On Sat, Sep 19, 2009 at 9:15 PM, tayzathuria
Challenges ahead on Burma's Road to ICC
Universal Jurisdiction versus National Sovereignty & other issues
Recently, human rights activists inside and outside of Burma are calling the International Criminal Court to investigate human right crimes being committed, and have been committed, by Burma's brutal rulers on the long suffering people of Burma.
But, as Burma is not a signatory of Rome statute of ICC, Burma's dictators may just ignore any indictment by the ICC. To make matters worse, the ICC itself is neither perfect nor powerful. It has its own problems_ the ICC has been criticised by many statesmen and academics on quite a number of issues. And big democracies like the USA and India are refusing to sign the Rome Statute of ICC, making it look like a lame-duck.
This book tries to be of use in human rights activists' quest to take Burma's case to the International Criminal Court by looking at the debates and controversies surrounding the ICC from a positive point of view and arguing that the ICC is a welcoming development for the Rule of Law in the whole world including Burma.
This book is written in a way to give basic knowledge about the ICC to an ordinary casual reader while at the same time raising some important debate starting points for more serious readers, learners and activists.
Sunday, September 20, 2009
Book: Challenges ahead on Burma’s Road to ICC
ဂ်ပန္ေရာက္ျမန္မာမ်ားသို႔ ဆရာေတာ္ဦးထာဝရ သဝဏ္လႊာ။
ဂ်ပန္ေရာက္ျမန္မာမ်ားသို႔ ဆရာေတာ္ဦးထာဝရ သဝဏ္လႊာ။
http://demowaiyen.blogspot.com/2009/09/blog-post_8099.html
Saturday, September 19, 2009
Myanmar Doubles Political Arrests; Elections a Sham, Group Says
Myanmar Doubles Political Arrests; Elections a Sham, Group Says
By Ed Johnson
Sept. 17 (Bloomberg) -- Myanmar’s military regime has doubled the number of political prisoners in the past two years and elections next year will have no credibility unless they are freed, Human Rights Watch said in a report.
Buddhist monks, journalists and artists are among more than 2,200 people held at more than 40 prisons or forced to perform hard labor at about 50 camps in the country formerly known as Burma, the New York-based group said.
The elections “will be a sham” if political opponents remain in jail, Tom Malinowski, the group’s advocacy director in Washington, said yesterday. The U.S., China, India and Southeast Asian countries “should make the release of all political prisoners a central goal of their engagement with Burma.”
The junta, the latest in a line of generals to rule Myanmar since 1962, triggered international condemnation last month when it extended opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s house arrest order for 18 months. The Nobel Peace Prize winner has spent more than 13 years in custody since her National League for Democracy won elections in 1990, a result rejected by the regime.
Repression increased in the country after an uprising led by Buddhist monks two years ago was crushed by the government, Human Rights Watch said.
More than 300 political and labor activists, monks, artists, comedians, journalists and Internet bloggers have been sentenced to jail after trials in closed courts, the group said. Some prison terms have been for more than 100 years.
More than 20 activists, including the country’s most-famous comedian, Zargana, were arrested for speaking out about obstacles to humanitarian relief following Cyclone Nargis, which struck Myanmar in May 2008 leaving at least 138,000 people dead or missing, according to the report.
BURMESE rally urges tougher line from new Japan govt
Agence France Presse: Myanmar rally urges tougher line from new Japan govt
Fri 18 Sep 2009
Filed under: International
Myanmar activists Friday called on Japan’s new government to take a tougher stance on the military junta as they rallied in Tokyo on the 21st anniversary of the coup that brought the regime to power.
Some 100 demonstrators rallied outside the Myanmar Embassy demanding the release of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners being held in the country formerly known as Burma.
“We want the new government to apply pressure on the military regime through harsher sanctions and to push for the release of Suu Kyi,” said one of the protestors, Win Myint.
Many carried pictures of Suu Kyi, a Nobel laureate who has spent most of the past two decades under house arrest since her party won the last elections.
Japan’s new centre-left Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, who took power on Wednesday, is known for his interest in human rights and has in the past led a group of parliamentarians that support Suu Kyi.
Japan’s previous conservative government of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) “did not show a clear stance toward the military junta and therefore did not apply sufficient pressure,” said another protester, Haw Thar.
The LDP, which ruled Japan almost without break since 1955, promoted trade and dialogue with Myanmar, fearing a hard line would push the junta further into the clasps of China, its main political and economic partner.
New-York based Human Rights Watch called on Japan to undertake an urgent policy review on Myanmar and to consider supporting targeted sanctions.
“Now is the time for Japan to revise its foreign policy and make promotion of human rights a central pillar,” wrote director Kenneth Roth in a letter to new Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada. “Burma is a very good place to start.”
Opposition-backed Constitutional Amendments will be Difficult
Opposition-backed Constitutional Amendments will be Difficult
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By KAY LATT Monday, September 14, 2009
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"If a girl is short, she just needs to wear high heels." Those are the well-known words of Kyi Maung, the late leader of the National League for Democracy (NLD) in a press conference just after the elections in 1990 responding the needs of constitution for transfer of power proclaimed by the military junta.
The NLD prepared a temporary constitution to be used during the transitory period to take over power from the ruling military government, but the military government then led by Snr-Gen Saw Maung did not accept the temporary constitution.
In the absence of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, Kyi Maung, a de facto NLD leader, said that the constitution could be amended in response to the military leaders' claim for the necessity of a new constitution before the transfer of power.
Any efforts to amending the constitution would be a challenge since ethnic nationalities wanted to change the form of the Union to that of a federation.
The late dictator Ne Win made a coup d'état in March 1962 while contending that he was saving the Union from disintegrating, when ethnic nationalities, various political parties and U Nu, then the prime minister, agreed to amend the 1947 Constitution.
In the 1947 constitution, any provision could be amended, whether by way of variation, addition or repeal. After an amendment bill had been passed by each of the chambers of Parliament, the bill had to be considered by both chambers in joint sessions. And then the bill could be passed by both chambers in joint sittings with votes in favor of not less than two-thirds required by members of both chambers.
Therefore, the constitutional problems of the 1947 constitution could be solved within the framework of negotiations among stakeholders.
In the 1974 constitution, some provisions could be amended with the prior approval of 75 percent of all the members of the Pyithu Hluttaw (People’s Parliament) in a nation-wide referendum with a majority vote of more than half of eligible voters. The rest of the provisions could be amended only with a majority vote of 75 percent of all the members of the Pyithu Hluttaw. No major amendment had been made to the 1974 constitution.
Before Kyi Maung made his quip, Thomas Jefferson, one of the founding fathers of the United States, said in a letter to Samuel Kercheval, written in July, 1816, "I am not an advocate for frequent changes in laws and constitutions, but laws and institutions must go hand in hand with the progress of the human mind."
He continued, "We might as well require a man to wear still the coat which fitted him when a boy as civilized society to remain ever under the regimen of their barbarous ancestors," clearly reflecting the need to interpret a constitution in light of changing circumstances.
Constitutions can generally be classified as “rigid” or “flexible.” A rigid constitution provides difficult procedures to modify at least some part of the constitution. A flexible constitution allows simple procedures to amend its provisions.
The US constitution is rigid. It requires a supermajority in the amendment process. The most common method of amendment is for a bill to pass both houses of the legislature by a two-thirds majority in each body followed by ratification by three-fourth of the states.
This is the method used for all current amendments. Nevertheless, 27 amendments have been made to the U.S constitution over a 200-year period. An interesting point is that the president has no role in the formal amendment process.
In Switzerland, it requires a majority vote in a national referendum to approve an amendment of the federal constitution proposed by the legislature or by a petition of 100,000 citizens. Then it requires ratification by a majority of voters in each of a majority of the cantons. The Swiss constitution has been amended significantly over the years.
The United Kingdom’s constitution is flexible. Its constitutional institutions and rules can be modified by an act of Parliament.
The great majority of countries have rigid constitutions. Nevertheless, a rigid constitution does not by itself guarantee the stability and continuity of a country’s constitutional law.
The constitution of South Africa is also flexible and can be amended by an act of Parliament by introducing a bill amending the constitution in the National Assembly. Most amendments must be passed by an absolute two-thirds supermajority in the National Assembly. However, amendments of some important provisions must be passed by the National Council of Province with a supermajority of at least six of the nine provinces.
Although the amending process in the United States is difficult, it is easier than the process in other countries with rigid constitutions. Provisions of a rigid constitution are over time subject to interpretation by the courts or by the legislature or the executive.
Pro-election groups in Burma are advocating a process of embracing the constitutional system and proposing gradual change by amendments to unfavorable provisions in the constitution.
“The military presumably wants to use the elections to ensure its continued dominance, but this is the most wide-ranging shake-up in a generation,” said Jim Della-Giacoma, Southeast Asia project director of the International Crisis. “The government, opposition, neighboring countries and the wider international community must all prepare for the possibility of change they may not be able to control.”
The 2008 constitution requires careful study of the process of amendment to assess whether it is rigid or flexible, and whether there are any loopholes in the constitution that could result in positive or negative consequences.
According to constitution, it requires 20 percent of the members of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, (Union Parliament or the two houses combined) to submit a bill of amendment with approval requiring a vote of more than 75 percent in favor.
For important provisions such as basic principles, state structure, qualifications for the presidential and vice presidential candidates and the National Defense and Security Council and a state of emergency, it further requires a nationwide referendum with more than half of eligible voters in favor.
It is clear that the 2008 constitution is rigid requiring difficult procedures to amend its provisions.
In the present constitution of Indonesia, the country which the Burmese military once looked to as a model for the dominance of the military, it requires only a simple majority for any proposed amendment in the People's Consultative Assembly with two-thirds of its members in support.
Suharto, who officially became president in 1968, did not allow any changes to the constitution. Under the rule of Suharto, it required a nationwide referendum with a 90 per cent turnout and approval of 90 percent of the voters to change the constitution.
With the fall of Suharto and the New Order regime in 1998, the amendment process was simplified in order to make it more democratic. The People's Consultative Assembly made constitutional amendments a flexible procedure and as a result, only 11 percent of the original articles remain unchanged from the earlier constitution.
In the 2008 Burmese constitution, the military is given 25 percent of the seats in every state legislature and both national assemblies. The constitution requires more than 75 percent of all the representatives of Union Parliament to amend the constitution important provisions.
To amend the constitution would require the support of all civilian representatives plus the support of at least one military representative in the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw.
Because of the rigidity of the constitution, there appears to be little chance for opposition members of parliament to look to the amendment process as a way to influence the future course of government. As a result, a theory of gradual change through the constitution also appears unrealistic.
