Bangkok Post - Sunday July 20, 2008
DEUTSCHE PRESSE-AGENTUR
New York-based Human Rights Watch yesterday blasted Thailand for forcing 52 Karen refugees to return to a conflict zone in Burma on Asarnha Bucha Day.
ニューヨークを基盤とする人権ウォッチは昨日カレンの52人の避難者をAsarnha Bucha日のビルマの対立の地帯に戻らせるためのタイを発破を掛けた。
On Thursday, paramilitary troops forced the Karen civilians, most of them women and children, to leave two refugee camps in Mae Hong Son province and cross back to Burma, where they had fled a military offensive early this year.
木曜日で、準軍事的な軍隊はカレンの一般市民、殆んど女性および子供に、軍の抗勢を今年初めに逃げてしまったビルマに戻ってMae Hong Sonの地域および十字に2つの難民キャンプを残させる。
''The Thai government cynically launched this illegal operation during the first day of a major Buddhist holiday,'' said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch.
' ' タイの政府は主要な仏教の休日、'の最初の日の間に皮肉にもこの違法操作を進水させた; ' ディレクター言われたBradアダムス、人権ウォッチのアジア。
''This, along with the Thai media's preoccupation with escalating border tensions with Cambodia over the Preah Vihear temple, provides effective cover for Thailand's serious breach of international law,'' said Mr Adams in a statement issued from New York.
' ' タイmedia'と共にこれ、; Preah Vihearの寺院上のカンボジアとの増大のボーダー張力の没頭はThailand'に、有効なカバーを提供する; 国際法、'のsの深刻な違反; ' 声明のアダムス言われた氏はニューヨークから出た。
Thai media attention has been focused this week on the Thai-Cambodian border, where both countries' troops have amassed over an escalating row over the ancient Hindu temple, perched on the border and subject to a territorial dispute.
タイ媒体の注意がタイカンボジア人のボーダーにこの週、両方のcountries'焦点を合わせた; 軍隊はボーダーでそして領土争いに応じてとまる古代ヒンズー教の寺院上の増大の列に積んだ。
Thailand, a magnet for hundreds of thousands of refugees and illegal workers from its less developed neighbours _ Cambodia, Laos and Burma _ has not signed the 1951 Refugee Convention, but Mr Adams argued that Bangkok is still bound by the principle of non-refoulement, a prohibition in customary international law, from returning refugees to any country where they are likely to be persecuted or their lives are at risk.
発展途上の隣人の_カンボジアからの数十万人の避難者そして違法労働者のためのタイ、磁石、ラオスおよびビルマの_は1951年の避難者の大会に署名しなかったが、アダムスバンコクがまだnon-refoulementの原則によって区切られることを氏は、戻る避難者からの本当らしい迫害されるためにまたは生命が危険な状態にあるあらゆる国に通常の国際法の禁止、論争した。
''The Thai government has ignored its obligations to protect refugees fleeing violence in Burma,'' Mr Adams said.
' ' タイの政府はビルマ、'の暴力を逃げている避難者を保護する義務を無視した; ' アダムス氏は言った。
''Sending these people back to conflict zones dominated by the Burmese army is disgraceful. Forcing civilians back into an active war zone may be an easy answer for Thailand, but it's brutal _ a completely inhumane and unacceptable solution,'' he said.
' ' ビルマの軍隊が支配する対立の地帯にこれらの人々を送り返すことは不面目である。 活動的な交戦地帯に再び一般市民をタイのための容易な答えであるそれは残酷な_完全に不人情で、受け入れられない解決、'である; ' 彼は言った。
Human Rights Watch called on the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the European Union, the United States and other countries to pressure the government to immediately cease the refoulement of refugees and continue to provide sanctuary to people fleeing fighting or persecution in Burma.
人権ウォッチは(UNHCR)、欧州連合、米国および他の国国連難民高等弁務官をすぐに避難者のrefoulementを終え、ビルマの人々の逃げる戦いか迫害に聖域を提供し続けるように政府に圧力をかけるために頼んだ。
Tuesday, July 22, 2008
Thailand condemned for kicking out refugees Karen civilians face violence in Burma,タイはビルマの避難者のカレンの一般市民の表面暴力をキックアウトするために非難した
Sunday, July 20, 2008
China: Rights Activist Is Charged
By JAKE HOOKER
Published: July 19, 2008
A human rights activist who was an advocate for parents whose children were killed in collapsed schools, Huang Qi, was formally arrested on charges of illegally possessing state secrets, his lawyer said. Mr. Huang previously spent five years in prison for posting articles on politically delicate subjects on his Web site, 64tianwang.com. After the May 12 earthquake hit, Mr. Huang met with mourning parents and, on his site, posted articles about structural problems with the schools that had collapsed. Police officers detained him in Chengdu on June 10.
More Articles in World »
Why has China bought Mugabe a mansion?
It may not be surprising that, as befits any mad dictator, President Mugabe is now the proud owner of a palatial £4.5 million mansion in Harare and a similarly lavish country hideaway, each fitted with the latest electronic security systems, including anti-aircraft missiles.
But why should all this have been provided for him by the People's Republic of China?
In return for allowing the Chinese to cart away more than half a billion pounds' worth of minerals a year, Mr Mugabe not only makes a vast personal fortune for himself and his henchmen, but is given all the arms he needs to keep his criminal regime in power, including guns, jet fighters and military vehicles. (For further details, see my colleague Richard North's EU Referendum website.)
Contrast this with our own Government's response to Mugabe's tyranny. Since Zimbabwe is included in the 28 areas of "common foreign policy" we have ceded to the EU, we can do nothing except in conjunction with our EU colleagues.
On Monday we saw the humiliating spectacle of Gordon Brown pleading with the EU's President, Nicolas Sarkozy, to add 36 more names to the list of Zimbabweans on whom the EU has imposed pathetically ineffectual "personal sanctions".
Otherwise, the EU's only contribution is to give Zimbabwe €25 million a year in aid, which Mr Mugabe welcomes as a way to give food to his supporters while the rest of his people starve.
Read more from Christopher Booker
A New Generation of Activists Arises in Burma,運動家の新しい世代はビルマで起こる
Network Strengthened By Junta's Crackdown, Post-Cyclone Bungling
ネットワークはしくじっているJunta Crackdownおよびポストサイクロンによって増強した
Washington Post Foreign Service
Sunday, July 20, 2008; A12
RANGOON -- They operate in the shadows, slipping by moonlight from safe house to safe house, changing their cellphones to hide their tracks and meeting under cover of monasteries or clinics to plot changes that have eluded their country for 46 years.
それらはアジトからトラックを隠すために携帯電話を変え、46年間国を逃れた変更を計画するために修道院か医院に隠れ会うアジトに月光によって入れる影で作動する。
If one gets arrested, another steps forward.
1つが阻止されて得れば、別の一歩前進。
"I feel like the last man standing. All the responsibility is on my shoulders. . . . There is no turning back. If I turn back, I betray all my comrades," said a Burmese activist who heads a leading dissident group, the 88 Generation Students, named for a failed uprising in 1988. He took command after the arrest last August of its five most prominent leaders.
" 私は最後の人の地位のように感じる。 すべての責任は私の肩にある。 …。 回転がない。 回れば、私はすべての私の僚友の"を裏切る; 一流の反主流派の先頭に立つビルマの運動家、1988年に壊れる反乱の名前を挙げられた88人の世代別学生を言った。 彼は阻止の後で命令に5人の最も顕著なリーダーのこの前の8月を取った。
In a nearly deserted Rangoon coffee shop one recent morning, he spoke in an urgent whisper, often glancing over his shoulder to look for informers.
ほぼ捨てられたラングーンの喫茶店1の最近の朝では、彼は通報者を捜すために頻繁に彼の肩に一見する緊急なささやきで、話した。
The security apparatus of Burma's military junta was thought to have largely shattered the opposition last August and September, in a crackdown that included soldiers firing on an alliance of monks and lay people who had taken to the streets by the thousands to protest a rise in fuel prices. More than 30 people died. At least 800 were detained and many more were forced into exile, according to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.
