar holds nearly 2,200 political prisoners. Some of the country’s minority ethnic groups, who have faced brutal repression, back militias that have fought the generals for decades.
The government’s political agenda is seldom clear. Little is known about Than Shwe, the general who heads the junta, beyond rumors and gossip. International officials can go years without meeting him, and new ambassadors, who get a few minutes with him when they present their credentials, are grilled.
© Copyright 2010 Globe Newspaper Company.
http://www.boston.com/news/world/asia/articles/2010/11/21/myanmar_elections_aside_few_see_change/
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The Associated Press November 20, 2010, 2:37AM ET text size: TT
John Simpson experiences Burma's new "democracy"; dodging secret police through the streets of Rangoon after interviewing Aung San Suu Kyi
Burma Myanmar
John Simpson on Burma's democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi
John Simpson experiences Burma's new "democracy"; dodging secret police through the streets of Rangoon after interviewing Aung San Suu Kyi
Aung San Suu Kyi may have been released from her long years of house arrest, but she is still not free. The Burmese military government restricts her almost as much as ever.
Her son Kim is waiting in Bangkok, just over an hour's flight away, but the Burmese authorities have not given him a visa to go and see her. She herself cannot leave the country, for fear that she will never be allowed to return. Her political party, the National League for Democracy, no longer exists officially. And she is under the observation of the security police twenty-four hours day.
Dr Suu Kyi's officials assume that both her house and her headquarters are thoroughly bugged, in order to find out what her plans are and perhaps dig up further excuses to put her back under house arrest. Characteristically, her response is to take no notice. She certainly has not watered down her political line.
The government watches her obviously and aggressively, trying to cramp her style as she returns to daily life. Across the road from her headquarters, in a couple of shacks which are now an ad hoc police station, a group of plain-clothes security policemen is always gathered.
They are equipped with expensive stills and video cameras, and anyone who goes in or out of the headquarters is filmed and photographed. This is obviously a useful way of keeping tabs on any visitors, but it is also intended to intimidate Dr Suu Kyi's supporters.
Characteristically, when I asked her about the activities of the security police last week, she maintained she had scarcely noticed them. This may not be literally true, but it is a statement of her state of mind. She insists on behaving as though she is completely free, and she seems to take no account of the police or the government's sensitivities. Dr Suu Kyi is not a lady to mince her words.
Western journalists are not allowed into Burma, but a couple of dozen had managed to get tourist visas to enable them to cover her release. For us, the intimidation was pretty mild. The security police wanted to find out where we were staying and working, and taking our pictures was part of that process. Our mug-shots would be matched against the pictures on our visas, and at some stage we would be tracked down and asked, no doubt politely, to leave the country. Burma may be a police state, and an unpleasant one at that; but it usually sticks to the civilised norms with foreigners.
With Dr Suu Kyi's Burmese supporters, though, the security police do not use kid gloves. This is why she stressed after she was freed that her own treatment under house arrest had been mild: she was anxious not to diminish the genuine sufferings of her party members who had been beaten and held under bad conditions in gaol for year after year.
Like secret policemen almost everywhere, the Burmese security are at one and the same time clever and grossly obvious. Like the Chinese security police, who seem to be in charge of training the Burmese, they are often good and often incompetent at following you. Good, because they are assiduous and there are large numbers of them; incompetent, because they know they have the power to do anything they want and this makes them stand out in any crowd.
Most obvious of all, many of them are equipped with garish little orange mopeds, made in China, which only the police can use in Burma. This means they can thread their way effectively through Rangoon's heavy traffic in pursuit of their quarry; it also means that anyone riding an orange moped and staying tucked in behind your taxi is pretty certain to be following you.
It wasn't hard to lose them. Rangoon is full of ancient, rusted taxis, and they are quick to respond if you wave at them. Fortunately, many of the main avenues are divided down the middle by railings. We learned to take a taxi in one direction, with our faithful orange moped behind us, then tell the driver to stop somewhere suddenly so the moped was forced to overtake us. Then we would jump over the railings and catch a taxi going in the other direction.
When we interviewed Dr Suu Kyi last Monday, our main concern was obviously to hold onto our tapes. The four of us – two cameramen, a producer and me – divided into two groups. We left her headquarters at the same time; two headed left while the others turned right. One of the cameramen and I jumped into a taxi and headed off, an orange moped close behind. At a big intersection we paid, jumped out, ran through the traffic, and jumped into another cab in the street at right angles to the avenue. As we crossed the avenue I spotted the orange mopedist at the lights, completely wrong-footed.