Kay Latt can be reached at kaylatt@gmail.com
Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org
Myanmar official media stresses existence of single armed forces in country
Myanmar official media stresses existence of single armed forces in country
www.chinaview. cn 2009-09-18 11:43:14
YANGON, Sept. 18 (Xinhua) -- Myanmar official media stressed on Friday that there shall be a single Tatmadaw (armed forces) in the country to stand in accordance with the new state constitution approved in May last year.
The 2008 new state constitution prescribes that all the armed forces in the union shall be under the command of the Defense Services.
"If standing in rivalry that is against the constitution, doing illegal livelihood, poppy farming, production of narcotic drugs and illegal import and export of goods are rife, that will greatly harm the interest of the whole country and the people," said a Friday's report on the New Light of Myanmar newspaper.
"The Tatmadaw government is pursuing its strategies with the sharp determination that the nation's economy must be strong by the time when it hands over power to the civilian government to be formed under the constitution, " said the report.
It said "when these strategies are all realized, the Union of Myanmar will become a land bridge country where not only local people but also a large number of people from the neighboring countries engage trade activities."
It also urged the people to do their bit in the process of building the "land bridge" to make sure that all the pillars of the bridge are strong.
Noting that Myanmar is home to over 100 ethnic minorities, the report said "it gives first priority to consolidated unity among national brethren in the national interest according to the geopolitics, " adding that the government focuses on equitable improvement of the socio-economic life of all the national brethren.
The government has initiated a program for ethnic armed groups, which have cease fired and returned to the legal fold, to be formed into frontier forces under the control of the Commander-in- chief of the Defense Services.
However, the report said although many ethnic peace groups have returned to the legal fold, they have not surrendered their arms due to various reasons.
The leaders of the peace groups are urged to form political parties and stand for 2010 election.
After the present government took over the power of state on Sept. 18, 1988, 17 anti-government ethnic armed groups and over 20small ones returned to the legal fold one after another.
Of the 17 peace groups which cease fired with the government, some were allowed to retain arms, conditionally enjoying self-administration with special regions designated for them since then.
Under the government's fifth step of its seven-step roadmap announced in 2003, a multi-party democracy general election is to be held in 2010 in accordance with the 2008 new state constitution to produce parliament representatives and form a new civilian government to which the state power is to be handed over.
Japan Times: Birkin seeks Myanmar sanctions – Natsuko Fukue
Japan Times: Birkin seeks Myanmar sanctions – Natsuko Fukue
Wed 16 Sep 2009
Filed under: International
British singer and actress Jane Birkin held a news conference Tuesday in Tokyo to urge the incoming government to pressure Myanmar’s military junta to promote democracy.
Birkin, 62, who wrote a song called “Aung San Suu Kyi” and has participated in demonstrations against the junta, is in Tokyo for a concert this week.
She said sanctions should be placed on Myanmar, which has been under military rule for nearly 50 years, but they must be effective because they could also harm ordinary people.
“You’re lucky because you’ve got a new government” and it is a good opportunity for Japanese people to make new demands for supporting Myanmar citizens, Birkin added.
She said ordinary people can help Myanmar by writing a letter to their government or boycotting companies doing business with the junta.
Yuki Akimoto of the Burma Information Network based in Tokyo stressed the importance of supporting local citizens. Japan should focus on helping the people of Myanmar, such as by offering humanitarian support for refugees or assisting in the prevention of
Burmese citizens Forums Newsletters 2009/9/18
BurmaInfo] Burma News of the week (No. 0935) or policy changes - another appeal to the Burmese parliamentarians said in the past the Prime Minister Hatoyama Jane Birkin
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Burmese citizens Forums Newsletters 2009/9/18
People's Forum on Burma
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Akimoto Yuki
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Burma News of the Week E-mail Edition
September 18, 2009 [0935 issue]
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[Lawmakers appeal to the singer Jane Birkin]
Mr. Singer, actress Jane Birkin in Japan 15,
"Burma (Myanmar) consider the situation of human rights round table"
(Sponsored by Amnesty議連) attended. Gas exports
Pointed out that it has not been a huge reduction in the national income, the SPDC
Stated the need for sanctions, called on the government to put pressure on Japan.
The memories of 10 when he met with Aung San Suu Kyi in Rangoon years ago.
, The meeting was held on the eve of the new administration entered the cabinet the next day
Tiba Keiko's Democratic Party (Justice) Social Democratic Party leader Mizuho Fukushima said, and (consumers
Minister responsible for fewer children), as well as the House of Councilors President Satsuki Eda, the LDP
Was attended by many members of former Secretary General Hidenao Nakagawa said. Burma Information
Akimoto Yuki also participated as a lecturer in the network, "in Burma
Standing to the side, to Japan to work with the international community "is entitled, the new Burmese
New government made recommendations to policy.
Japan's Burma policy is [Prime Minister Hatoyama said in the past would change]
• The new administration, whether Japan's Burma policy change
Has attracted international attention. Japanese Prime Minister Hatoyama is a journalist
Security forces was shot dead shortly after Mr. Kenji Nagai in Burma in 2007
In October, Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda (then) to "what the Japanese government, the top of the international community
Standing, seeking to restrain the military strictly Now is the beginning of Suu Kyi
All persons are detained will be released as the people of Myanmar
We should make every effort to achieve democratization. Is prepared for
I happen to to confer with "the問Itadashi and (minutes from the National Assembly).
* Full transcript is here:
http://kokkai.ndl.go.jp/SENTAKU/syugiin/168/0001/16810030001004a.html
On the other hand, the Nikkei business officials and middle-management agencies, trade in Burma
Investment workshops, and are planning to visit the industrial park.
If the easing U.S. sanctions on Burma and the next scheduled general election machine
Preparation of building a network of contacts you consider the possibility of trade and investment with Burma
With the intention that the (joint 12 days).
[NLD executives contributed to the dailies, "sham elections" and]
, National League for Democracy (NLD) in the Executive and hold until the end of last year as a political prisoner
Win Tin who had been (80) contributed to the Washington Post.
"Some international observers, the election has been scheduled for next year
Some people considered as opportunities. But Army was pushing the Constitution made
Under conditions that are not only those bogus elections, "he said
Check the movement of some of the international community to support the implementation of the general election (9 newspaper days).
* Full contribution is here:
http://www.burmainfo.org/article/article.php?mode=0&articleid=493
[Aung San Suu Kyi's appeal, ruling in January to 10]
5, is a violation of state laws that protect American man put home a month,
8-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi was convicted in January
The appellate court 18th district court held in Yangon. His attendance was not allowed.
October 2 is decided, and that day (18th AP, etc.).
[About the 7100 military government announced an amnesty to people, even political prisoners]
October 17, military, announced that approximately 7100 to grant amnesty to people. Released 18 days
Was also in at least 19 political prisoners who were included
(October 18 AFP, Association for political prisoners).
[Official development assistance to Burma (ODA) commitments and conditions]
No new announcements
Trade Events:
In addition, the Joint Action Committee for the Burmese people in Japan
September 18, 1988 - from a military coup 21 years: the SPDC
Protest, and the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners
Pro-democracy protests seeking
(Before the Burmese Embassy in Japan, 18 14:00 to 16:00)
Burmese Relief Center-Japan, "Technical Report 2009 summer visit to the border"
(Creo Higashioosaka Training Room 2F, 20 am to 18)
International NGO Human Rights Watch, Panerudisukashon
"Burma's Saffron Revolution 2007 years - now the monks stood up"
(Foreign Correspondents Club of Japan, 25 15 half-time ~) ★ application necessary.
Fourth Tokyo, UNHCR Refugee Film Festival "Burma VJ"
(House of Italy 10 Mar 18 - half-time,
German Cultural Center - October 6 17:00)
[More info]
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Burma Information Network Akimoto Yuki
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Burma News of the Week E-mail Edition
September 18, 2009 [0935 issue]
Created: Burma Information Network
Cooperation: Burmese People's Forum
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Information of 9 / 20 (Sun) 18:10 ~ NHK総合Terebi "International Network" What in Myanmar
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Burmese citizens Forums Newsletters 2009/9/18
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Mutual Bank
September 20 at 6:00 pm 10 minutes NHK General "international network" in,
The situation in Burma, the refugee problem, and each relationship between North Korea and Burma, the air
Are planned.
Zehi please.
Burma People's Forum
Miyazawa Secretariat
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NHK総合Terebi "International Network"
http://www.nhk.or.jp/worldnet/
Sun aired: September 20, 2009 (Sun) 18:10 ~
What in Myanmar
Virtually accepted by the foreign press coverage, Myanmar has laid a strict control of information.
Military regime, recently the home of Aung San Suu Kyi's democracy movement leader
The extended one-half years under house. In addition, as also to strengthen the attack on the ethnic minorities,
Neighboring Thailand, Bangladesh, the refugee influx into China. Now in Myanmar
What is happening, from the local reports.
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Thursday, September 17, 2009
5 Ways to Kick-Start a Healthy Day user
5 Ways to Kick-Start a Healthy Day user
by FitSugar, on Thu Sep 10, 2009 11:50am PDT 8 Comments Post a Comment Read More from This Author »
Start your day off on the right foot by making the most of your morning.
Here are five healthy habits you can easily fit in between the alarm clock ringing and walking into the office. These simple actions can help set you up for a great day.
Stretch in Bed -Rather than start your day by hitting the snooze button, begin by stretching in bed. Get your blood flowing by wiggling your toes and circling your ankles. I like to start my day by doing cat and cow to warm up my spine.
Drink Water Before Breakfast - After sleeping for seven to eight hours your body needs water as well as food — being slightly dehydrated can actually slow down your metabolism. Before downing your latte, green tea, or juice, have a glass of water because according to the journal Obesity, well-hydrated cells not only work better, but they help you flush out fat.
Eat Breakfast, Eat Protein -Breakfast truly is the most important meal of the day. Eating breakfast ensures that you will eat fewer calories throughout your day, and a simple morning meal helps you think better too. Make the most out of your breakfast by including protein in the meal. These Mini Veggie Frittatas certainly fit that bill.
Get Your Blood Moving - Exercising in the a.m. is like drinking a cup of physical caffeine. I find that firing up my metabolism with an early morning workout, helps to keep the daily stress at bay. Plus, working out in the morning is a great way to ensure you fit your workout in before your day becomes too hectic. If you can't fit in a full fledged workout, doing 10 minutes of exercise will certainly get your blood flowing.
Say No to a Second Cup of Joe - After a long weekend, it's tempting to partake of a second cup of coffee, to rev up for your first day back in the office after thee days of play. But it is best to just say no to that second cup of joe. The extra caffeine will most likely make you anxious and increase your heart rate. Sip on a cup of green tea or herbal tea instead.
Tuesday, September 15, 2009
Are women more effective lawmakers than men?
Study: Women lawmakers best men
Erika Lovley Erika Lovley
Tue Sep 15, 5:46 am ET
Are women more effective lawmakers than men?