Burma'の安全機構; 軍の会議は主として反対を修道士の同盟で発射している含まれた兵士がおよび燃料価格の上昇を抗議するためにたくさん通りに取った人々を置く取締りのこの前の8月そして9月、粉砕すると考えられた。 30人以上死んだ。 少なくとも800は引き留められ、多くは政治犯のためのタイ基づかせていた援助連合に従って流浪に強制、だった。
But a new generation of democracy activists fights on, its ranks strengthened both by revulsion over last year's bloodletting and the government's inept response after a cyclone that killed an estimated 130,000 people two months ago. Largely clandestine, these activists make up a diffuse network of students, militant Buddhist monks, social service workers and leaders of the 1988 uprising.
Burma'の安全機構; 軍の会議は主として反対を修道士の同盟で発射している含まれた兵士がおよび燃料価格の上昇を抗議するためにたくさん通りに取った人々を置く取締りのこの前の8月そして9月、粉砕すると考えられた。 30人以上死んだ。 少なくとも800は引き留められ、多くは政治犯のためのタイ基づかせていた援助連合に従って流浪に強制、だった。
Some activists express impatience with what they call the largely passive policies of the National League for Democracy, the country's main opposition party and one of the few anti-government groups that operates legally. In 1990, the league won a national election by a landslide, but the military prevented it from taking office. Its emblem, a fighting peacock, endures as a symbol of resistance to the military for millions of Burmese.
何人かの運動家は民主主義のための国民リーグの主として受動の方針と呼ぶことをの苛立ちを、country'表現する; 少数の反政府グループの主要な野党そして法的に作動する1つ。 1990年に、リーグは地すべりによって国政選挙に勝ったが、軍隊は防いだオフィスを取ることを。 その紋章、戦いの孔雀は何百万のビルマ語のための軍隊への抵抗の記号として、耐える。
From its closely watched headquarters in downtown Rangoon, a clutter of dusty wooden desks and chairs, the league is led by three octogenarians whom many people here call the "uncles." The men oversee the party while its leader, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, languishes under house arrest.
都心のラングーンの密接に見られた本部、挨りだらけの木の机および椅子の散乱から、リーグはここの多くの人々が"と電話する3人の80歳代の人によって導かれる; uncles." 人はリーダー、ノーベル平和賞受賞者Aung San Suu Kyiが自宅軟禁の下で、憂鬱な生活を送る間、党を監督する。
"Their biggest goal in life is to return the party to the lady," the honorific that sympathizers here use for Suu Kyi, said the leader of the 88 Generation. "They won't do anything. They are just guardians. . . . Because of them, their party is divided."
" 生命の最も大きい目的は女性の"へ党を戻すことである; ここの共鳴者がSuu Kyiのために使用する敬語は、88生成のリーダーを言った。 " それらは何もしない。 彼らはちょうど保護者である。 …それらのために、党はdivided."そうなったものである;
One woman who is active in the new opposition said she thinks that "the NLD has lost the trust of the people. They have been issuing many announcements, that the government must do this. But the government has not, and anyone who gets involved with the NLD gets in trouble."
新しい反対で活発である1人の女性は彼女がその"を考えることを言った; NLDは人々の信頼を失った。 彼らはずっと多くの発表を、政府がこれをしなければならないそれ出している。 しかし政府は持っていないし、NLDに関与するだれでもtrouble."で得る;
Because of what it sees as an absence of clear direction from the NLD's leaders, the 88 Generation has acted on its own, issuing statements with the All Burma Monks Alliance and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions. The most recent statements criticized the junta for holding a referendum on a new constitution while the bodies of cyclone victims still floated in the waterways of the Irrawaddy Delta.
NLD'からの明確な方向の不在として見るものをのために; リーダーは、88生成自分自身で行動し、学生自治会のすべてのビルマの修道士の同盟そしてビルマすべての連合の声明を出す。 最新の声明はサイクロンの犠牲者のボディがまだIrrawaddyのデルタの水路で浮かぶ間、新しい憲法の国民投票を行うための会議を批判した。
Since its founding in late 2006 by newly freed political prisoners, including legendary student leader Min Ko Naing, the group has launched a series of creative civil disobedience campaigns. Last year, people were invited to dress in white as a symbol of openness; to head to monasteries, Hindu temples or mosques for prayer meetings; and to sign letters and petitions calling for the release of Suu Kyi and other political prisoners. That effort resonated with so many that the group had to extend its closing date.
最近放された政治犯によって遅い2006年に創設が、伝説学生のリーダーMinKo Naingを含む、グループ一連の創造的な市民的不服従のキャンペーンを進水させたので。 去年、人々は開放性の記号として白で服を着るように誘われた; 祈祷会に修道院、ヒンズー教の寺院またはモスクに向かうため; そしてSuu Kyiおよび他の政治犯の解放を求める手紙および嘆願書に署名するため。 その努力はそう多数とグループが決算日を拡張しなければならなかったこと共鳴した。
The group was at the forefront of the protests in August and reached out to monks, the 88 leader said.
グループは8月の抗議の最前線にあり、修道士に手を差し伸べられて、88リーダーは言った。
"The struggle is still on," said a young lawyer who was sentenced to seven years in jail for starting a student union at a university. Since his release, four years early, he said, he has resumed regular contact with several groups of politically active current and former students. "Students will fight if they think it's just," he said, continuing a tradition among young people here that dates to the era of British colonial rule.
" 苦闘は、"まだある; 大学の学生自治会を始めるための刑務所の7年に刑を宣告された若い弁護士を言った。 彼の解放、4年早い、彼は言った、彼は行政上活動的な流れの何人かのグループおよび元在学生が付いている規則的な接触を再開したので。 " 学生はそれは、"ちょうどあることを考えれば戦う; 彼はイギリスの植民地支配の時代に言い、そのここの若者達間の伝統を日付を記入する続ける。
One group of young people, whose members gathered as a book club, decided to organize votes against the proposed constitution, dismissing it as a sham that reinforces the military's control of the country. So they created hundreds of stickers and T-shirts bearing the word "no" and scattered them on buses, in university lecture halls and in the country's ubiquitous tea shops.
メンバーがブッククラブとして集まった若者達の1つグループはmilitary'を補強するにせ物としてそれを退去させる提案された憲法に対して投票を組織することにした; 国の制御。 従ってそれらは単語の"に耐える何百ものステッカーおよびTシャツを作成した; no" そしてバスの、大学講堂のそしてcountry'のそれら分散させる; sのいたるところにある茶は買物をする。
Another student said he and some of his peers acted as unofficial election monitors during the referendum, taking photos and interviewing voters who were given already marked ballots or coerced to vote yes.
もう一人の学生は彼の同等者の彼そして何人か写真を撮るおよび既にマーク付きの投票用紙を与えられるか、またははい投票するために強制された投票者にインタビューする国民投票の間に非公式な選挙のモニターとして行動したことを言った。
The 88 leader said such efforts have given him a stock of evidence to show that the vote was neither free nor fair.
88リーダーは投票が自由、また、公平ではなかったことを示すためにそのような努力が彼に証拠の在庫を与えたことを言った。
Despite the obstacles, the group has not ruled out trying to become a legal party to run for elections in 2010, he said. "People think that if you accept to run, that means you accept the constitution. No! I want to have a legal party to fight from within," he said.
障害にもかかわらず、グループは2010年に選挙のために走るべき法的党になることを試みることを除外しなかったと彼は言った。 " 人々は走るために受け入れればその平均は憲法を受け入れると考える。 いいえ! 私は"中から戦うべき法的党を有したいと思う; 彼は言った。
Outside experts have compared the network to Poland's Solidarity movement in the early 1980s, a broad-based coalition of workers, intellectuals and students that emerged as a key political player during the country's transition to democracy.
外の専門家はPoland'とネットワークを比較した; country'の間に主政治的に発言力のある人として現れたsの団結の動き労働者の1980年代初期に、広範囲基盤の連合、知識人および学生; 民主主義への転移。
Just as Solidarity organized picnics to keep people in touch, some new groups here meet as book clubs or medical volunteers but could easily turn at key moments to political activity, said Bertil Lintner, a journalist and author of several books on Burma.
ちょうど人々を連絡する保つために団結がピクニックを組織したのでここのある新しいグループはブッククラブか医学のボランティアとして会うが、主時に政治活動に容易に回ることができるビルマの複数の本のバーチルリントナー、ジャーナリストおよび著者を言った。
Meanwhile, the devastation wrought by the cyclone has sometimes been a trigger for more overt political activities. A handful of members of an embattled activist group called Human Rights Defenders and Promoters headed to the delta after the storm to hand out relief supplies as well as copies of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, according to a lawyer. They were subsequently sentenced to four years in jail, he said.