Our other team, who were carrying the main interview tape, had a harder time. Several policemen were following them, so they split up. The cameraman, who kept the tape, texted us to say he was having problems getting rid of his tail. At one stage he made his taxi-driver, who was extremely nervous, drive round a roundabout three times. Finally they stopped at a market and the cameraman vanished through it and out on the other side in a different street.
Compared with some places, Burma is relatively mild. The worst that would have happened to us was that we would have lost our tapes and been put on a plane out and blacklisted for ever more. That, I suppose will happen to us anyway. But having been banned from a range of countries in the past, including the Soviet Union to Czechoslovakia, Poland, China, Iran and Iraq, I know that times change and governments change with them. I expect I'll be back in Burma eventually.
It's even possible that Aung San Suu Kyi will be president by then.
John Simpson is the BBC's world affairs editor. His reports can be seen regularly on the BBC's News at Ten, on the News Channel, and on BBC World. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/burmamyanmar/8149001/John-Simpson-on-Burmas-democracy-leader-Aung-San-Suu-Kyi.html
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ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ မိန္ ့ခြန္း ေကာက္နုတ္ခ်က္မ်ား
http://www.baymyanmar.com/2010/11/blog-post_14.html
Sunday, November 14, 2010
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ မိန္ ့ခြန္း ေကာက္နုတ္ခ်က္မ်ား
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က ျပည္သူလူထု၏ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ျပည္သူလူထုက ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ႏွင့္ အားေပးေနသည္ကို သိေၾကာင္း၊ ျပည္သူလူထု စိတ္ထဲတြင္ရွိသည့္ ဆႏၵကို ထုတ္ေဖာ္ေျပာေစလိုေၾကာင္း၊ တာဝန္ကို မေၾကာက္၊ တာဝန္မေက်မွာကိုသာ ေၾကာက္ေၾကာင္း၊ သူတဦးတေယာက္တည္း မဟုတ္ဘဲ ျပည္သူလူထုႏွင့္ လက္တြဲ၍ လုပ္ေဆာင္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာသည္။
ႏိုင္ငံေရးဆိုသည္ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က ေဟာေျပာသည့္ေနရာတြင္ လာေထာက္ခံမွသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးမဟုတ္ေၾကာင္း၊ အိမ္မွ ထမင္းခ်က္ေပးျခင္းသည္လည္း ႏိုင္ငံေရး၊ သားသမီး ေက်ာင္းပို႔ျခင္းသည္လည္း ႏိုင္ငံေရး ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရးတြင္ မပါခ်င္ဟု ေျပာသူမ်ားသည္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးကို နားမလည္၍သာ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာသည္။
အစိုးရႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က လူနည္းစုျဖစ္ေသာ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူမ်ားကို ျပည္သူက ထိန္းသိမ္းႏိုင္ရမည္ဟု ေျပာသြားသည္။ သူအက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္က်ေနစဥ္ လံုၿခံဳေရး ဝန္ထမ္းမ်ားက ေကာင္းမြန္စြာ ဆက္ဆံသလို ျပည္သူကို ေကာင္းမြန္စြာ ဆက္ဆံေစလိုေၾကာင္း၊ သို႔ေသာ္ သူ႔ကဲ့သို႔ ျပည္သူကို အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္ မက်ေစလိုေၾကာင္း ေျပာသြားသည္။