That’s the preliminary conclusion of a study conducted by researchers at Stanford University and the University of Chicago, who say that on average, women in Congress introduce more bills, attract more co-sponsors and bring home more money for their districts than their male counterparts do.
The study, which examined the performance of House members between 1984 and 2004, found that women delivered roughly 9 percent more discretionary spending for their districts than men.
For instance, during Rep. Judy Biggert’s first two-year term, Illinois’s 13th District received $382 million in federal funds, $70 million more than it received during the final term of her predecessor, Rep. Harris Fawell.
Rep. Zoe Lofgren delivered around $859 million to her district, compared with $541 million brought in by her predecessor, Rep. Don Edwards, during his final term, the researchers said.
And during then-Rep. Connie Morella’s first term, Maryland’s 8th District received $780 million, $183 million more than predecessor Rep. Michael Barnes brought in during his final term, they said.
While there are obviously variables beyond gender — seniority, party affiliation, majority/minority status and the differing priorities of a freshman and a veteran lawmaker — the researchers say they’ve accounted for those in making their male-to-female comparisons.
“You could easily make the argument that a politician who is on his way out, or someone who is sitting on a really powerful committee, is in a different position than someone just coming into office,” said Stanford researcher Sarah Anzia. “Not every example will cover every alternative explanation, but we control for all of those factors in the study.”
The researchers also found that women introduced more legislation than men who served in their same districts, often hitting the ground running in their first terms.
“We find that, on average, women sponsor about three bills more per Congress per term than their male counterparts,” said Anzia. “They co-sponsor more bills than other members, and they also obtain more co-sponsors for their own bills.”
Since 1789, women have constituted just 2 percent of the total congressional population. The ratio of female to male representatives has increased in recent years, but the pace is still fairly glacial: Nearly 17 percent of House members are women today, compared with about 3 percent in 1979.
Researchers say the small number of female members may have something to do with their effectiveness. Women who run and win are likely the most politically ambitious and talented of their pool, having potentially overcome hurdles including voter bias and self-doubt about their ability to win. Female candidates also tend to attract more challengers. Politically eligible women tend to doubt their ability to get elected and raise money more than men do, multiple studies have indicated. Large majorities of both men and women in candidate feeder pools, such as law offices and political organizations, believe there is a bias against women in elections, according to Lawless and Fox studies in 2005 and 2004.
Once women get to Capitol Hill, those hurdles may drive them to perform better, on average, than male counterparts who have faced a less contentious road.
“Research shows that even though women have similar success rates in primaries and elections as men, they are likely to face more challengers,” said Hartwick College political science department chairwoman Laurel Elder. “The results might be the same, but they might have to work harder to get those same results.”
“People ask, ‘Are you going to be strong enough? Are you going to be a fighter for us?’” said Rep. Judy Biggert, who beat five men in the initial Illinois Republican primary in 1998. “That’s always the way I’ve been treated.”
Biggert said she was told during her early days in law school at Northwestern University that she was a student by mistake — a man should have been in her seat.
“That has always given me the drive to work two, three times harder than men,” Biggert said.
Rep. Cathy McMorris Rodgers, a rising GOP star and female-candidate recruiter for the National Republican Congressional Committee, said it took several “taps on the shoulder” before she decided to run for office.
“Women seem to wait for someone who plants the idea and gives them confidence,” McMorris Rodgers said. “I had individuals who shared their confidence in me, and it helped erase some of the self-doubt.”
“Running for Congress is no walk in the park,” said Rep. Zoe Lofgren, who has served in the House since 1995. “It’s a tough business, and people who do it successfully stand trial by fire.”
Lofgren entered the 1994 Democratic primary in California as the ultimate underdog against a favored male candidate, San Jose Mayor Tom McEnery. On primary night, television crews and reporters crowded her opponent’s headquarters, awaiting the presumed winner’s victory speech, while a lone photographer sat at Lofgren’s offices, waiting to snap a photo of the loser. But in an upset, Lofgren won the primary and then the election. Despite her victory, she faced additional hurdles on Capitol Hill that have continued to drive her daily work efforts. Her initial committee requests were ignored, she said, and she struggled to break through some of the old boys’ networks.
“There were some older male members who had a tough time accepting that there were women members,” said Lofgren, an immigration lawyer who now serves on the powerful House Judiciary and Homeland Security committees.
However, political science professor Jyl Josephson, director of the Rutgers Women’s Studies Program, cautions not to make too much of gender differences on the Hill — particularly among members who’ve been there for a while.
“We spend a lot time measuring gender differences rather than similarities,” Josephson said. “But there are many studies that show similarities, and they don’t get discussed nearly as much.”
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ビルマ市民フォーラム メールマガジン 2009/9/15
People's Forum on Burma
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9月13日付、ビルマ情報ネットワーク（BurmaInfo）からのメールを転送させていただき
ます。
（重複の際は何卒ご容赦ください。）
ＰＦＢ事務局 宮澤
http://www1.jca.apc.org/pfb/
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国民民主連盟（NLD）中央執行委員のウィンティン氏（80）による、米ワシント
ン・ポスト紙への寄稿を紹介します。
来年予定の総選挙に関するNLDの最新の立場表明です。
この中でウィンティン氏は「（ビルマを訪問した米上院議員の）ウェッブ氏は私た
ち（NLD）に対し、長期的な政治戦略の一環としてこの『選挙』への参加を検討する
よう望んでいる。しかし軍事政権が予定する見せかけの選挙とは、わが国の国民が求
める自由を完全に押し潰すものであり、軍事独裁政権の恒久化を実現するものだ」と
し、参加の可能性をはっきり否定しています。
掲載から数日後の12日に、ウィンティン氏は数時間、当局に拘束されました（12日
AFP）。
日本語訳をビルマ情報ネットワークのウェブサイトに掲載しました。ご覧くださ
い。
ビルマ国民に不要な「選挙」
http://www.burmainfo.org/article/article.php?mode=0&articleid=493
原文（英語）
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/09/08/AR2009090802
959.html
ビルマ情報ネットワーク（http://www.burmainfo.org）
秋元由紀
========================================
ビルマ国民に不要な「選挙」
ウィンティン
ワシントン・ポスト（寄稿）
2009年9月9日
ジェームズ・ウェッブ米上院議員が私の母国を最近訪問し、タンシュエ上級大将
と会談したこと、そしてノーベル平和賞受賞者アウンサンスーチー氏が投獄されたこ
とに多大な関心が寄せられている。個人的には、ビルマの現政権との実質的な対話を
求めるウェッブ氏の強い思いは理解できる。だが残念なことに、ウェッブ氏の努力
は、私たちの民主化運動に悪影響を及ぼしており、誤った問題に焦点を当てている。
その問題とは「選挙」の可能性のことだ。ウェッブ氏は私たちに対し、長期的な政治
戦略の一環としてこの「選挙」への参加を検討するよう望んでいる。しかし軍事政権
が予定する見せかけの選挙とは、わが国の国民が求める自由を完全に押し潰すもので
あり、軍事独裁政権の恒久化を実現するものだ。
わが国で最後に行われた（訳注：1990年の）自由選挙では、ビルマ国民は国軍の
支配を拒絶し、私たちの政党・国民民主連盟（NLD）に対して、8割以上の議席を割り
当てる圧倒的な勝利をもたらした。にもかかわらず国軍はNLDの政権樹立をいまだ拒
んでいる。選挙からこれまでの19年間、ビルマの民主化活動家は投獄や脅迫、拷問、
そして死に直面してきた。正義、個々や民族の権利、ビルマ全国民を代表する民主政
権を平和的に訴えたことがその理由だ。
私たちNLDは民主化運動を断固として継続する一方で、現政権と話し合いのチャネ
ルを開き、対話を開始する可能性を絶えず探ってきた。平和と相互信頼に基づき、ビ
ルマの抱える政治問題と同時に社会問題を対処するための対話を目指してきた。誤解
のないようにしておかなければならないが、この二つの問題はつながっているのだ。
ビルマはかつてアジアの米所だった。だが今日では、軍政が国軍支配の維持を目的と
して破壊的な経済政策と弾圧を実施してきたために、ビルマは壊滅的なダメージを受
け、貧困が蔓延する国になってしまった。
軍政は見せかけの「選挙」を行うことで薄っぺらい合法性を纏おうとし、「規律
ある民主主義」が来年には制度化されると喧伝している。だが2008年5月には、巨大
サイクロンがビルマに未曽有の被害を与え、10万人以上の命を奪った直後であるにも
かかわらず、政府は実にばかげたプロセスを実施し、投票者の93％が憲法を承認した
と発表した。この憲法は国軍支配を恒久化するほか、定義のない「外国との関係」を
持つ人物が公職に就くことを禁じている。これはスーチー氏と民主化活動家が公職に
就くことを妨害するために設けられたご都合主義的な条項だ。
国際的な観測筋の一部には、来年に予定されているこの選挙をチャンスと捉える
向きもある。だが国軍製の憲法が押しつけられている状況下では、選挙はいんちきな
ものにしかならない。わが国に自由をもたらす一縷の望みもないプロセスに参加する
ために、数百万のビルマ国民がデモに参加し、逮捕され、拷問され、命を落として求
めてきた民主主義に関する諸原則をあっさり捨て去ることなど、私たちにはありえな
い。
NLDの諸要求には筋が通っている。この4月に、私たちは国軍との話し合いの実現
に向けて新たな宣言を発表し、全政治囚の釈放、憲法の全面的な見直し、すべての
NLD支部の再開、結社の自由を求めた。軍政はこれに対し、スーチー氏ら2,000人の活
動家を引き続き投獄し、民族集団に対する軍事的攻勢を強化し、民主主義を封じ込め
る規則を適用することで応えた。
国際社会はどのようにして実質的な役割を果たすことができるだろうか。まず
ウェッブ氏のような当局者は中国脅威論を唱えるのを止めるべきだ。ウェッブ氏は中
国の封じ込めと、それに対してビルマ軍政の協力を求めることを主張しているが、こ
れは時代遅れで非現実的な見解に基づいている。スーチー氏はウェッブ氏に対して次
のように述べ、こうした考え方を退けている。「私たちは相手がどこであれ、恐怖や
不安を抱えて接することはありません。私たちはどの国とも、中国であれ米国であれ
インドであれ、平等かつ友好的に接します。近隣国を選ぶことはできないのですか
ら、中国とよい関係を持つ必要があることは認識しています。」第二に、NLDは他国
や国際機関に対して、ビルマ軍政指導部と接触し、私たちNLDと同時にビルマの民族
集団と話し合いを行うよう説得することを求めている。米国など多くの国々がビルマ
に制裁措置を実施している。これは各国の独自の判断によるものであり、私たち皆が
心から大切にしている民主的な価値観に対し各国が示す正当な連帯とも調和してい
る。現政権がNLDと民族集団の代表者とまともに向き合い、政治囚を釈放し、少数民
族への攻撃を停止し、真の民主国家建設に向けた追加的な処置をとるならば、これら
の制裁は適切な時に解除されるだろう。
それまでは、私たちの決意が揺らがないことをはっきりさせておきたい。NLDは、
ビルマ社会の反映だ。私たちは、私たちの闘争の目標である自由をビルマ国民から
奪ってしまう、致命的な欠陥のある政治プロセスに、脅迫や強制によって参加するこ
とはない。私たちにはいつでも話し合いに応じる用意がある。だが私たちには、あれ
ほど多くの人々が自らの命と自由を犠牲にし、獲得しようとしてきた民主的な価値観
を求める闘争を継続するという固い決意があるのだ。
＊ウィンティン氏はビルマの国民民主連盟（NLD）中央執行委員で創設者の一人。
1989年から2008年まで政治囚として投獄されていた。
出典：U Win Tin, “An 'Election' Burma's People Don't Need,” Washington
Post (op-ed), September 9, 2009.