その間、サイクロンによって細工した荒廃はいままで時々公然の政治活動のための制動機だった。 弁護士に従う人権の普遍的な宣言のコピー、また人権の擁護者および促進者と電話されたデルタに包囲された運動家のグループの少数のメンバーは後嵐救助の供給を配るために先頭に立った。 それらは刑務所の4年に続いて刑を宣告されたと、彼は言った。
Monks remain politically active, too, in spite of increased harassment from security forces since the protests.
修道士は抗議以来の保安部隊からの高められた悩みの種にもかかわらず行政上能動態に、余りに、残る。
Some have hidden pamphlets inside their alms bowls to distribute when they go out to collect food in the mornings, according to a Mandalay monk. They have smuggled glue and posters inside the bowls to stick on street walls.
一部は午前中食糧をマンダレイの修道士に従っていつ集めることを出かけるか配るために施しボールの中のパンフレットを隠した。 それらによっては通りの壁で付くためにボールの中の接着剤そしてポスターが密輸した。
Ten years ago, the monk said, he started a library that has since expanded to 14 branches across the country. Under cover of membership, patrons take classes in public speaking and pass around poems and pamphlets that are often scathing about their rulers, he said.
10年前に、修道士は言った、彼は14本の枝にその後全国各地から拡大した図書館を始めた。 会員に隠れ、パトロンは演説のクラスを取り、詩のまわりで渡り、頻繁に定規について痛烈であるパンフレット、彼は言った。
"I told people to read lots of books, so they can start to know, and then they can change the system," he said. "Because we want freedom. Because it is difficult to speak and write in this country."
" 私は人々を本の多くを読むように言った従って知り始めてもそれからシステム、"を変えてもいい; 彼は言った。 " 私達は自由がほしいと思うので。 この国."に話し、書くことは困難であるので;
The cyclone's aftermath has also spurred vast new stores of anger, sometimes among monks, who take vows of nonviolence.
cyclone' 余波はまた非暴力の誓約を取る修道士間の怒りの広大で新しい店に、時々拍車をかけた。
"Now we want to get weapons," said a monk known to other dissidents by the nom de guerre "Zero" for his ability to organize and vanish without a trace. "The Buddhist way is lovingkindness. But we lost. So now we want to fight."
" 今度は私達は武器、"を得たいと思う; 仮名の"によって他の反対者に知られていた修道士を言った; Zero" 跡なしで組織し、消失する彼の機能のため。 " 仏教の方法はlovingkindnessである。 しかし私達は失った。 そう今私達はfight."にほしい;
In the dormitory of a monastery one recent afternoon, he sat among piles of handwritten speeches and recent clandestine pamphlets stamped with names of groups such as Generation Wave and the All Burmese Monks Alliance. Two young monks listening from a tattered mattress nearby nodded excitedly, and a third pretended to wield a machine gun.
修道院1の最近の午後の寮では、彼は世代別波およびすべてのビルマの修道士の同盟のようなグループの名前と押された手書きのスピーチおよび最近の秘蜜のパンフレットの山間に坐った。 近くのずたずたに裂かれたマットレスから聞いている2人の若い修道士は、機関銃揮うためにふりをした三番目興奮してうなずき。
Because of his role as a chief galvanizer of the monks in the protests, the monk has been on the run since September, moving from one monastery to the next. But since the cyclone, he has managed nonetheless to make about 20 trips to the devastated areas, where he buried more than 200 bodies and coordinated with monks and lay people.
抗議に於いての修道士の主なgalvanizerとして彼の役割のために、修道士は1つの修道院から次に移る9月以来の操業にあった。 しかしサイクロン以来、彼はそれにもかかわらず彼が200以上のボディを埋め、修道士および位置の人々と調整した打撃を受けた区域に約20回の旅行を作ることをどうにかして。
"In September, we lost because everywhere, every village did not follow, because of fear," he said. But in the post-cyclone period, "we can do more. Now I can grow and grow."
" 9月では、私達はどこでも、あらゆる村が、恐れのために、"に続かなかったので失った; 彼は言った。 しかしポストサイクロンの期間で、" 私達は多くをしてもいい。 今度はgrow."私は育って、も;
At a 1,500-strong ceremony commemorating the victims of the cyclone, 15 dissident monks and lay people pondered their options, he said. Should they organize a strike in September to mark the first anniversary of the protests? Hold one to coincide with the auspicious date of 8-8-08, twenty years since the 1988 uprising?
サイクロンの犠牲者を記念する1,500強い式で15人の意見を異にする修道士および置かれた人々は彼らの選択を熟考したと、彼は言った。 彼らは抗議の最初の記念日に印を付けるために9月の殴打を組織するべきであるか。 8-8-08の幸運な日付、1988年の反乱以来の20年と一致する把握1か。
Asked about prospects for an armed struggle, the 88 leader demurred. "We are totally, from beginning to end, peaceful," he said. But the militant monk, he said, chuckling, was a force to be reckoned with.
武装した苦闘を見通しについて頼まれて、88リーダーは異議を唱えた。 " 私達は全く、最初から最後まで、平和の"である; 彼は言った。 しかし交戦中の修道士は、彼は言ったくすくす笑っている、と考慮されるべき力だった。
From house to house, meanwhile, Burmese whisper a new slogan:
その間戸別からビルマ語は新しいスローガンをささやく:
"Mandalay, pile of ashes" -- for a fire that the government was barely seen to help extinguish.
" マンダレイの灰"の山; -- 政府が消えるのを助けるようにやっと見られた火のため。
"Rangoon, pile of logs" -- for city trees felled by the cyclone and still cluttering the streets.
" ラングーンの木材"の山; -- サイクロンおよびまだ通りを散らかすことによって倒される都市木のため。
"Naypyidaw" -- the generals' new capital -- "pile of bones."
" Naypyidaw" -- generals' 新しい首都 -- " 骨の山;
ASEAN bows to Myanmar's wish not to mention Suu Kyi in statement,ASEANはミャンマーに再度曲がる
SINGAPORE, July 19 (Kyodo) - ASEAN foreign ministers will urge Myanmar to free all political detainees in a joint communique to be issued at their meeting here next week but they have again bowed to the military government's wish not to mention detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi by name, ASEAN sources said Friday.
シンガポールは、(Kyodo) 7月19日- ASEAN外相は彼らの会合でここに出されるべき共同声明のすべての政治犯を来週放すようにミャンマーをせき立てるが、引き留められた反対派勢力の指導者Aung San Suu Kyiを名指しで述べないために軍事政権の願いに再度曲がったあることがASEAN源金曜日を言った
At the strong insistence of fellow-member Myanmar, senior officials of the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations agreed to tone down the wording on political developments in Myanmar in the draft of the document to be released by their foreign ministers after their meeting Monday.
仲間メンバーミャンマーの強い主張で、東南アジアの国家の10メンバー連合の高官は会合月曜日の後で外相が解放する文書の草案のミャンマーの政治的発展の言葉遣いを和らげることを同意した。
''All of us have agreed'' for the document to call on Myanmar to ''release all political detainees in order to pave the way for a meaningful dialogue for national reconciliation,'' an ASEAN official said on condition of anonymity.
私達皆は'にミャンマーに呼出しに文書のために一致する; ' 国民の和解、'の意味を持ったダイアログのための道を開くためにすべての政治犯を解放しなさい; ' ASEAN役人は匿名で言った。
The original draft statement prepared by Singapore, which is chairing the meeting, had mentioned Suu Kyi by name, according to sources.
元の草案声明は会合の議長を務めているシンガポールによって源に従って名指しで述べたSuu Kyiを、準備した。
It remains to be seen whether this year's communique will be any stronger than one issued by the ASEAN ministers in July last year in Manila, which alluded to Suu Kyi without naming her by referring to ''the leader of the NLD. ''
それは今年コミュニケがSuu Kyiに彼女を名前を挙げないで'を示すことによって言及したマニラの7月以内にASEAN大臣によって去年出された1つより強いかどうか見られることを残る、; ' NLDのリーダー。 ' '
''While recognizing the steps taken by the Myanmar Government to release the leader of the NLD, we continue to express concern on the detention of all political detainees and reiterate our calls for their early release,'' the communique.