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က အမ်ိဳးသားရင္ၾကားေစ့ေရးကို ဆက္လက္လုပ္ေဆာင္မည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ အလုပ္တြဲလုပ္၍ မရဟု မရွိေစရေၾကာင္း ေျပာသည္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အစုအဖြဲ႔မ်ား အားလံုးႏွင့္လည္း လက္တြဲေဆာင္ရြက္မည္ဟု ေျပာဆိုသြားသည္။
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ မိန္ ့ခြန္း ေကာက္နုတ္ခ်က္မ်ား ၂
လူထု၏ ဆႏၵသေဘာထားကို အရင္နားေထာင္မည္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က ျပည္သူလူထု၏ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ျပည္သူလူထုက ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ႏွင့္ အားေပးေနသည္ကို သိေၾကာင္း၊ ျပည္သူလူထု စိတ္ထဲတြင္ရွိသည့္ ဆႏၵကို ထုတ္ေဖာ္ေျပာေစလိုေၾကာင္း၊ တာဝန္ကို မေၾကာက္၊ တာဝန္မေက်မွာကိုသာ ေၾကာက္ေၾကာင္း၊ သူတဦးတေယာက္တည္း မဟုတ္ဘဲ ျပည္သူလူထုႏွင့္ လက္တြဲ၍ လုပ္ေဆာင္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာသည္။
အားလံုးသည္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးဟု ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ေျပာ
ႏိုင္ငံေရးဆိုသည္ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က ေဟာေျပာသည့္ေနရာတြင္ လာေထာက္ခံမွသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးမဟုတ္ေၾကာင္း၊ အိမ္မွ ထမင္းခ်က္ေပးျခင္းသည္လည္း ႏိုင္ငံေရး၊ သားသမီး ေက်ာင္းပို႔ျခင္းသည္လည္း ႏိုင္ငံေရး ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရးတြင္ မပါခ်င္ဟု ေျပာသူမ်ားသည္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးကို နားမလည္၍သာ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာသည္။
ျပည္သူက အစိုးရကို ထိန္းရမည္
အစိုးရႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က လူနည္းစုျဖစ္ေသာ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူမ်ားကို ျပည္သူက ထိန္းသိမ္းႏိုင္ရမည္ဟု ေျပာသြားသည္။ သူအက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္က်ေနစဥ္ လံုၿခံဳေရး ဝန္ထမ္းမ်ားက ေကာင္းမြန္စြာ ဆက္ဆံသလို ျပည္သူကို ေကာင္းမြန္စြာ ဆက္ဆံေစလိုေၾကာင္း၊ သို႔ေသာ္ သူ႔ကဲ့သို႔ ျပည္သူကို အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္ မက်ေစလိုေၾကာင္း ေျပာသြားသည္။
ဒီမိုကေရစီ အင္အားစုမ်ားႏွင့္ လက္တြဲမည္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က အမ်ိဳးသားရင္ၾကားေစ့ေရးကို ဆက္လက္လုပ္ေဆာင္မည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ အလုပ္တြဲလုပ္၍ မရဟု မရွိေစရေၾကာင္း ေျပာသည္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အစုအဖြဲ႔မ်ား အားလံုးႏွင့္လည္း လက္တြဲေဆာင္ရြက္မည္ဟု ေျပာဆိုသြားသည္။
Posted by Moe Thu
၂ဝ၁ဝ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဆန္႔က်င္ေရး ေကာ္မတီ (ဂ်ပန္)အစည္းအေဝး ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္မ်ားႏွင့္ မွတ္တမ္း-၂၁-၁၁-၂ဝ၁ဝ
၂ဝ၁ဝ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဆန္႔က်င္ေရး ေကာ္မတီ (ဂ်ပန္)
အစည္းအေဝး ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္မ်ားႏွင့္ မွတ္တမ္း
၂၁-၁၁-၂ဝ၁ဝ
Recycle Center, Takadanobaba, Shinjuku-ku, Tokyo, Japan
1. ၂ဝ၁ဝ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဆန္႔က်င္ေရး ေကာ္မတီ (ဂ်ပန္)၏ သက္တမ္းကို ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ရလဒ္မ်ား
အတည္ျပဳႏိုင္သည္အထိ တိုးျမွင့္လိုက္ပါသည္။
2. ေကာ္မတီအေနျဖင့္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဆန္႔က်င္ေရး လႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ားကို မူလရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္မ်ားအရ