日本語訳 ビルマ情報ネットワーク（翻訳・掲載許可取得済）
========================================
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Three Daughters Form Democratic Party
Three Daughters Form Democratic Party
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Tuesday, September 15, 2009
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The formation of a new political party—the Democratic Party—to contend the 2010 Burmese elections was announced at a press conference in Rangoon on Monday. The party will be headed by the daughter of late Prime Minister U Nu, along with two other daughters of former political leaders.
The Democratic Party Chairman Thu Wai announced that the new party will be headed by: Mya Than Than Nu, the daughter of U Nu; Nay Yee Ba Swe, the daughter of late Prime Minister Ba Swe; and Cho Cho Kyaw Nyein, the daughter of late Deputy Prime Minister Kyaw Nyein.
He said the three would act as secretaries of the party and that it is prepared to participate in the upcoming election.
Veteran politician and former political prisoner Thu Wai made the announcement after a seminar titled “Analytic Discussion of the State of the Union 2010,” which was held on Monday at the Dolphin restaurant on Nat Mauk Street, Bahan Township, in Rangoon.
He said the Democratic Party has been formed in order to pursue democracy and to participate in the 2010 elections, which will transform Burma from decades-long authoritarian rule into a new system and toward a new era. He said the party will abandon all personal grudges, and defuse conflicts relating to politics, party, religion, race and the factionalism of Burma past.
He said the party will pursue democracy through the means of the parliament. If the Democratic Party were in power, it would seek to release all political prisoners and to fulfill the peoples' desires, he added.
The seminar at the Dolphin restaurant was chaired by Thu Wai and well-known politician [Amyotheryei ] Win Naing. Another 30 participants attended, including officers from the Police Special Branch and journalists.
Win Naing said that the 2010 elections offer few prospects for the pro-democracy forces in Burma, since the pro-democracy groups are divided on whether to run in the elections or not.
According to the 2008 constitution, the military will officially and permanently control 25 percent of both the Upper House and Lower House seats in parliament with the defense services personnel nominated by the Commander-in-Chief.
Win Naing suggested that the ruling junta would also form some political parties in order to nominate representatives in various constituencies. More importantly, the junta's candidates will “apply various means to win” the election, he said.
One of the options for resolving Burma's crisis is "the sharing of administrative power" between politicians and the armed forces, Win Naing said.
"We can share administrative power. In the post-election government, the military could take 60 percent of the positions of power while politicians occupy 40 percent,” he said. “Then in the next term, the power ratio between the military and the politicians would be 50-50. Then, after a third term of elections, the ratio could be 40 percent military and 60 percent for the politicians. This would mean a gradual decrease in military involvement in national politics and the open the door to a peaceful transition.”
Win Naing warned, however, that a "power-sharing proposal" could be unacceptable for the National League for Democracy (NLD), which won the 1990 elections by a landslide.
Thu Wai said he wanted to convince others to first achieve power through the ballot box to fill the remaining 75 percent of parliamentary seats. He said he considered this a priority for all pro-democracy groups.
"If we were in power after the elections, we would propose rewriting the laws and regulations that are contradictory to democracy,” he said. “But the most important thing is: first we must be in power.”
However, a journalist from Rangoon told The Irrawaddy that he believed Thu Wai's policies were impractical and difficult to implement.
"To revise the constitution, the proposed amendment needs at least 75 percent support from the representatives of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Upper House), and thereafter with the votes of more than half of eligible voters at a nationwide referendum. But first and foremost, the pro-democracy camp could hardly expect to win 75 percent of representatives’ votes,” he said.
The newly formed Democratic Party announced it would have 17 central executive members and 10 central committee members. It said it would be recruiting in the cities and some other regions.
Well-known businessman Ye Tun, the son of post-independence architect U Chan Tun, will serve as vice-chairman of the party.
Responding to rumors that his party would run as a proxy of Kyaw Myint of the Canada-based United Democratic Party (UDP), Thu Wai said the Democratic Party has no connection with the UDP and is receiving no funding from the exiled group.
At the seminar, both leading panelists stayed away from making comments about the 1990 general elections.
Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org
Chinese Blood on Burmese Soil
Chinese Blood on Burmese Soil
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Monday, September 14, 2009
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Peng Jiasheng is the Kokang leader whose residence was raided by government troops on August 8, setting off a regime offensive and leading to the loss of the Kokang region to junta troops. He was interviewed by The Irrawaddy on the reasons for the offensive, the role of China, the allegations of illegal drug trafficking, the borders guard force and the future of ethnic minorities in Burma.
Question: How would you describe the current situation in the Kokang region?
Answer: The incident on August 8 was the junta’s excuse. It wanted to do away with the local ethnic minority army a long time ago. A larger nationality wants to eliminate a smaller one. This is typical nationalistic chauvinism. This was a massacre.
Peng Jiasheng (Photo: Tom Kramer)
In order to avoid further harm to the Kokang people, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) retreated. This is not what we wanted and also it is not what the people in the international community who support our people would like to see.
Now the situation in Kokang is even more complicated. Currently, the situation is very bad. The government troops took over the Kokang area for about 10 days, but there were many reported cases where their soldiers committed robbery, rape and killed civilians. Many people are still afraid to go back home. Most of the shops owned by Chinese businessmen were either destroyed or robbed. This is a calamity. The prosperous environment of Kokang of only a few months ago no longer exists. People are living in deep distress.
This conflict has brought great trauma to the Kokang people. The war will be long. It will be impossible to end soon.
Q: The ceasefire agreement you signed with the regime in 1989 has collapsed. What do you believe was the motive behind the offensive and the regime’s attempt to arrest you?
A: In March 1989, the Kokang people agreed to peace and development. In the same year, 17 other local ethnic armed forces also started peace talks with the junta. This brought to an end the large scale of armed conflict in the country.
The alliance army is also one of the legal ethnic armed forces that were recognized by the military government. Over the past 20 years of peace and development, the Kokang was the first group in the country to promise the international community that we would stop drug production. We enforced the ban on poppy cultivation in 2002 in our area. The anti-drug production effort and success were recognized by the UN and the international communities. With help from the World Food Programme, the Chinese government and other international aid agencies, we implemented a lot of poppy substitution projects, mainly to grow sugar crane, tea, walnuts and other crops. We achieved very good progress in the poppy substitution.
Step by step, the people in our area began to work their way up from poverty. This can be seen by everybody. However, as the military government wants to achieve their goal of controlling the whole country, it felt it needed to take action against the peace and the ceasefire groups.
Q: Soon after the government troops captured Laogai, the state-run-media repeatedly accused you of involvement in illegal arms factories and drugs. How do you respond to those allegations?
A: Burma is still a country without a real government. The army cannot represent the government. After the election in 1990, the junta usurped power in the country. Ever since then, there has been no proper government in our country. The international community has never officially acknowledged them as the government. Burma is currently a country managed by a temporary council that was set up by the junta. It was called the State Law and Order Restoration Council and was later changed to the State Peace and Development Council. The government army is also an ethnic armed force, so it can not represent this country.
In 1989, for the sake of the peace and welfare of the country, the Kokang people took the initiative to approach the junta-controlled council. This was to protect peace in the country, and to let the people live in peace. Over the past 20 years, we trusted the junta and have been respectful of them. Our political proposition is always the same: support the central government, take the road to peace and development, maintain nationality unification, guard national unity and strive for the autonomous rights of the Kokang people. We never wanted to separate from the country; we only wanted a recognized position for the Kokang people among all of Burma’s nationalities.
Q: How many people were killed in the latest conflict?
A: In this conflict, the Kokang people suffered great loss. We had 14 alliance army soldiers killed in battle, but what we do not know is the number of civilians killed. For example, some na?ve young people joined with the traitor Bai Suocheng and his army. In the battles, they were to be used by the government troops to fight against us. These young people refused because they were Kokang and could not kill their own people. The government troops took their weapons away and shot them with machine guns. On Aug. 27, 27 Kokang youth were killed together.
Q: Why did the junta decide to single out your group? Was there any reason other than the regime’s allegation of your involvement in opium and illegal drugs?
A: A lot of things happened over the past month that we never thought could happen. The Kokang alliance army is one of the legal armed forces in the country. All our weapons are old and the ammunition is left over from the days of the Burmese Communist Party. Many of these weapons are in need of repair. It is reasonable to have a factory to repair weapons. This factory is well known by all the SPDC officials in Kokang. They have visited it before. But now they used it as an excuse to take action against us.
The motivation behind this is obvious. They want to eliminate the Kokang and other ethnic armed forces and achieve their goal of a junta-managed “unified” country. It goes without saying that the junta will not stop with the Kokang. They will take the war to other groups with all kinds of excuses. If you want to condemn something, you can always find a charge. The government army is the strongest in the country. It can crack down on whichever ethnic groups it wishes. It can accuse any ceasefire group of drugs, or weapons…anything. The current situation on drugs, for example, in the four special regions in Shan State is that there is no poppy cultivation, according to investigations by the international agencies. However, in SPDC-controlled areas, there is more than 250,000 mu [Chinese land unit: 667 square meters] of poppy cultivation. This is the work of the junta, and this is how it behaves.
Q: Several ethnic ceasefire groups including the MNDAA rejected the junta's proposal for a Border Guard Force (BGF). Why did you reject the BGF plan?
A: We are not really against the idea of transferring the army to a BGF, but the terms and conditions were too rigorous. For example, all the officers above 50 would be forced to retire and find their own livelihood. The key leaders of the local government and the commanders of the army would also be appointed by the junta. These proposals are not acceptable to any of the ceasefire groups. It is also not acceptable to the local people. Our requirements were simple: we want to have a high level of national autonomy to protect the interests of the Kokang people.
Q: The Kokang and other ethnic groups are unhappy with the 2008 constitution. What do you see as its faults?