' ' NLDのリーダーを解放するためにミャンマーの政府が踏むステップを確認している間私達はすべての政治犯の延滞の心配を表現し、彼らの以前のリリース、'についての私達の呼出しを繰り返し続ける; ' コミュニケ。
Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy won the 1990 election by a landslide but the junta refused to honor the results.
Suu Kyi' 民主主義のための国民リーグは地すべりによって1990年の選挙に勝ったが、会議は結果に名誉を与えることを断った。
The Nobel peace laureate has been detained for more than 12 of the past 18 years.
ノーベル平和受賞者はのために過去の18年の以上12引き留められた。
Sources said senior officials from Myanmar and other ASEAN members had been deadlocked over the issue since their informal working dinner on Thursday night, and only managed to come to a consensus over lunch Friday.
源はミャンマーからの高官および他のASEANメンバーが木曜の夜の彼らの非公式の働く夕食以来の問題に行き詰まり、昼食金曜日上の一致に来るためにただどうにかしてことを言った。
''There had been some resistance from Myanmar,'' to the original draft, the ASEAN official said.
' ' ミャンマー、'から抵抗がずっとある; ' 元の草案に、ASEAN役人は言った。
''Myanmar officials actually didn't want to have any reference to political issues in the country at all. They simply wanted it to report on positive developments.''
' ' ミャンマーの役人に実際に国の政治問題への参照があり全然たいと思わなかった。 彼らはそれに肯定的なdevelopments.'で報告して単にほしかった; '
The rest of ASEAN felt that ''although we value the positive developments such as the junta's willingness to receive Gambari, we wish to continue to reiterate our calls for the Myanmar government to release all political prisoners.''
ASEANの残りはことに'感じた; ' 私達がGambariを受け取る会議の自発性のような肯定的な開発を評価するが私達はすべての政治prisoners.'を解放するためにミャンマーの政府のための私達の呼出しを繰り返し続けたい; '
The United Nations said Tuesday that Ibrahim Gambari, U. N. Secretary General Ban Ki Moon's special adviser on Myanmar, has received an official invitation from the junta to travel there in mid-August.
国際連合は火曜日によって言われたU.Nの事務総長'を言った; ミャンマーの顧問 8月中旬にそこに走行する会議から公式の招待を受け取った。
His last visit in March yielded nothing concrete.
3月の彼の最後の訪問は具体的な何ももたらさなかった。
The senior officials agreed this year's ASEAN communique should also ''urge Myanmar to take bolder measures toward the roadmap for democracy,'' said another ASEAN official.
高官は今年ASEANコミュニケが'またべきであることを同意した; ' 民主主義、'のための道路地図の方により大胆な手段を取る衝動ミャンマー; ' もう一人のASEAN役人を言った。
Myanmar officials briefed other ASEAN members on the latest developments in the country, including the recent referendum for a new constitution, he said.
ミャンマーの役人は国の後の開発で他のASEANメンバーを報告した新しい憲法のための最近の国民投票を含んで、彼は言った。
ASEAN has been under pressure from Western countries to urge Myanmar to speed up political democratization in the country
ASEANは国の政治民主化のスピードをあげるようにミャンマーをせき立てる西欧諸国から圧力を受けてあった。
But the thorny issue of political developments in Myanmar is usually discussed informally over dinner rather than at plenary sessions among ASEAN senior officials and ministers so as not to appear to be interference in the domestic affairs of a fellow member.
しかしミャンマーの政治的発展の難しい問題は通常ASEAN高官および大臣間の本会議のよりもむしろ夕食にためにメンバーの内政の干渉ではなかったようである非公式に論議される。
Next week's series of meetings involving ASEAN foreign ministers will begin with an informal working dinner among them Sunday night, followed by meetings with their counterparts from countries outside the region, including an ASEAN-plus-three meeting with China, Japan and South Korea, the 16-member East Asia Summit, and finally the ASEAN Regional Forum on security.
ASEAN外相を含む次の週の一連の会合はその中の非公式の働く夕食から日曜の夜先行している保証の中国に、日本および南朝鮮、16メンバーの東アジアの頂上および最終的にASEAN地方フォーラム会うことASEANと3を含む地域の外の国からの同等と会合に、始まる。
ASEAN groups Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam. (Kyodo)
ASEANはブルネイ、カンボジア、インドネシア、ラオス、マレーシア、ミャンマー、フィリピン、シンガポール、タイおよびベトナムを分ける。 (Kyodo)
enews.mcot.net
Friday, July 18, 2008
Myanmar: Where is happiness in Burma for Waso festival ?,ミャンマー: 幸福はどこにビルマのWasoの祝祭のためであるか。
by Ashin Mettacara
http://www.opednews.com
Today is the full moon day of Waso. The day of Waso marks the day of the Buddha's first sermon and the start of a monsoon season retreat.
今日はWasoの満月日である。 Wasoの日はモンスーンの季節の退去の仏の最初説教そして開始の日を示す。
In Burma,the full-moon is for contemplation, and monks do not travel. In this special day, the Buddha tried to spread His teaching of peace and happiness to all mankind. The Waso festival, a popular Burmese celebration, is thus an important occasion to commemorate the teachings of Lord Buddha. The monks, also called Sangha, as the important pillar of Buddhism, play an important role during the festival.
ビルマでは、完全月は熟視のためであり、修道士は旅しない。 この特別な日では、仏はすべての人類に平和および幸福の彼の教授を広げることを試みた。 Wasoの祝祭、普及したビルマの祭典は、こうして主の仏教授を記念する重要な機会である。 また祝祭の間に仏教の重要な柱としてSanghaと、演劇重要な役割呼ばれる修道士。
This day marks the beginning for Buddhist monks of a retreat which will last at least three months. During the Waso festival people offer flowers to the Buddhist imagem ushering all their devotions. One of the most important events in the course of the Waso is the offering of robes to the Monks which they generally wear during their retreat . People also offer them candles, known as the "Waso candles".
この日は少なくとも3か月を持続させる退去の僧侶のための始めを示す。 Wasoの祝祭の間に彼らの献身をすべて案内している人々は花を仏教のimagemに提供する。 Wasoの間の最も重要なでき事の1つは彼らの退去の間に一般に身に着けている修道士にローブの提供である。 人々はまたそれらに"として知られている蝋燭を提供する; Wasoのcandles"。
Waso is also the time for people to do meritorious deeds, practise contemplation and self-denial. Every one makes it a point of fasting and observes special precepts one day in the week. Even habitual drinkers take a vow of abstinence, for the season, at least, and practise in these days self discipline.
Wasoはまた功績のある行為をする人々の時間熟視および自制を練習する。 各自は絶食のそれにポイントをし、1日特別な教訓を週の観察する。 常習的な酒飲みは節制の誓約を、季節、少なくとも取り、自己訓練でこのごろ練習する。
Marriages are taboo during the retreat. However, this has nothing to do with any religious concept. Monsoon season is a busy time for people and it is more convenient to celebrate weddings after the harvest... Thus the impatient lovers rush off to wedlock before the Waso begins.
結婚は退去の間にタブーである。 但し、これはあらゆる宗教概念とは全く関係ない。 モンスーンの季節は人々のための使用中の時間であり、である収穫の後で結婚式を祝うことは便利… 従って気短かな恋人は結婚生活にWasoが始まる前に急ぐ。
Therefore the full moon day of Waso is the holiest day for all Buddhists to make an opportunity to do meritorious deeds.
従ってWasoの満月日は功績のある行為をする機会を作るすべての仏教徒のための聖日である。
But this year Waso in Burma will not be celebrated happily. Many people recently were killed by Nargis cyclone. Many people lost everything, are still hungry and without hope. Many monks were killed in last year's Saffron Revolution. Some are now unable to continue their religious studies at monasteries and are rejected because of their leading roles in last year's Saffron Revolution.
しかし今年ビルマのWasoは幸福に祝われない。 多くの人々はNargisのサイクロンによって最近殺された。 多くの人々はすべてを失い、空腹そして希望なしにまだであり。 多くの修道士は去年のサフランの回転で殺された。 一部は修道院で宗教調査を続けて今なく、去年のサフランの回転に於いての先導的な役割のために拒絶される
Where is happiness in Burma for Waso festival ?
幸福はどこにビルマのWasoの祝祭のためであるか
Thursday, July 17, 2008
US lawmakers ease pressure on Chevron in Myanmar - Yahoo! News
US lawmakers ease pressure on Chevron in Myanmar - Yahoo! News
Oil is also import to industralized countries than other things.