ဆက္လက္ လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနသည့္ တခ်ိန္တည္းမွာပင္ ေကာ္မတီ၏ ၁၄-၁၁-၂ဝ၁ဝ ထုတ္ျပန္
ေၾကညာခ်က္အတိုင္း ျပည္သူအားလံုး ဒီမိုကေရစီ ပန္းတိုင္သို႔ ေရာက္ရွိႏိုင္ေရးအတြက္
(က) ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၏ ဦးေဆာင္လမ္းညႊန္မႈကို ခံယူလ်က္ ပူးေပါင္းပံ့ပိုး လႈပ္ရွားျခင္းႏွင့္
(ခ) ျမန္မာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီအေရးအတြက္ တိုက္ပြဲဝင္ရင္း မတရားဖမ္းဆီး ထိန္းသိမ္းခံေနရဆဲ ျဖစ္ေသာ
ဦးခြန္ထြန္းဦး၊ မင္းကိုႏိုင္၊ ကိုကိုႀကီး အပါအဝင္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသား အားလံုးကို ခြၽင္းခ်က္မရွိ
အျမန္ဆံုး ျပန္လႊတ္ေပးရန္ လႈပ္ရွားျခင္းတို႔ကိုလည္း ဆက္လက္ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။
3. အထက္ေဖာ္ျပပါအေၾကာင္းရင္းမ်ားမွ ထြက္ေပၚလာႏိုင္မည့္ အက်ဳိးတရားေကာင္းမ်ားကို ေမွ်ာ္ကိုးလ်က္
ဂ်ပန္ႏိုင္ငံေရာက္ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီ အင္အားစုမ်ားအၾကား တဦးႏွင့္တဦး၊ တဖြဲ႔ႏွင့္တဖြဲ႔ အျပန္အလွန္
ယံုၾကည္မႈ၊ ေလးစားမႈ၊ ပြင့္လင္းျမင္သာမႈ၊ တန္းတူညီမွ်မႈ၊ တာဝန္ခံႏိုင္မႈႏွင့္ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးမ်ား ဆိုင္ရာ
လြတ္လပ္မႈ အစရွိသည့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အေျခခံစံႏႈန္းမ်ားအတိုင္း ပိုမို ညီညြတ္စြာ ပူးေပါင္းလႈပ္ရွားရန္
မရွိမျဖစ္ လိုအပ္လာပါသည္။
4. သို႔ပါ၍ ၂ဝ၁ဝ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဆန္႔က်င္ေရး ေကာ္မတီ(ဂ်ပန္)၏ အဓိက လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္မ်ားျဖစ္ေသာ
အစည္းအေဝးႏွင့္ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ လႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ားတြင္ ဂ်ပန္ႏိုင္ငံရွိ ျမန္မာအသိုင္းအဝိုင္းမွ
လူပုဂၢိဳလ္ တဦးခ်င္းအား၎၊ အဖ႔အဲြ စည္းမ်ားအား၎ ယေန႔မွစ၍ အနာဂတ္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး လႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ား၌
ညီေနာင္သားရင္းမ်ားသဖြယ္ ျပန္လည္ ပါဝင္ပူးေပါင္းၾကပါရန္ ေႏြးေထြးလိႈက္လွဲစြာ ဖိတ္ေခၚလိုက္
ပါသည္။
5. လာမည့္ တနဂၤေႏြေန႔ (၂၈-၁၁-၂ဝ၁ဝ) တြင္ ၂ဝ၁ဝ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဆန္႔က်င္ေရး ေကာ္မတီ (ဂ်ပန္)၏
အစည္းအေဝး က်င္းပမည္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ (အစည္းအေဝး အေၾကာင္းၾကားစာကို သီးျခားေပးပို႔ပါမည္)။
ထို႔ျပင္ အခါအားေလ်ာ္စြာ ျမန္မာ့ႏိုင္ငံေရး ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲမ်ားကို က်င္းပရန္လည္း ဆံုးျဖတ္ပါသည္။
6. ၂၃-၁၁-၂ဝ၁ဝ ေန႔တြင္ လႈပ္ရွားမည့္ “လူထုေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အား ႀကိဳဆို
ေထာက္ခံပြဲ” တြင္ ေအာက္ပါအစီအစဥ္မ်ားကို ဆံုးျဖတ္အတည္ျပဳပါသည္။
အခမ္းအနားမႉးမ်ားအျဖစ္ ဦးေဇာ္မင္းထြန္းႏွင့္ ေဒၚက်င္ေဟာက္လြန္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အား အျပည့္အဝ ေထာက္ခံေၾကာင္း ဂ်ပန္ႏိုင္ငံရွိ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီ
အေရး လႈပ္ရွားေနၾကေသာ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းအသီးသီးမွ ထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္မ်ား ဖတ္ၾကား၍ လက္မွတ္
ေရးထိုးၾကပါမည္။ (ဖတ္ၾကားေသာ ထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္မ်ားကို စာအုပ္အျဖစ္ စုစည္းမည္ ျဖစ္ေသာ
ေၾကာင့္ မိတၱဴတေစာင္စီ ေပးပါရန္။)
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ထံ အေရာက္ပို႔မည့္ “လူထုအသံ” ေအာ္တို (Auto) စာအုပ္တြင္
မည္သူမဆို၊ မည္သည့္ ႏိုင္ငံသားမဆို မိမိတို႔ တဦးခ်င္းအေနျဖင့္ ေျပာဆိုမွာၾကား အၾကံေပးလို