A: Regarding the constitution proposed by the junta in 2008, it is all about the power and interest of the junta. We do not believe that any rights and interests of the minorities are ensured in the constitution. How can we accept such a constitution that does not represent the people of the country? on the approval of this constitution, there are things that happened that few people know about. For example, in some of the Kokang villages, the junta sent people to vote in the referendum. The local people did not want to participate, so the junta officials themselves wrote [out] all the votes. There were villages where about 100 people voted No, but on their ballots it was reported that more than 3,000 people voted Yes. This is how it was approved.
Q: You merged with the CPB in the past and led the successful mutiny in 1989. You went to Beijing and you were closely associated with Chinese officials in the past. Today, China is the closest ally of the regime as well as a good friend of ethnic groups along the Sino-Burmese border. What was China's role in the recent conflict in the Kokang region?
A: During the Aug. 8 incident planned by the junta and the armed conflict afterwards, the Chinese government did not give us assistance. We could not talk to the Chinese government about protection and asylum. However, as the Kokang are in fact Chinese, when the refugees fled to China the local authorities took very good care of them. That we really appreciate.
Q: What is your message to Chinese leaders who plan to build a gas pipeline through the Kokang region?
A: What I want to say here is no matter what happens in Burma, we are ethnic Chinese and our roots are in China. This we will never forget. For the sake of the rights and position of the Chinese in Burma, we will continue our struggle.
Q: How do you see the future of Burma and the ethnic minorities?
A: Regarding the future of the ethnic minorities in Burma, this is a complicated issue. If Burma does not set up a democratic government that is elected by the people and therefore really represents the people, the future of the minorities in Burma will get worse.
Q: Did you receive any political backing or military support from other ethnic groups along the border? Are they united in their goals?
A: All the minority ceasefire groups along the China-Burma border areas have good relations with each other and have supported each other over a long period of time. Our fate and experiences are the same. But due to certain difficulties, our alliance is not as strong as it should be. Therefore the junta had its opportunity, and now the Kokang area is under junta control.
Q: Are you worried about losing your personal property and your businesses in Burma and China?
A: Currently, all my personal property has been confiscated by the junta. My property in China was also taken away by the relevant department of the Chinese government. This is a problem that I can not solve by worrying about it.
Q: Please describe the refugee situation. There were reports of government officials and soldiers attacking Chinese nationals? Was the recent attack designed to demonstrate that the government is not a puppet of China?
A: I think the reason why the junta attacked the Kokang is because of the following:
First, the junta wanted to develop better relationships with America, India and some Western authorities, in particular with America. In order to improve the relationship with America, the junta is eager to prove that the junta is not a puppet government supported by the Chinese government. That is why the junta chose the Kokang to fight against.
They also wanted to test the response of the Chinese government. The Kokang and the Chinese have a blood relationship. The Kokang people are basically Chinese; they are part of the Chinese family. The Chinese in Burma were not officially recognized by the Burmese and therefore for centuries they lived in a very low economic and social position. Only after the meeting in Ninakan in 1947, after the national government’s recognition, were the Chinese living in these areas called Kokang. But as a matter of fact, the Kokang people are Chinese. We are the descendants of the Yellow emperor. The anti-Chinese movement in 1967 in Burma feels like yesterday.
Even today, many Chinese living in Burma still do not dare to declare that they are Chinese. In 1989, when the Kokang Alliance Army was established, all the Chinese in Burma looked at the Chinese armed forces as the “lighthouse.” Now the ‘”lighthouse” has gone off.
The second reason I think is that the SPDC forces were already in Kokang for more than 10 years, and they understood the situation in Kokang, including the relationships among the Kokang leaders.
They therefore bought off the traitors Bai Suocheng and Wei Chaoren. This resulted in an internal split in Kokang before the war broke out. Bai Suocheng and Wei Chaoren betrayed their people and surrendered to the junta.
Now the junta has taken over the Kokang area, and it is clear about the response of the Chinese government. So their next step will be to reinforce the policy of cracking down on other minority groups along the border. The junta will act recklessly and become more unbridled.
Q: Where are you living now?
A: For many years, I worked in Kokang. I never had a chance to travel to the big cities in Burma. Now that I have more time, I am travelling in the big cities in Burma. I really feel that my country is beautiful, and it deserves a government that can represent the people by building and developing the country. I currently have no plans to go back to Kokang.
Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org
Beijing’s Influence on Junta ‘Overstated’: ICG
Beijing’s Influence on Junta ‘Overstated’: ICG
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By WAI MOE Monday, September 14, 2009
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A leading political think tank, the International Crisis Group (ICG), said on Monday that although many believe China is the key to pushing the Burmese junta toward political reform, its influence is overstated.
In a new report covering Sino-Burmese relations, the Brussels-based NGO said that Beijing’s influence on the Burmese junta is clearly limited, a fact highlighted by the Burmese government forces’ invasion of the Kokang region, an act that caused some 37,000 refugees to flee to China.
Chinese Vice President Xi Jinping, left, holds a welcoming ceremony in honor of Gen Maung Aye, right, vice-chairman of Burma’s ruling junta at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on June 16, 2009. (Photo: www.english.cpc.people.com.cn)
Titled “China’s Myanmar Dilemma,” the ICG report was written by ICG staffers in Beijing, Jakarta and Brussels.
“Simply calling on Beijing to apply more pressure is unlikely to result in change,” the ICG report said. “The insular and nationalistic leaders in the military government do not take orders from anyone, including Beijing.”
It said that “after two decades of failed international approaches to Myanmar [Burma], Western countries and China must find better ways to work together to push for change in the military-ruled nation.”
The Kokang conflict highlighted the complexity of China’s relationship with Burma, and that Beijing was unable to dissuade the Burmese generals from launching their bloody campaign, said the report.
It also noted that the relation between Beijing and Naypyidaw is “best characterized as a marriage of convenience rather than a love match.”
ICG, which is frequently contracted to advise world bodies such as the UN, the EU and the World Bank, said that while China sees major problems with the status quo [in Burma], particularly with regard to economic policy and ethnic issues, Beijing’s preferred solution is a gradual adjustment of policy by a strong central government, not federalism or liberal democracy, and certainly not regime change.
The ICG noted in its report that unstable Burmese factors on the Chinese border, such insurgency, drugs and diseases, affect China’s interests in the country.
It said that Beijing’s interest in Burma was mainly economic.
However, to highlight the close ties, the report said that from 2003 to June 2009, leaders of the Chinese government and the Burmese junta met 30 times, 15 of which were after the Burmese regime’s brutal crackdown on peaceful demonstrators in September 2007.
ICG has published two reports regarding Burma within the last two months. A report titled, “Myanmar: Towards the Elections” was released on August 20. It said the 2010 elections are likely to create opportunities for generational and institutional changes despite major shortcomings.
However, it questioned whether the elections could solve the conflict in Burma, including the clashes at the Sino-Burmese border.
Sunday, September 13, 2009
က်မနဲ ့စကားအေျခအတင္ နွင့္ နိုင္ငံေရးစစ္ေရးပညာရွင္မ်ား--ဟူသည္
ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ဒီေဆာင္းပါးကို ေလးစားစြာနဲ ့ကူးယူေဖာ္ျပလိုက္ပါတယ္။
ဘုန္းလိႈင္
က်မနဲ ့စကားအေျခအတင္ နွင့္ နိုင္ငံေရးစစ္ေရးပညာရွင္မ်ား--ဟူသည္
Friday, August 28, 2009
က်မ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့နွစ္ရက္ေလာက္က အေမရိကန္ က က်မတို ့ရဲ့ရဲေဘာ္တစ္ဦးနဲ ့စကားအေျခအတင္ေျပာ ျဖစ္ခဲ့ႀက ပါတယ္။သူနဲ့က်မလူျခင္းခုမွေတြ ့ဖူးေပမဲ့ က်မတို့တေတြကလူရင္း ေတြပဲေပါ့ နင္ဘာလုပ္ခဲ့လဲငါဘာလုပ္ခဲ့လဲလို့ ေမးခြန္းနွစ္ခုႀကားမွာပဲ လူရင္းေတြျဖစ္သြားပါတယ္ ၈-၈-၈၈ထဲက ခင္လာခဲ့တဲ့သူေတြပမာေပါ့ ဒါဟာဒီမိုကေရစီ အေရးပံုကာလမွာ တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္ရဲေဘာ္အားလံုးရဲ့ ေသြးကစကားေတြ လို ့ေျပာလို ့ရပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမဲ့ ျဖတ္သန္းခဲ့တဲ့ပံုစံျခင္းျခားနားတဲ့အေပၚမွာက်မကို အဲဒီ့ရဲေဘာ္က ေစတနာေစာဒက ေတြနဲ ့နင္နိင္ငံျခား
ကိုသြား ///သြားသင့္တယ္ လို ့စတင္တိုက္တြန္းေတာ့တာပါပဲ ။ သူကိုယ္တိုင္က ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ ဦးေဆာင္ခဲ့တဲ့
ေက်ာင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြထဲကတစ္ဦးအပါအ၀င္ျဖစ္သလို ေတာထဲေတာင္ထဲမွာလည္းေသနတ္ဆြဲျပီးငတ္
ခဲ့သူေပပဲဆိုေတာ့ သူ ့ေစတနာစကား က်မလက္ခံနားႀကားနိုင္ပါေသးတယ္။ဒီေနရာမွာ အာပလာလို ့က်မေျပာ
ေလ့ရွိတဲ့ နိုင္ငံေရးအတုအေယာင္ ၊ခိုလံုခြင့္အတြက္နိုင္ငံေရးဟန္ျပ၊ဘ၀ရပ္တည္ေရးအတြက္ နိုင္ငံေရးလို ့ေႀကြး ေက်ာ္သူကမ်ား လာေျပာရင္ ျဖင့္ က်မ ပါးစပ္ေပါက္ နဲ ့ ေတြ ့ဦးမွာ --ေတြ ့ကို ေတြ ့ဦးမွာ --ေပါ့
အေႀကအလည္ ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ရပံုမ်ားကျဖင့္ သူေျပာတာ'' ငါတို ့ေတြ နိုင္ငံျခားမထြက္ခင္က ငါတို ့ကိုယ္င့တို ့သိတ္
ဟုတ္လွခ်ည္ ထင္ခဲ့တာဟ ဟိုလည္းေရာက္ေရာ ငါ တို ့သိထားတက္ထားတာေတြ ဘာမွမဟုတ္မွန္း သိေတာ့
တယ္။ နင္တို ့လည္း ကိုယ္ထင္ထားတဲ့ ကိုယ္ျမင္တဲ့ ျခံဳပုတ္ေလးေလာက္ ကိုႀကီးတယ္ထင္မေနနဲ ့ သြား နိုင္ငံ
ျခား တိုင္ျပည္တခုခု သူတို ့ဘာသာစကားေတြ မသင္ရတဲ့ အေမရိကန္ ကေနဒါ လို မ်ိဳး နိုင္ငံေတြ သြားစမ္းပါ
နင့္သမီးေတြ ခုခ်ိန္ ထက္ထက္ျမတ္ျမတ္နဲ ့ပညာ သင္ေနရမဲ့အရြယ္ ''--- တဲ့
"က်မ ျပန္ေျပာျဖစ္ပါတယ္ နိုင္ငံျခား ဆိုတာက်မလည္းမက္ပါတယ္ တိုးတက္မယ္ ေခတ္မွီမယ္ က်မမွာ မရွိတဲ့
ပညာရပ္ေတြလည္းရမယ္ က်မသမီးေလးေတြလည္း ဖြံ ့ ျဖိဳးတိုးတက္မွဳပိုမယ္ ဆိုတာကိုေပါ . ဒါေပမဲ့ က်မငယ္
စဥ္ကတည္း က ဒီ ဒီမိုကေရစီဆိုတဲ့ လမ္း ကိုေလ်ာက္ခဲ့တယ္ နိုင္ငံေရးဆိုတာသိျခင္း နားလည္ျခင္းမရွိပဲကိုယ့္
ေရွ့လူေတြ အတံုးအရံုးေသတာေတြ ေတြ ့ ျပီး မခံခ်င္စိတ္ျဖစ္ခဲ့ရာက ခု ထိက်မမွာမျပီးေသးတဲ့တာ၀န ္ေတြအ
လားခံစားေနရတုန္းပဲ -က်မ လိုပဲ ရဲေဘာ္အသီးသီးကဖြံ ့ျဖိဳးတိုးတက္ဖို ့နိုင္ငံျခားသြားသူေတြ ႀကည့္ပဲ ဆိုရင္?''