MY POINT OF VIEW
PHONE HLAING-FWUBC-JAPAN
Who is U Htay Zaw Living in Japan ?
ဦးေဌးေဇာ္ ဟာ ျပည္တြင္းဒီခ်ဳပ္ရဲ့ တံတားဦးျမိဳ ့နယ္အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမွဴးျဖစ္ခဲ့တယ္လို ့သိရပါတယ္။အန္အယ္ဒီဂ်ပန္ရဲ့အဖဲြ ့ဝင္ေတာ့မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။သူဟာလူေကာင္းတေယာက္ပါ။
[jacjapan] Re: [8888peoplepower] Fwd: Who is U Htay Zaw Living in Japan ?Thursday, 17 July, 2008 01:50
From: "phone hlaing"
ဒါေပမဲ့ ဂ်ပန္ကဒီမိုကေရစီအင္အားစုေတြနဲ ့သိပ္ျပီးအဆင္မေျပလွပါဘူး။သူ ့ရဲ့ေဝဖန္မွဳေတြကအစြန္း
ေရာက္တဲ့အတြက္လို ့ထင္ပါတယ္။တခါတေလေဝဖန္တာေတြဟာနအဖကိုေထာက္ခံေနသေရာင္ထင္ရပါ္
တယ္။ဒါကက်ြန္ေတာ့္ရဲ့ကိုယ္ပိုင္အျမင္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။အဲ့ဒါကိုျပင္လိုက္မယ္ဆိုရင္က်ြန္ေတာ္တို ့ဒီမိုကေရစီ
အင္အားစုေတြအတြက္အားကိုးထုိက္တဲ့သူတဦးျဖစ္နိုင္တယ္လို ့ထင္ပါတယ္။ေနာက္ျပီးဂ်ပန္ကအန္အယ္ ဒီကေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြဟာသူ ့ထက္ငယ္ႀကေတာ့သူကလူငယ္ေတြေအာက္မွာဝင္ျပီးအစကျပန္စရမွာကို
သူ ့အေနနဲ ့ဂုဏ္ငယ္တယ္လို ့ထင္သလားေတာ့မသိပါဘူး။ က်ြန္ေတာ့အျမင္ကိုေျပာရရင္ေအာက္ေျခ
ကျပန္စလည္းကိုယ့္မွာတကယ္အရည္အခ်င္းရိွတဲ့သူတေယာက္အေနနဲ ့ခဏကေလးနဲ ့အေပၚကို
ေရာက္လာမွာပါ။ လို ့ဦးေဌးေဇာ္ကိုတိုက္တြန္းလိုပါတယ္။ျပည္တြင္း အန္အယ္ဒီအဖဲြ ့ဝင္အားလုံးကို
ေလးစားဂုဏ္ယူစြာျဖင့္-
ဘုန္းလိွဳင္-FWUBC-JAPAN
--- On Tue, 15/7/08, zawwin htun
From: zawwin htun
Subject: [8888peoplepower] Fwd: Who is U Htay Zaw Living in Japan ?
To: "nld supporter"
Date: Tuesday, 15 July, 2008, 11:01 AM
---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Win Kyawt Moe
Date: Mon, Jul 14, 2008 at 7:11 PM
Subject: Who is U Htay Zaw Living in Japan ?
To: MAYKHA-L@listserv. indiana.edu
Wednesday, July 16, 2008
US House To Strike Burma's Junta In The 'Wallet',ビルマの会議を打つ米国の衆議院
DIGITALJOURNALISM.COM
While the Western nations are powerless to do anything about the situation in Zimbabwe, the situation in Burma is but another story.
ジンバブエの状態についての何でもするために西欧諸国が無力な間、ビルマの状態はしかし別の物語ある。
It was not long ago that both China and Burma were devastated by natural disasters. China was rocked by an earthquake dubbed as the Sichuan Earthquake. Burma was rocked by Cyclone Nargis in which many lives were lost. Both China and Burma have committed actions within the last few months to warrant international backlash.
それは少し前に中国およびビルマが両方自然災害によって荒廃していたことだった。 中国は四川の地震としてダビングされた地震によって揺れた。 ビルマは多くの生命が失われたCyclone Nargisによって揺すられた。 中国およびビルマは両方令状インターナショナルのバックラッシュにここ数か月間内の行為を託した。
For China, it was the crackdown on pro-Tibetan independence demonstrations.
中国のために、それはプロチベット人の独立デモンストレーションの取締りだった。
For Burma, it was the junta’s treatment of the people. There was the treatment during the pro-democracy demonstrations back in October of 2007. And there was the treatment of the people who were made victims of Cyclone Nargis.
ビルマのために、それは2007年の10月に背部民主化のデモンストレーションの間に会議だった。 そしてサイクロンNargisの犠牲者になされた人々の処置があった
But, responses of both countries were different. China gratefully accepted the international aid and even took the initiative to help pay for its reconstruction. That was not the case with Burma. Instead, Burma did the complete opposite.
しかし、両方の国の応答は異なっていた。 中国は感謝して国際的な援助を受け入れ、復元の支払をするのを助けるために率先してやった。 それはビルマの場合にはそうではなかった。 その代り、ビルマは完全のの反対のした。
For many weeks, the issue of Burma was eclipsed by other issues such as the violence in Zimbabwe prelude to the June 27 runoff elections. Zimbabwe did not end up like Kenya. Zimbabwe ended up like Burma.
多くの週のために、ビルマの問題は6月27日の決選投票へのジンバブエのプレリュードの暴力のような他の問題によって食された。 ジンバブエはケニヤのように行きつかなかった。 ジンバブエはビルマのように行きついた。
Now, the US House is taking action against Burma’s junta. They have voted on freezing the assets of Burma’s leaders. There was a bill already voted on that would bar timber from Burma. Now, this new bill to freeze assets would extend to barring rubies from being imported from Burma.
今度は、米国の衆議院はビルマの会議に対して処置をとっている。 彼らはビルマのリーダーの資産の凍結で投票した。 ビルマから既にそので投票された手形が禁止する材木をあった。 今度は、資産を凍らせるこの新しい手形はビルマからの輸入からルビーを禁止することに伸びる。
According to Democratic Representative Howard Berman of California, this is a means to hurt the regime financially. So far, it has been getting support from jewelers such as Tiffany’s and Bulgari.
カリフォルニアの民主党の代表的なHowardBermanに従って政体を財政上傷つける、これは手段である。 これまでは、それはTiffanyおよびずっとBulgariのような宝石屋からサポートを得ている。
In a nutshell, the US House will bleed the Burma out of much money each year. There is one question that should be asked: Will there be international assistance in the future? While the US House is moving to ban these imports, those goods could still get imported to other countries.
簡潔に言えば、米国の家は多くのお金からビルマを毎年出血させる。 尋ねられるべきである1つの質問がある: 将来国際的な援助があるか。 これらの輸入高を禁止するために米国の家が動いている間それらの商品はまだ他の国に輸入されて得ることができる。
Ultimately, one should ask: How effective will this measure be?
最終的に、1つは頼むべきである: この測定はいかに有効あるか。
NOTE FROM US EU SUMMIT FOR BURMA,ビルマのための米国EUの頂上からのノート
We offer our deepest condolences and reiterate our concern for the Burmese victims of Cyclone Nargis and our commitment to assist them as they recover from this tragedy. We call on the Burmese authorities to meet their commitments to grant access to foreign aid workers to the cyclone affected areas. We confirm our intention to continue our substantial humanitarian aid to the people affected by the disaster, in particular through the combined efforts of the UN, ASEAN, international and local agencies, and NGOs. Separately, we remain deeply concerned at continued repression in Burma/Myanmar as well as the lack of progress toward national reconciliation and a credible transition to legitimate civilian government. We reiterate our support to the Good Offices Mission of the UN Secretary- General, and will continue to pressure the Burmese authorities, including implementing targeted sanctions, to embark on an inclusive dialogue with all stakeholders in the country, including Aung San Suu Kyi and other democratic and ethnic minority representatives. We are deeply troubled by the Burmese regime's extension of Aung San Suu Kyi's house arrest on 27 May and call upon the regime to release her and all political prisoners.