သည္မ်ားကို ေရးသားၾကပါမည္။
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ႏွင့္တကြ ျမန္မာျပည္သူမ်ားအားလံုးအျပင္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာအသိုင္းအဝိုင္း
ကပါ ၾကည့္ရႈႏိုင္မည့္ ဗီဒီယိုႏွင့္ ဓါတ္ပံုမ်ားကို မွတ္တမ္းတင္ ရိုက္ကူးပါမည္။
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အား ႀကိဳဆိုေထာက္ခံပြဲတြင္ ဂ်ပန္ႏိုင္ငံေရာက္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ားမွ
ျမန္မာ အာဏာပိုင္မ်ား၊ တပ္မေတာ္ႏွင့္ တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ား၊
ႏိုင္ငံေရး ပါတီမ်ား၊ တက္ႂကြလႈပ္ရွားသူမ်ားႏွင့္တကြ ျမန္မာျပည္သူတရပ္လံုးသို႔ ပန္ၾကားလႊာ
တေစာင္ စုစည္း ထုတ္ျပန္ပါမည္။ (ဖတ္ၾကားမည့္သူ - ဦးလြင္ေအာင္စိုး)
ႀကိဳဆိုေထာက္ခံပြဲသို႔ မိမိတို႔အစီအစဥ္ျဖင့္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၏ ဓါတ္ပံုမ်ားကို ယူေဆာင္
လာၾကပါရန္ အေၾကာင္းၾကားအပ္ပါသည္။
ႀကိဳဆိုေထာက္ခံပြဲတြင္ We stand with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi စာတမ္းႏွင့္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၏ ရုပ္ပံုပါရွိေသာ T-shirt မ်ားကို ဝတ္ဆင္ႏိုင္ေရးအတြက္ စီစဥ္ထား
ပါမည္။
ျပန္ၾကားေရး
၂ဝ၁ဝ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဆန္႔က်င္ေရး ေကာ္မတီ
ဆက္သြယ္ေမးျမန္းရန္ - 090-4964-9718, 090-9813-7192, 080-4005-7098, 080, 090-2525-1966,
080-5404-6600, 090-6031-4394, 080-5070-0080, 090-6040-8282, 090-5318-5054,
080-5888-3925.
၂ဝ၁ဝေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဆန္႔က်င္ေရးေကာ္မတီ(ဂ်ပန္)၏ သက္တမ္းတိုးျမွင့္
Sunday, November 21, 2010
၂ဝ၁ဝေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဆန္႔က်င္ေရးေကာ္မတီ(ဂ်ပန္)၏ သက္တမ္းတိုးျမွင့္
ယေန႔ ၂၁ရက္ ႏိုဝင္ဘာလ၂၀၁၀ခုတြင္ က်င္းပေသာ ၂ဝ၁ဝ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲဆန္႔က်င္ေရးေကာ္မတီ(ဂ်ပန္)အေနျဖင့္ ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲ ၿပီးဆံုးသြားေသာ္လည္း ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲ မသမာမႈမ်ားကို ဆက္လက္ စံုစမ္းေဖၚထုတ္ရန္ အလို႔ငွာ ေကာ္မတီ၏ သက္တမ္းကို ဆက္လက္တိုးျမင့္လိုက္ပါသည္။
ေကာ္မတီအေနျဖင့္ ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲ မသမာမႈမ်ားကို စံုစမ္းေဖၚထုတ္သြားပါမည္။ တဖက္မွလည္း ျပည္တြင္း႐ွိ ျပည္သူတို႔၏ အေျခအေနမ်ားကို သံုးသပ္ရင္း ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၏ ႏိုင္ငံေရး လမ္းၫႊန္မႈႏွင့္အတူ စစ္မွန္ေသာ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ရ႐ွိေရးအတြက္လည္းေကာင္း၊ မတရား ဖမ္းဆီးေထာင္ခ်ျခင္း ခံေနရေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားအား ခၽြင္းခ်က္မ႐ွိ အျမန္ဆံုးျပန္လႊတ္ေပးေရး ေတာင္းဆိုေရး လုပ္ငန္းမ်ား ကိုလည္းေကာင္း ဆက္လက္ လႈပ္႐ွားလုပ္ကိုင္သြားမည္။
သို႔ျဖစ္ပါ၍လည္း ေကာ္မတီအေနျဖင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္ စစ္မွန္ေသာ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ရ႐ွိေရးအတြက္ စိတ္ပါဝင္စားစြာ ေပါင္းပူးေဆာင္႐ြက္လိုေသာ မည့္သည့္ လူပုဂၢိဳလ္၊ အဖြဲ႔အစည္း ကိုမဆို လႈိုက္လွဲစြာ ဖိတ္ေခၚလ်က္႐ွိျပီး စည္းလံုး ညီညြတ္စြာျဖင့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ လမ္းစဥ္ႏွင့္အညီ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္႐ြက္ လုပ္ကိုင္ သြားမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရပါသည္။
သတင္းမွတ္တမ္း။ ။AYE NANDAR AUNG
ဓါတ္ပံု။ ။MAI KYAW OO
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