အဲဒီ့မွာ သူက ထပ္ေျပာပါတယ္ ''ညီမတို ့မွာ CAPACITY & EDUCATION အမ်ားႀကီးလိုေသးတယ္ အကို
တို ့တိုင္းျပည္အတြက္ ဒါေတြ အေရးႀကီးတာ သူမ်ားနိုင္ငံေတြ ႀကည့္အကိုတို ့ေတြ သိတ္ကိုေနာက္က်ေနတာ''
ဆိုျပီး က်မ ကို တိုးတက္ေစ့ခ်င္တဲ့ေစတနာ ထပ္ေျပာျပန္ပါတယ္
က်မ ကေနာက္ထပ္ ထပ္ျပီးအေႀကာင္းျပခ်က္ေပးပါတယ္ "က်မတို ့ရဲ့ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ဟာဒီမိုကေရစီရဖို ့ရည္ရြယ္ခဲ့တာပါ ပညာရွင္ႀကီးျဖစ္ရမယ္ ငါတို ့ဘ၀ေတြ တိုးတက္ျမင့္မားရမယ္ ဆိုတဲ့ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္နဲ ့
ဒီလမ္းကိုေလ်ာက္ခဲ့တာမဟုတ္ပါဘူး" က်မသမီးေတြ ပညာေရး သူတို ့ဖာသာႀကိဳးစားရပါလိမ့္မယ္ အႀကီး
ကိုလည္းက်မအသိေတြေပးထားတယ္ အငယ္ ကို လည္း ဒီနိုင္ငံမွာပဲျပဳစုပ်ိဳးေထာင္ပါမယ္ အလင္းမ၀င္ လက္
နက္မခ်ရတဲ့နည္း နဲ ့ ျပန္၀င္ရမယ္ ဆို ျမန္မာျပည္ပဲျပန္မွာပါ ။ ၂၀၁၀ ကို မဆိုလိုပါဘူး က်မတို ့ျပန္ရမဲ့ေန ့ရွိ
လာဦးမွာပါလို ့ က်မ ယံုႀကည္ပါတယ္ ဘာ့ေႀကာင့္လဲ ဆိုရင္ ျမန္မာျပည္ က ကိုယ္ျပည္ ကိုး ဒါ့အျပင္တဆက္
တည္ း စကားကြ်ံျခင္းမျဖစ္ရေအာင္ ေနလို ့ရသေရြ ့ အႀကပ္အတည္းမႀကီးမားသေရြ့ က်မ ေနေနဦးမွာပါ လို ့
ေျပာျဖစ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္ ။အဲဒီ့လို့ေျပာတဲ့ အခါ သူလက္ေလ်ာ့ သြားတယ္ထင္ပါတယ္ က်မ ကအယူအဆ နဲ့ေျပာေန
တာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူ း ယံုႀကည္ခ်က္နဲ ့ေျပာေနတာပါ ။
ဒါကေတာ့က်မယံုႀကည္ခ်က္ထဲက ျပည္ပနိုင္ငံတစ္ခု ကိုထြက္သြားျပီး က်မကိုယ္ကိုယ္ျဖည့္ဖို ့ထက္ေတာ္လွန္
ေရးအျပီးသတ္ဖို ့သာ ပို လို အပ္တယ္ဆိုတဲ့ တစ္ခ်က္ေပါ့ ။ေနမရလို ့ရပ္တည္ဖို ့မေျပလည္လို ့နိုင္ငံျခားထြက္
ရသူေတြ ကို စာနာနားလည္ေပးနိုင္ေပမဲ့ ငါတို ့ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေ၀းေသးပါတယ္ကြာ မျပီးနိုင္ေသးပါဘူး ဒီေတာ့
တို ့ပညာေရးနဲ့ ဘ၀ျမင့္ေရးအဓိက လို ့ ေျပာလာမဲ့ / တဲ့ သူေတြ အတြက္ေတာ့ အားေတာ့နာပါတယ္ --
တိုင္းျပည္ကိုျပန္မလာတာအေကာင္းဆံုးပါပဲ ။ အဲဒီ့ရဲေဘာ္တစ္ဦး နဲ့ေဆြးေႏြးခန္း ကေတာ့ ဒီမွာပဲျပီးပါတယ္ ။။
သူလည္းက်မ ရဲ့ပြင့္လင္းမွဳကိုေလးစားသလို သူ ့ရဲ့ ရပ္တည္ခ်က္နဲ့ ယေန ့တာ၀န္ယူမွဳတခ်ိဳ ့ကိုလည္းသိထား
တဲ့အတြက္ ေလးစားျပီးသားပါ။
က်မဆက္ျပီးတင္ျပခ်င္တာက ဒီကိစၥ နဲ့ ဆက္ -ဆက္ ေနတဲ ့ ပညာရွင္မ်ားရဲ့ အေတြးအေခၚပိုင္း ဆိုင္ရာပါ ။။
က်မတို ့တိုင္းျပည္ဟာ ပညာမတက္သူေတြ အုပ္စိုး လို ့ ခြ်တ္ျခံဳက်တယ္ပညာတက္ေတြ နဲ့ပဲ ေခတ္မွီ တဲ့နိုင္ငံ
ေတာ္သစ္တည္ေဆာက္ရ မယ္ ဆိုတာ ျငင္းမရတဲ့ ၀ိေသသ ပါ အဲ --ျငင္းလို ့ရတဲ့ အရာကေတာ့ ေတာ္လွန္
ေရးတစ္ခုေအာင္ျမင္ဖို ့ဒီဘ၀မွာပညာရွင္ ျဖစ္ကာမွရမယ္ဆိုတဲ့ အယူအဆကေတာ့က်မျပတ္ျပတ္ သားသား
ျငင္းျပလိုက္ခ်င္တာပါပဲ ။ ပညာတက္ဆိုရာမွာ ခု ေတာ္လွန္ေရးအင္အားစုမ်ား ေျပာေနတဲ့ PHD ဘြဲ ့မ်ား ကို
ဆိုလိုတာပါ ျမန္မာျပည္က ရိုက္သတ္လို ့မကုန္တဲ့ သာမာန္ အတန္းရ ဘြဲ ့ရ ေတြ ကိုမဆိုလိုပါဘူး။ ပညာဆို
တာ လူခိုးလို ့မရတာေႀကာင့္ ကိုယ့္ဆီမွာခိုင္မာတယ္ ပညာေရႊအိုးလူမခိုးလို ့ေရွးကစာဆိုရွင္မ်ား မိန့္ခဲ့တာပါ။
က်မလည္းပညာတက္ ဘြဲ ့ရ ပညာရွင္ႀကီးျဖစ္ခ်င္တာေပါ့ ဘယ္သူမျဖစ္ခ်င္ပဲရွိပါ့မလဲ ဒါေပမဲ့ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး
တခုမွာေတာ့ ကိုယ့္ကိုယ္ကိုယ္တည္ေဆာက္မယ္ဆိုတဲ့ အတၱသတ္သတ္ႀကည့္နဲ့ေတာ့ ပညာရွင္ ေတြဖက္ခုန္
မကူးသြားႀကပါနဲ ့။ ေတြးေခၚေမ်ာ္ျမင္မွဳ နဲ့ နိုင္ငံတကာစံနွဳန္းေတြ ဟာေလ့လာက်တ္မွတ္ရင္ရနိုင္ပါတယ္ ။
ဒါကို အစြန္းေရာက္ျပီး ေတာ္လွန္ေရး ကိုေက်ာခိုင္းသြားမယ္ ဆို ဘယ္လို ပညာရွင္ႀကီးေတြ ျဖစ္သြားပါေစ
ေတာ္လွန္ေရး ရဲ့ ဒဏ္ခတ္တာေတာ့ခံရပါလိမ္ ့မယ္ ။
က်မႀကားေနသိေနရပါတယ္ အေရးေတာ္ပံုႀကီး မွာဘယ္တုန္းကမွာဘယ္ေနရာမွာမွ မေတြ ့ဘူး မႀကားဖူးတဲ့
သူေတြ က တစ္ခါတစ္ရံ အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမိုကေရစီအဖြဲ ့ခ်ဳပ္ကိုမ်ားေ၀ဖန္လိုက္ရင္ျဖင့္ စာထဲကသင္ရိုး ညြန္းတန္းေတြအတိုင္းပါပဲ ဘာတဲ့ နိုင္ငံေရးသိပၸံ ဆိုသည္ကမ်ား က်မ ကတစ္ခါတစ္ရံ ဟား တိုက္
မိပါတယ္ စစ္ေရးကြ်မ္းက်င္သူ နိုင္ငံေရး ကြ်မ္းက်င္သူ ဘယ့္နွယ့္ သူ ့တို ့ေနာက္က ဘြဲ ့တက္လည္း
တက္နိုင္ရိုးရဲ့ သူတို ့သာတကယ္က်ြမ္းရင္ ျမန္မာျပည္ဒီမိုကေရစီရတာႀကာပါပေကာ --
ေတာ္လွန္ေရးမွာ ေနာက္မွပဲပါပါ ေရွ့ကပဲပါပါ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးမွာ ပါ၀င္လာျပီဆိုကတည္းကတိုင္းျပည္အတြက္
ေပးဆပ္မဲ့ တိုင္းျပည္အက်ိဳးကို ေဆာင္ရြက္မဲ့ ပုဂိုလ္ႀကည့္ ပါပဲ သတိထားရမွာက အေတြ ့အႀကံဳနဲ့ ေက်ာ္ျဖတ္
မွဳအားေကာင္းသူသာလွ်င္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးရဲ့ အားနည္းခ်က္ အားသာခ်က္ကို ပံုေဖာ္ သံုးသပ္ နိုင္တာပါ ။ပညာ
ရွင္ေတြ ကေတာ့ စာအုပ္ထဲကအတိုင္း အျခားနိုင္ငံေတြ ရဲ့ျဖစ္စဥ္ေတြ အတိုင္းသံုးသပ္မယ္ဆိုရင္ အဲဒီ့သူေတြ
မွာရွိတဲ့ပညာရပ္ေတြ ကို ပိုက္ထားျပီး အေတြ ့အႀကံုေတြ ကို ေက်ာ္ျဖတ္ ဖို ့လို ့အပ္ပါတယ္ ။ ဒါ့ေႀကာင့္ တိုင္း
ျပည္ျပန္လည္တည္ေဆာက္ေရးမွာ နည္းနာေကာင္းတဲ့ နိုင္ငံႀကီးေတြ ၇ဲ့ စံနမူနာကိုယူျပီး ပညာရွင္ေတြ နဲ့ေပါင္း
ျပီး တိုငး္ျပည္တည္ေဆာက္ရမွာ ျဖစ္ေပမဲ့ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကာလ မွာေတာ့ သတၱိရွိရွိ ျပတ္ျပတ္သားသား တိုက္
ရဲတဲ့ ေစတနာမွန္တဲ့ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးသမား ေတြ မ်ားမ်ားရွိေနဖို ့ သာအဓိက က်တယ္ ဆိုတဲ ့ က်မအယူအဆ
ကို တင္ျပလိုက္ပါတယ္ ။
Posted by ေမအိခင္ (လယ္ေ၀း) at 10:37 AM
Saturday, September 12, 2009
Friday, September 11, 2009
In search of a Burmese rebel leader
Friday, 11 September 2009 01:03 UK
In search of a Burmese rebel leader
By Ko Ko Aung
BBC Burmese Service
Fighter from the PAO ethnic group in Burma
The Pao say they must fight to keep their own cultural identity
After flying half-way across the world I finally arrived at a rebel camp on the Thai-Burmese border on my quest to track down the elusive leader of the Pao National Liberation Army, Khun Thurein.