私達はそれらがこの悲劇から回復すると同時に私達の最も深い哀悼の言葉を提供し、それらを助けるためにサイクロンNargisおよび私達の責任のビルマの犠牲者についての私達の心配を繰り返す。 私達はビルマの権限でサイクロンによって影響される区域に対外援助の労働者へのアクセスを許可するために彼らの責任を果たすために呼ぶ。 私達は国連の結合された努力によって災害によって、特に、ASEAN、国際的で、出先機関およびNGOs影響される人々に私達の相当な人道的援助を続ける私達の意思を確認する。 別に、私達はビルマかミャンマーに国民の和解の方に進行の遅れおよび正当な一般市民の政府への確実な転移と同様、継続的だった抑圧で深く心配している残る。 私達は国連事務総長のよいオフィスの代表団に私達のサポートを繰り返し、積み込むために目標とされた認可の、Aung San Suu Kyiそして他の民主的な、少数民族の代表を含む国のすべての係争物受寄者との含んだダイアログで実行を含むビルマの権限に、圧力をかけ、続け。 私達はビルマregime'によって深く悩む; Aung San Suu Kyi 'のs延長; 5月27日にsの自宅軟禁は彼女およびすべての政治犯を解放するために政体を頼み。
Tuesday, July 15, 2008
Agencies seek to protect Myanmar cyclone orphans,代理店はミャンマーのサイクロンの孤児を保護するように努める
(07-13) 10:55 PDT TOE, Myanmar (AP) --
Now, 12-year-old Twe Zin Win must try to play the role of mother. Every night, she lulls her little twin sisters to sleep with a soothing lullaby their mother once sang them — before the storm swept away her parents forever.
今度は、12歳のTweZinWinは母の役割を担うことを試みなければならない。 毎晩、彼女は一度途絶えなだめるような子守唄と眠る彼女の小さい対の姉妹彼女達の母-嵐が彼女の親を永久に掃除した前にそれらを歌った。
"Every night I dream about them coming back," says Twe Zin Win, huddled in a tiny thatch hut the orphans share with grandparents, who eke out a hand-to-mouth existence while she cares for her siblings rather than going to school.
" 毎晩私はもどって来るそれら"について夢を見る; 孤児が存在を言うために手をやりくりする、祖父母と共有する小さい屋根ふき材料小屋でちじこまるTweZinWinを言い彼女が気遣う間、学校に行くよりもむしろ彼女の兄弟を。
The three children are among a still unknown number of orphans coping with hardships — physical and mental — more than two months after Cyclone Nargis raged through Myanmar's Irrawaddy Delta, leaving a trail of flattened villages and broken lives.
3人の子供は困難に-物理的な、精神対処している孤児の静かな不明の番号の中に2か月サイクロンNargisが平らにされた村および壊れた生命の道を残すミャンマーIrrawaddyのデルタによって激怒した後-以上ある。
In an impoverished, military-ruled country with a threadbare social safety net, aid workers are also warning that these orphans of the storm are targets of exploitation, including recruitment into Myanmar's army which has been accused by the U.N., the U.S. and human rights groups of inducting thousands of child soldiers.
使い古しの社会的安全体制が付いている困窮した、軍支配された国、援助の労働者では嵐のこれらの孤児がたくさんの子供の兵士を就任させることのU.N、米国および人権擁護団体訴えられたミャンマーの軍隊に募集を含む開発のターゲット、であることをまた警告している。
"As I have seen from many other countries, including those in Asia and Africa, being orphans simply increases their vulnerability to becoming child soldiers, forced laborers, being trafficked or involved in sex work," says Ashley Clements, a spokesman for the U.S.-based aid group World Vision.
" 私がアジアおよびアフリカのそれらを含む他の多くの国から、見たように、孤児であることはなる子供の兵士、強制労働者に彼らの脆弱性を、売買されるか、または性の仕事、"で含まれて単に高める; Ashley Clementsの米国基盤の援助グループの世界の視野のためのスポークスマンを言う。
Because of such fears, agencies like World Vision working in the cyclone-devastated region are advocating placement of orphans with surviving relatives, like the grandparents in Twe Zin Win's case, rather than in orphanages.
そのような恐れのために、サイクロン打撃を受けた地域ではたらく世界の視野のような代理店は児童養護施設のよりもむしろTweZinWinの場合の祖父母のような存続の親類を持つ孤児の配置を、支持している。
"The goal is to put in place a mechanism to protect children from neglect, violence, abuse and exploitation," says a statement from the U.N. Children's Fund, which is supporting 51, community-based "child-friendly spaces" to provide education, recreation and other aid to children storm survivors, including orphans.
" 目的は無視、暴力、乱用および開発の"から子供を保護するためにメカニズムを設置することである; からの声明を51を支えているU.Nの子供の資金、community-based "言う; child-friendly spaces" 子供に教育を、レクリエーションおよび他の援助は提供するためには孤児を含む生存者に、押しかける。
But orphans like Twe Zin Win have so far had access to neither help nor games from foreign aid groups or Myanmar government agencies.
しかしTweZinWinのような孤児に今のところ対外援助のグループまたはミャンマーの政府関係機関からの助け、または、ゲームへのアクセスがあってしまわなかった。
"Every day my grandmother and I cook for them, wash their clothes, play with them, give them showers and send them to bed," she says of her tasks as a full-time keeper of the 2-year-old siblings, which have forced her to drop out of school.
" 毎日私の祖母および私はそれらのために調理し、彼女達の衣服を洗浄し、それらと遊び、それらにシャワーを与え、そしてベッド、"に送る; 彼女は彼女に学校外を落とさせる2歳の兄弟のフルタイム看守として彼女の仕事の言う。
A few miles away in Thome Gwe village, another 12-year-old girl, Su Myat Swe Yu, remains traumatized by the loss of her parents, a brother, sister and three close relatives on one disastrous night. She and two brothers who also were spared now struggle for survival with their grandfather, a rice farmer who lost his house and livestock — "everything we owned," he said — to the cyclone.
少数のマイルThome Gweの村、もう一人の12歳の女の子、Su Myat Swe Yuの1悲惨な夜の彼女の親、兄弟、姉妹および3人の近親者の損失によって衝撃を与えられる残物で。 また今倹約された2人の兄弟彼らの祖父、彼の家および家畜- " --を失った米の農夫と存続のためにおよび彼女は戦う; 私達が所有したすべて、" 彼はに… -サイクロン言った。
Both families have been approached by strangers from urban areas offering to adopt the children — and both have refused.
家族は両方とも子供を採用することを提供する都会からの他人によって近づかれ、-両方とも断った
To deter child trafficking, the government has forbidden adoption of storm orphans. While there have been no reports of children survivors being forced into the military, the U.S.-based Human Rights Watch last year detailed the recruitment of thousands of boys as young as 10 to fill shortages in army ranks.
売買している子供を躊躇させるためには政府は嵐の孤児の採用を禁止した。 持っていない間、ある軍隊に強制があっている子供の生存者のレポートが米国基盤の人権ウォッチは去年10が軍隊の不足を満たすためにランク付けするとたくさんの男の子の若者の募集を同様に詳しく述べた。
These and similar accusations have been denied by the regime, which says it is trying to stop all human trafficking.
これらのそして同じような告発言う政体によって否定された、すべてに人間の売買を停止することを試みていることを。
State media said that in mid-June authorities rescued 80 women and children, all cyclone victims, from traffickers scheming to smuggle them into a neighboring country, apparently Thailand.
州媒体は6月中旬に権限が80人の女性および子供を救助したと、近隣諸国にそれらを密輸することを計画している交易者からのすべてのサイクロンの犠牲者、外見上タイ言った。
International aid agencies estimate about half the 84,500 officially listed as dead were youngsters but only partial information has been collected on the number of orphans as the Department of Social Welfare and foreign groups continue tracing victims.
死者が若者部分的な情報だけだったが、ので84,500半分のについての国際的な援助機関の見積もりは公式にリストされている孤児の数で社会福祉省および外国のグループが犠牲者をたどり続けると同時に集められた。
UNICEF spokesman Zafrin Chowdhury said the agency has identified 428 separated and unaccompanied children among survivors by the end of June. Clements said that in one village, three of out 10 children he spoke to had lost their parents.
代理店が6月の終りまでにおよび生存者間の同伴者がいない子供を分かれている428識別したことをユニセフのスポークスマンZafrin Chowdhuryは言った。 Clementsは1つの村のそれを、彼が持たれているに彼らの親失われて話した10人の子供の3言った。
"I don't think this number represents the whole picture, but I have been to different villages in the delta, where a lot of children have lost their fathers, mothers or both," Clements said.
" 私はこの数が全映像を表すが、私が多くの子供が彼らの父、母または両方とも失ったデルタの異なった村に、"行ったことがあることを考えない; Clementsは言った。
With one of the world's worst health care systems and few social services, Myanmar's government orphanages offer minimal care, and the regime, which exercises tight control over the population, restricts and sometimes punishes private humanitarian efforts.
世界の最も悪いヘルスケア・システムおよび少数の社会事業の1つによって、ミャンマーの政府の児童養護施設は最低の心配を提供し、人口を堅いコントロールする政体は私用人道主義の努力を制限し、時々罰する。
The one saving grace is an abiding tradition of the closely knit, extended family in which orphans like Twe Zin Win and her sisters are lovingly taken into the homes of relatives.
1救いはTweZinWinのような孤児および彼女の姉妹が親類の家に愛情をこめて運ばれる結束が強い、親戚の従う伝統である。
"My lost daughter has left me her children and I will try to take care of them," said Twe Zin Win's grandmother. And in turn the 12-year-old sacrifices to help her sisters.
" 私の無くなった娘は私に彼女の子供を残し、私はそれらを、"世話することを試みる; 言われたTwe Zinの勝利祖母。 そして次々と彼女の姉妹を助ける12歳児の犠牲。
"Usually when I sing the song that my mother used to sing they fall asleep more easily," she says. "The song starts with `Oh my children, fall into sleep. Whoever you will become, you must always be brave.' At night they only sleep if I sing that song."
" 通常私がそれらを歌うのに使用される私の母によってがより容易に寝入る歌を歌う時、" 彼女は言う。 " 歌は`とOh私の子供、睡眠への落下を始める。 あなたによってが、なる誰でも勇者.'常になる; 夜で彼らは私がその歌."を歌えばその時だけ眠る;
Sunday, July 13, 2008
When a Disastrous Regime Continues,悲惨な政体が続く時
Asia-Pacific
When a Disastrous Regime Continues
Special Contribution
By Nava Thakuria
The devastating cyclone Nargis that struck southern Burma two months ago, has revealed to the world that it was even less disastrous than its military regime, which can ignore its own people in urgent needs and even could prevent and restrict relief from international communities for the hundred thousand victims of the disaster with the apprehension that it might create an atmosphere for another people's uprising in the country.
国で別の人々の反乱のための大気を作成するかもしれないこと急務の自身の人々を無視でき、懸念の災害の十万人の犠牲者のための国際地域社会から救助を防ぎ、制限できる軍の政体よりより少なく悲惨だったことを南ビルマを2か月打った破壊的なサイクロンNargisは世界に前に、明らかにした。
Since August 2007, Burma continued to receive massive international media headlines. After 1988, it was for the first time, when hundred thousands Buddhist monks and common people of Burma came to the streets raising voices against the military regime known as the State Peace and Development Council. The movement was crushed by the military people and its thugs. Nearly hundred died and thousands were sent to jails, many of them are still behind the bar.
2007年8月以来、ビルマは大きい国際的な媒体の見出しを受け取り続けた。 1988年後で、それはビルマの百人のたくさんの僧侶そして庶民が州の平和および開発議会として知られていた軍の政体に対して声を上げる通りに来たときに、はじめてあった。 動きは軍の人々および刺客によって押しつぶされた。 ほぼ百は死に、たくさんは棒の後ろに刑務所、そのほとんどにまだある送られた。
But this time, the junta has been challenged by the nature. A tropical cyclone moved towards the Burmese land from the Bay of Bengal on the night of May 2 and it devastated the entire Irrawaddy and Rangoon divisions of the country. The deadly cyclone Nargis also embraced three other divisions and states (Bago, Mon and Kayin) to kill nearly ninety thousand people and made another few thousands homeless. Nargis also left its trail of devastation on social infrastructures and killing thousands of livestock and also causing flood to paddy fields, which were made ready for Burma's primary crops (rice cultivation).
しかし今回、会議は性質によって挑戦された。 熱帯サイクロンは5月2日の夜のベンガル湾からビルマの土地の方に移り、国のIrrawaddyおよびラングーンの全体の部分を荒廃させた。 致命的なサイクロンNargisはまたほぼ90,000人を殺すために3つの他の分割および州(Bago、月曜日およびKayin)を包含し、別のものに少数のたくさんをホームレスにした。 Nargisはまた社会的な下部組織に荒廃の道および殺害のたくさんの家畜をおよびビルマの第一次穀物(米の耕作)の準備ができたようにされた水田にまた洪水もたらす残した。
According to the latest government information, the storm killed 84,537 people, leaving 53,836 missing and 19,359 injured. The United Nations estimates that Nargis affected 2.4 million people and directly made hundred thousands homeless. At the same time, over 300,000 water buffalo and cows died in Irrawaddy delta and Rangoon localities. More over, nearly 1,000,000 acres of farmland in Irrawaddy and 300,000 acres in Rangoon Division were destroyed. Over one million acres of fertile lands also were flooded with the salty seawater during Nargis.
最も最近の政府情報に従って、嵐は84,537人を殺し、逃す53,836および傷ついた19,359を残す。 国際連合はNargisが2.4百万人に影響を与え、直接百のたくさんをホームレスにしたことを推定する。 同時に、300,000水牛および牛にIrrawaddyのデルタおよびラングーンの場所で死んだ。 Irrawaddyの農地の1,000,000エーカー以上、ほぼおよびラングーン部の300,000エーカーを破壊された多くは。 肥沃な土地の百万エーカーにまたNargisの間に塩辛い海水とあふれられた。
But the response to the disaster by its own rulers was very shocking. First the rulers couldn't provide immediate relief to the victims and then they tried to prevent (and restrict) the international aid for their very own people, who were in desperate need of food, medicine and shelter. Thirdly the junta went ahead with the referendum (in two phases) in the country with a number of pro-military provisions for their new constitution amidst all the chaos. Fourthly, the rulers extended the detention of the pro-democracy icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for one more year that prompted harsh criticism from the international communities.
しかし自身の定規による災害への応答は非常に衝撃的だった。 最初に定規は犠牲者に即時の救助を提供できなかったし、それから(制限するため)食糧、薬および避難所の絶望的な必要性にあった自身の人々のための国際的な援助を防ぐことを試み。 3番目に会議はすべての無秩序の中の新しい憲法のためのいくつかのプロ軍の準備が付いている国の国民投票と前方に(2段階で)行った。 第四に、定規は国際地域社会からの粗い批評を促した1つのより多くの年間民主化アイコンDaw Aung San Suu Kyiの延滞を拡張した。
"If a regime is challenged by the people, the rulers might have choices to deploy its forces and the SPDC did during last year's popular uprising. But this time, the junta has been challenged by none other than the nature (read cyclone). So what did military rulers do? As they can never go against the nature, they went against the innocent people! Have you heard of a government, which not only denied timely and adequate relief to those victims of circumstances, but also bent preventing the same from outside sources?," commented a Rangoon based political activist Win Naing (name changed).
" 政体が人々によって挑戦されれば、定規に力を配置する選択があるかもしれないし、SPDCは去年の普及した反乱の間にした。 しかし今回、会議は性質(読まれたサイクロン)によって挑戦された。 従って軍の定規は何をしたか。 それらが性質に対して決して行ってもいくないので罪なき人々に対して行った! 状況のそれらの犠牲者への否定された時機を得た、十分な救助だけ、また曲げられる政府を聞き、同じを館外資料から防ぐか。、" ラングーンによって基づいた政治運動家WinNaing (変わる名前)はコメントした。
Answering queries from Asia Sentinel, Naing, a supporter of the pro-democracy movement led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in Burma, also added, "The military regime at Nay Pyi Taw always remained blind to the political power and they can go to all extends to maintain it. Hence they could ignore all the troubles faced by the cyclone victims. The SPDC chief Senior General Than Shwe got time to visit those victims only after international criticism surfaced in a bigger way. Mind it, they can easily sacrifice the people, but never tolerate international access (through the aid workers) to its common people."