It took months of planning to meet the man, who with his force of just 100 men, is taking on the might of the Burmese military.
The men who follow him are all from a small ethnic minority group called the Pao. They have their own language, music, customs and traditional dress.
But they say the Burmese government is trying to destroy their culture. That's why two years ago Khun Thurein and his men dusted off their arms and began fighting once again.
In one recent ambush, Khun Thurein's men say they killed 12 Burmese soldiers.
The Pao are one of more than 100 different ethnic minorities in Burma. Most of them negotiated a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese government more than two decades ago.
Despite the Pao's own ceasefire agreement with the Burmese government in 1994, the Pao feel their culture is gradually disappearing.
As I waited to meet the elusive Khun Thurein, I decided to visit some rebel outposts inside Burma.
At one of the Pao rebel camps high in the mountains, I came across Khun Tun Kyaw.
He said he witnessed his dad being brutally murdered by Burmese soldiers and pro-government militias in 1993.
He vividly described how his father was "hanged from a tree, his stomach was cut open, his genitals were severed and stuffed into his mouth, and two bullets were pushed into each of his ears".
It's not the first time I've heard of such atrocities, but on this occasion I was lost for words.
Refugees
Many Pao felt they had no choice but to flee across the border to Thailand.
Many of them have ended up at the Ban Nai Soi refugee camp which was a couple hours drive away.
Some people have been living there for 15 years or longer, but several told me that they still missed Burma.
They might eventually find their way to another country, but it seems they will not find their way back to Burma where they really belong - simply because it is not safe, even in areas where the ceasefire still holds.
During my visit to the camp I met Ma San Thu, who explained why she joined Khun Thurein's army as a medic.
She told me about a nine-year-old girl who she treated who had been raped by a Burmese government soldier.
She said: "We complained but our leaders stopped us from speaking out. So the resentment just grew. This kind of thing happens very often, so we started to think why can't we defend our people."
The rebel leader
By this time I had received my long-awaited summons to meet the man himself - Khun Thurein.
His jungle headquarters was just on the other side of the border inside Burma.
The Burmese government is a fraction of the strength of the British Empire. So I believe that we can beat them
Khun Thurein
I was the first journalist to be invited into Khun Thurein's camp, and he was anxious to take me on a tour.
As we headed out he explained that the Burmese government has been trying to establish a "Burmese mono-culture" in the country.
"Our leaders wanted peace and democracy. They wanted to sort out the political problems by political means. We never had a chance to sort the problems politically, so I thought the Burmese government would eliminate us."
Khun Thurein told me that he was well aware of the risk he was taking.
"We were under British colonial rule for 100 years. We fought them to reclaim our independence. The Burmese government [is a] fraction of the strength of the British Empire. So I believe that we can beat them."
Khun Thurein's wife admitted that she was very worried, and didn't know what would happen.
After all, it would take just one successful strike to wipe out Khun Thurein's entire force of just 100 men.
But, he said, "I would rather die fighting than bowing down to the pressure of the Burmese military regime to lay down arms without a political solution." http://news. bbc.co.uk/ 2/hi/asia- pacific/8247084. stm
Deadline for Chinese to leave ceasefire areas over
Deadline for Chinese to leave ceasefire areas over
News - Shan Herald Agency for News
Friday, 11 September 2009 10:35
The deadline set by Chinese authorities for all Chinese citizens to leave ceasefire areas in Burma ended yesterday.
In the aftermath of the armed conflict between the Burmese Army and the Kokan Army in northern Shan State at the end of August, Chinese authorities fixed a deadline for September 8 for all Chinese to leave the UWSA and NDAA controlled areas.
In terms of topography, the armed conflict area was in territories controlled by these two ceasefire groups.
A source close to Chinese authorities said that "China had set a deadline for September 8 for all Chinese citizens to leave Wa and Mongla areas. The deadline is over but we have to wait and see what happens in this area."
On September 5, UWSA released a statement relating to the people who live in their controlled areas. The statement declared that they would continue to allow people on duty from international organizations to stay. But Chinese people, who had set up business ventures in their areas, would have to go back to China.
"Chinese businessmen and state employees have left Pang Sang, controlled by UWSA, Mongla, and NDAA," a source close to ceasefire groups said.
"Chinese businessmen left Mongla and Pang Sang. They took their belongings in cars. Casinos have been closed in Mongla."
Some Chinese people have gone to the Sino-Burma town of Ruili, an eyewitness said.
"The Chinese from Wa and Mongla arrived in Ruili. Some of them have bought and rented shops for starting business afresh. They said they had moved to carry on their business because the situation had worsened on the Burma border."
According to analysts, the main reason behind the Chinese people leaving the area was that the Burmese Army could launch military offensives against the remaining ceasefire groups.
In a contradiction junta’s puppet media said that people, who fled the area following clashes in the Kokang area, have been coming back home and the situation in the area had normalized but Chinese businessmen have left UWSA and NDAA controlled areas. http://www.bnionlin e.net/news/ shan/7016- deadline- for-chinese- to-leave- ceasefire- areas-over. html
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Thursday, September 10, 2009
Report: Pipeline pumps billions in Myanmar junta's pockets
Report: Pipeline pumps billions in Myanmar junta's pockets - Summary
Posted : Thu, 10 Sep 2009 11:59:32 GMT
Author : DPA
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Bangkok - Myanmar's ruling junta is hiding billions of dollars in revenue from natural gas sales in two Singapore banks, a Washington-based human rights group claimed Thursday. EarthRights International (ERI) said international pressure would not work against the military government as long as it has vast sums of easily funds and the world community needs to put pressure on the banks in question.
ERI claims in a report released in Bangkok, "confidential and reliable" sources said Singapore's Overseas Chinese Development Banking Corporation (OCBC) and DBS Group are "offshore repositories of Yadana gas pipeline revenues."
Since commercial production started on the Yadana gas pipeline in 2000, Myanmar's government has earned about 4.83 billion dollars from the sale of natural gas to Thailand, ERI said.
Through using an old exchange rate of 6 kyat to the dollar, instead of the current value for Myanmar's currency of nearly 1,000 kyat to the dollar, only 28 million dollars of that revenue made it into Myanmar's national budget. The remaining roughly 4.8 billion dollars has been deposited in accounts in the two Singapore banks, the 110-page report said.
The two banks in question have so far declined to comment. A DBS spokesman told the German Press Agency
Copyright, respective author or news agency http://www.earthtim es.org/articles/ show/285098, report-pipeline- pumps-billions- in-myanmar- juntas-pockets- -summary. html
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Myanmar junta siphons gas revenue offshore-report
Thu Sep 10, 2009 7:01am EDT
BANGKOK, Sept 10 (Reuters) - Myanmar's military has transferred billions of dollars from a gas project into two banks operating in Singapore, contributing to "high-level corruption", a U.S.-based environmental group said on Thursday.
A report by non-profit Earth Rights International (ERI) said the junta had transferred $4.83 billion since 2000 from a gas pipeline, money that was kept off the national budget and stored in the banks operating in the city-state.
"Rather than contribute to Burma's economic development, the billion dollar revenues from the project have instead contributed to high-level corruption," the report said. The money, it said, came from the controversial Yadana gas project involving energy companies Chevron Corp (CVX.N) of the United States, France's Total (TOTF.PA) and Thailand's PTTEP (PTTE.BK).
The two banks and the Singaporean government were informed of the group's findings last week, ERI said. All had yet to respond.
"As long as Myanmar's regime has easy access to these funds we feel it will have little incentive to change," Matthew Smith, one of the report's authors, told a news conference.
"We urge the international community to use this as leverage to help the people of (Myanmar). We fully expect the Singapore government and the banks to do the right thing."
Despite a broad range of sanctions placed on Myanmar by the United States and the European Union because of political repression, its vast reserves of natural gas have been a financial lifeline for the regime. (For a factbox on sanctions on Myanmar click on [ID:nLD673386] )
ERI estimated the military government had received 75 percent of the revenue generated by the Yadana pipeline, which runs from the Andaman Sea to western Thailand.
ERI said the junta managed to keep the $4.83 billion off its national budget accounts by using a 30-year-old exchange rate from dollars to the local kyat currency, which produced a sum in kyat far smaller than the real amount generated.
"Singapore has very tight laws regarding corruption and misappropriation of public funds," Smith said. "These accounts should be red-flagged until the banks have the opportunity to cooperate with the authorities."
China's largest oil and gas producer, the China National Petroleum Corporation, is due to start construction of nearly 4,000 km (2,485 miles) of dual pipelines from Myanmar's western Arakan State to China's Yunnan province next month. [ID:nBKK40759] .
The deal is expected to provide the government, which has ruled the country since a 1962 coup, with at least $29 billion over 30 years. (Reporting by Bangkok Newsroom; Editing by Alan Raybould and Nick Macfie)
© Thomson Reuters 2009 All rights reserved http://www.reuters. com/article/ fundsFundsNews/ idUSBKK356607200 90910?rpc= 401 &
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China tip-off 'sparked' fighting
Myanmar said information about the arms cache came during a meeting on transnational crime [Reuters]
A senior Myanmar official has said that last month's clashes in the northeast of the country were sparked after a Beijing tipped them off about the location of an illegal arms factory.
Up to 30,000 people fled across the border from Kokang into northern China during the fighting which followed the raid on the arms factory in the mainly ethnic Chinese region.
An estimated 37,000 refugees streamed across the border from Myanmar into China's Yunnan province, but many of them have reportedly returned home in recent days.
Myanmar officials showed a number of diplomats and journalists around the site of the purported factory, which was raided by troops on August 8.
During the visit, Brigadier Phone Swe, Myanmar's deputy home affairs minister, said that Chinese officials informed them about the factory during a ministerial meeting on combating transnational crime.
Phone Swe's comments appeared to be an attempt to show that relations with close China remained on a steady keel, after a rare public request from Beijing that Myanmar calm the situation which had led to the influx of refugees.
Economic ties
China has maintained close economic and diplomatic ties with Myanmar's military government, largely estranged from the West, ensuring China's access to its mineral wealth.
Michael Vatikiotis, the regional director for the centre of humanitarian dialogue, said that the area had become a strategic concerns for China.
"They [China] have made it very clear to the Myanmar authorities that the want to see stability"
Michael Vatikiotis, regional analyst
"One of the reasons for their concern is that they have just signed and prepared for the construction of oil pipelines that run from the coast of Myanmar up to the border and across to Yunnan," he told Al Jazeera from Singapore.
"They have made it very clear to the Myanmar authorities that the want to see stability."
However, Vatikiotis said that Beijing was unlikely to throw its weight behind the ethnic Chinese over the border in Myanmar.
"I think that is not very much in character with China which is a great respecter of sovereignty, I think what they have been supporting until now is the status quo."
Earlier, the Myanmar government had said that the fighting had begun after ethnic Chinese raided a police checkpoint and took 39 police officers hostage.
Full-scale fighting broke out after 15 of the hostages were killed, and according to state media in Myanmar the clash left 11 soldiers and eight ethnic Chinese rebels dead.
Myanmar officials have claimed that calm has been restored in Kokang but many refugees remain unconvinced.
Election agreement
Meanwhile, the new leader of an ethnic Chinese political group said he would participate in general elections next year, the first in nearly two decades.
The issue of whether to take part in elections has been a point of contention among ethnic groups, which are being asked to put down their weapons and join the government-controll ed border guards.
Fighting has forced some 30,000 refugees to flee across the border into China [AFP]
Phe Sauk Chen, the head of the new Kokang Region Provisional Leading Committee, which was formed after other local leaders fled, told reporters during Tuesday's trip that his group also agreed to join the government's border security guards.
So far the larger ethnic groups, including the Kachin and the Wa, which has a militia estimated at more than 20,000 fighters, have refused to take part in elections.
But the issue caused division and led to the resignation of five senior leaders from the Kachin Independence Organisation earlier this month.
Aung Din, executive director of the US Campaign for Burma [the country's former name], said the leaders planned to take part in the polls.
Critics have called the scheduled elections a sham designed to cement the military's grip on power. The Kokang were the first among 17 armed ethnic groups to reach a peace agreement with the government in March 1989. http://english. aljazeera. net/news/ asia-pacific/ 2009/09/20099106 237748444. html
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Junta Gas Profits Stashed in Singapore Banks: ERI
By SIMON ROUGHNEEN Thursday, September 10, 2009
At a Bangkok press conference on Thursday, Earthrights International (ERI) launched two reports alleging that oil giants Total and Chevron are linked to “forced labor, killings, high-level corruption and authoritarianism” in Burma.
The reports, titled “Total Impact” and “Getting it Wrong,” examine how revenue from the Yadana gas project sustains military rule in Burma and undermines Western sanctions.
The NGO also said that two Singapore-based banks—Overseas Chinese Banking Corporation (OCBC) and DBS Group—function as “offshore repositories” for junta revenues accruing from the Yadana gas project.
Security guards gesture to photographers to stop taking photos of the DBS Group bank in Singapore in April. The bank is accused of laundering the Burmese junta’s siphoned gas profits. (Photo: Reuters)
The report said that Burma’s ruling State Peace and Development Council has earned almost US $5 billion from the gas pipeline project.
By using an outdated exchange rate, the junta declares a fraction of the revenues to the State budget, enabling it to siphon the rest off. The junta calculates revenue at just 6 kyat to the dollar when the de facto rate is closer to 1,000.
According to a confidential International Monetary Fund (IMF) report obtained by ERI, revenue "contributed less than 1 percent of total budget revenue in 2007/08, but would have contributed about 57 percent if valued at the market exchange rate."
The report says these rates allow the regime to list a mere $29 million of the Yadana earnings, leaving around $4.8 billion unaccounted for, which ERI believes to be lodged in the Singapore banks.
ERI’s Matthew Smith said that the information about offshore accounts in Singapore comes “from confidential and reliable sources,” but could not go into more detail.
“We expect the Singapore government and banks to do the right thing based on Singaporean law relating to money laundering, which prohibits any such transactions and requires banks to report these,” he added.
According to Smith, the two banks were informed in writing during the past week about the content of the reports, but ERI has yet to receive a response.
ERI is an environmental NGO based in the US, but was founded by Ka Hsaw Wa, an ethnic Karen and former Burmese student activist in exile since his involvement in the 1988 demonstrations against military rule.
ERI says that Total, Chevron and the Petroleum Authority of Thailand Export and Production (PTTEP)—the other non-Burmese company involved in Yadana—have earned a combined $1.3 billion since commercial production started in 2000.
The gas is piped into Thailand where it generates electricity for the Bangkok area, and in total makes up 60 percent of Burma's gas exports to Thailand. Total has been a major investor in the Yadana project since 1992, holding a 31.24 percent stake, with Chevron on 28 percent.
In a recent Newsweek interview, Total CEO Christophe de Margerie said that critics of the company's operations in Burma can “go to hell,” adding that the gas imports into Thailand have helped reduce air pollution in Bangkok.
In a June 26 letter to ERI published in the “Total Impact” report, Vice-President Jean-Francois Lasalle refused to answer a number of questions sent to Total by ERI. According to the letter, this was because ERI “presents allegations as facts,” and is “more interested in harassing our companies, in line with a divestment agenda, than in a real dialogue about how to improve people's lives.”
Total has cited its socioeconomic work in the pipeline area, and the “overall improvement in living conditions for the 50,000 people” who live in the pipeline area. Total refers ERI to a report by US-based CDA Collaborative Learning Projects, which gave the findings of a 20-day impact assessment of the oil company's operations related to the Yadana project.
However, the positive CDA report was dismissed as a whitewash by ERI, with report author Naing Htoo saying CDA’s methodology was deeply flawed, given that CDA lacked autonomy after being hired by Total to do the impact assessment.
ERI accuses Total and Chevron of complicity in human rights abuses throughout the history of the project. While the oil companies claim abuses have ceased, Naing Htoo says that this is “simply untrue.”
The authors quote locals living in the pipeline area, and the report’s authors say that “forced labor, killings and other abuses are being committed by Total and Chevron's security forces while the companies mislead and lie to the international community about their impacts.”
ERI said it believes that the impact of the CDA assessments is troubling, as these could be taken at face value by other oil companies and policymakers, in turn potentially having an impact on the issue of sanctions and engagement with the Burmese junta, based on false or flawed premises.
ERI said that the gas revenue windfall insulates the country's military rulers from the impact of international sanctions, which were tightened after the August 11 verdict returning Aung San Suu Kyi to house arrest.
Total and Chevron have operations in Burma that pre-date the introduction of US and EU sanctions, so are not bound by those. In any case, EU sanctions against Burma currently only cover arms exports, wood, minerals, gems and metals, thereby exempting Total.
Elf, a former French oil company now part of Total, was complicit in numerous corruption scandals involving shady deals with African petro-states, before three senior Elf executives were jailed and the company merged with Total.
“As long as the regime has access to such vast revenue it has little incentive to reform or change,” Smith said. “The elites are hiding billions of dollars of the people's revenue in Singapore, while the country needlessly suffers under the lowest social spending in Asia.”
As well as long-standing rumors about Burma’s resource revenue being stashed in Singapore, the ill-gotten gains of elites in North Korea and Zimbabwe are also thought to be held in the city-state.
US financial giant Merrill Lynch estimates a third of Singapore's 60,000-odd millionaires are Indonesian, whereby Jakarta's wealthy beneficiaries of corruption and cronyism have moved their holdings away from the anti-corruption efforts undertaken by President Yudhoyono.
Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy. org
http://www.irrawadd y.org/article. php?art_id= 16762
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Junta Media Highlights North Korean Anniversary
By WAI MOE Thursday, September 10, 2009
Burma’s state-controlled media reported on North Korea’s 61st anniversary celebration on the front page of The New Light of Myanmar on Thursday, reflecting the junta’s close relationship with Pyongyang.
The paper reported that Lt-Gen Tin Aye, the chief of Military Ordnance and head of the Union of Myanmar Economic Holding Ltd, attended the anniversary celebration of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea held in a hotel in Rangoon on Wednesday.
Rangoon Mayor Brig-Gen Aung Thein Lin also attended the North Korean party. Both Tin Aye and Aung Thein Lin have traveled to the Communist country for arms deals between two states.
North Korea and Burma officially reestablished diplomatic ties in April 2007. Burma cut relations with North Korea in 1983 following a bomb attack by North Korean agents on a visiting South Korean delegation led by then President Chun Doo Hwan. Chun Doo Hwan narrowly escaped death or injury, but four South Korean cabinet ministers and 13 other officials were killed by the blast.
Renewed North Korea-Burma ties have been highlighted in international media recently because of reports that said North Korea has provided arms and technology to the Burmese military.
The state-run newspaper ran the North Korean anniversary story on the front page. The Korean Central News Agency did not report on the Rangoon event.
Burma and North Korea both give priority to the role of the military in their country’s affairs.
Since 1994, the North Korean People’s Army was granted the “supreme repository of power.” Since 1962, the Burmese army has played the leading role in governing the Union of Burma.
http://www.irrawadd y.org/article. php?art_id= 16759
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