アジアの歩哨からのNaing、返事の問い合わせはまた加えられたビルマの"のDaw Aung San Suu Kyiによって民主化運動のサポータ導いた; 反対Pyi Tawの軍の政体は政権に盲目に常に残り、それを維持するためにそれらはすべてに伸びる行ってもいい。 それ故に彼らはサイクロンの犠牲者が直面したすべての悩みを無視できる。 ThanShwe SPDC主な年長大将は国際的な批評がより大きい方法で浮上した後やっとそれらの犠牲者を訪問する時間を得た。 それを気にしなさい、彼らは容易に人々を犠牲にしてもいくないが決して共通people."への国際的なアクセスを(援助の労働者を通して)容認しない;
The callousness of the junta was also criticized by Suzanne DiMaggio, Director of the Asia Society's Social Issues Program (and former Vice President of Global Policy Programs at the United Nations Association of the USA) saying that 'for nearly five decades, Burma's military rulers have systematically undermined the interests of their own citizens.'
会議の冷淡さはまたスザンヌDiMaggio、ディレクターアジアの社会社会的な問題プログラム(および米国の国際連合連合の全体的な方針プログラムのの前の副大統領)によって格言こと'批判された; ほぼ五十年のために、ビルマの軍の定規は組織的に彼らの自身のcitizens.'の興味の下を掘った;
Referring to the cyclone Narigs, she stated that the junta-controlled news media failed to announce warnings about the approaching cyclone.
サイクロンNarigsを参照して、彼女は会議管理されたマスコミが接近のサイクロンについての警告を発表しなかったことを示した。
"The entry of UN humanitarian personnel, has been delayed due to the government's refusal to allow aid workers into the country without first applying for visas. Moreover, the military leaders are dragging their feet on easing restrictions on the import of humanitarian supplies and allowing a UN assessment team into the country," she added.
" 国連人道主義の人員の記入項目は、ずっと査証に最初に適用しないで国に援助の労働者を許可して政府の拒否が遅らせられた原因である。 さらに、軍事指導者は国、"に人道主義の供給の輸入の規制を緩和し、国連査定のチームを許可することの彼らのフィートを引張っている; 彼女は加えた。
Similar views were expressed by a Burmese exile living in Europe, who claimed that nearly two million people, mostly farmers and their families, were still living in horrible situations. Talking to Asia Sentinel from London, Tyaza Thuria expressed his anger that the military regime was only interested in retaining its power.
同じような意見はことをほぼ2百万人、大抵農夫およびまだ彼らの家族主張したヨーロッパに住んでいるビルマの流浪によって恐ろしい状態に住んでいた表現された。 軍の政体が力のことを保持にだけ興味があったことロンドンからのアジアの歩哨に話して、Tyaza Thuriaは彼の怒りを表現した。
"Hence they have gone ahead with their plans for referendum (only to forcefully approve the pro-military constitution) and finally to install a puppet civilian regime after the 2010 polls," he asserted adding that the junta had done nothing for the rehabilitation for the cyclone victims. They did not also put any effort to warn the people about the deadly storm. In reality the junta just doesn't care about the people.
" それ故にそれらは国民投票のための計画と前方に(力強くプロ軍憲法だけを承認するため)および2010の投票の後に最終的にパペット一般市民の政体取付けるために、"を合ってしまった; 彼は会議がサイクロンの犠牲者のリハビリテーションのための何もしなかったことを加えることを主張した。 彼らはまた致命的な嵐についての人々に警告するための努力を置かなかった。 実際には会議は人々をどうしても気遣わない。
The junta went with their own 'roadmap to democracy', where the Army would enjoy the emergency power in need and could even topple an elected government (for the National security). Moreover seats will be reserved for the people with Armed forces background in the Parliament. The new constitution will also prevent Suu Kyi from contesting the election as she had married a non-Burmese (an Englishman).
会議は自身の'と行った; democracy'への道路地図; 、軍隊が必要性の非常指揮権を楽しみ選ばれた政府をぐらつかせることができるところ(国家安全保障のために)。 さらに座席は議会の武力の背景を持つ人々のために予約である。 新しい憲法はまた彼女が非ビルマ語と結婚したようにSuu Kyiが選挙を争うことを防ぐ(イギリス人)。
More to add it, the junta had extended the period of house arrest for Suu Kyi for one more year. The Nobel laureate had already spent five full years under detention since May, 2003. Hence the decision of the junta on Suu Kyi's detention invited prompt and harsh criticism from the world communities. From the United Nations to European Union and the United States to other pro-democratic regimes, all came out with stronger words of condemnation against the military regime.
それを加える多くは会議1つのより多くの年間Suu Kyiのための自宅軟禁の期間を拡張した。 ノーベル賞受賞者は2003年5月以来の延滞の下で既に5つの完全な年を過ごしてしまった。 それ故にSuu Kyiの延滞の会議の決定は世界のコミュニティからの敏速で、粗い批評を誘った。 国際連合から欧州連合へのおよび米国他のプロ民主的な政体への、すべては軍の政体に対して非難のより強い単語と出て来た。
Mentionable that the UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon visited Burma and met the SPDC chief Than Shwe on May 23, days ahead of junta's decision (on Suu Kyi) and he had no other option than expressing regret on the development. He however commented that 'the sooner the restrictions on Suu Kyi and other political figures are lifted, the sooner Burma will be able to move towards inclusive national reconciliation, the restoration of democracy and full respect for human rights.'
(Ban Ki-moon国連事務総長がビルマを訪問し、SPDCの責任者に会った幾日5月23日、会議の決定に先んじるにShweよりSuu Kyiで) Mentionableおよび彼持っていなくて開発の後悔を表現するより他の選択を。 しかしその'彼はコメントした; Suu Kyiおよび他の政界実力者のすぐに制限解除されれば、ビルマが民主主義の含んだ国民の和解やがて、復帰および人間rights.'のための完全な点の方に動ければ;
Even the UN chief also invited criticism from various advocacy groups that he was silent about Suu Kyi's prolonged detention while discussing with Than Shwe in Burma. Of course, he made it clear, while talking to media persons in New York, that 'his trip was a purely humanitarian one intended to save lives, not to press a pro-democracy agenda,'
国連責任者はまたとビルマでShweより論議している間彼がSuuKyiによって延長された延滞について無声だったことさまざまな擁護団体からの批評を誘った。 当然、彼はニューヨークの媒体人に話している間明確に、その'をそれに作った、; 彼の旅行は民主化の議題救うように、意図されている全く人道主義の1 'を押さないために生命を、だった;
The Secretary-General also added, "I went there with a message of solidarity and hope, telling the survivors (of cyclone Nargis) that the world is with you and that the world is ready to help you."
事務総長はまた、"加えた; 私は世界があなたとである世界がを助けて準備ができて、(サイクロンNargis)の生存者をそこに行った告げる団結および希望のメッセージと;
Nargis hit the country in a critical period of the year. The month of May in English calendar year brings the season for preparing rice seedlings, to be planted later. Like many South and Southeast Asian countries, rice is the primary crop (also the staple food) of Burma. The traditional rice plantation needs to be completed within the rainy season, more preferably by the July end. The harvesting time starts from October.
Nargisは年の重要な期間の国に当った。 英国の暦年の5月は米の実生植物を後で植わるために準備するための季節を、持って来る。 南多数および東南アジアの国のように、米はビルマの第一次穀物(また主食)である。 従来の米のプランテーションは7月の端によって雨期の内に、もっとできれば完了する必要がある。 収穫期は10月から始まる。
Hence the May 2-3 disaster can put a heavy toll on rice production in Burma. The cyclone in one hand flooded the arable lands with the salty sea water, destroyed the already grown saplings and on the other hand it killed the water buffalos (also cows), which remained essential for the poor Burmese cultivators for ploughing. If immediate actions are not taken to support the farmers with tiller and fresh rice saplings, it can be guessed that Burma might face food crisis at the end of the year; Because the Irrawaddy (river) delta region produces most (almost 60 %) of the country's rice.
それ故に5月2-3日の災害はビルマに米の生産に重い通行料を置くことができる。 1つの手のサイクロンは既に育てられた苗木破壊された塩辛い海水と耕地にあふれ、一方で耕すことの貧しいビルマのカルチィベーターのために必要に残した水牛(また牛)を殺した。 耕うん機および新しい米の苗木を持つ農夫を支えるために即座の行動が取られなければそれはビルマが食糧危機に年末に直面するかもしれないこと推測することができる; Irrawaddy (川)のデルタの地域が国の米のほとんどを(ほぼ60%)作り出すので。
Besides rice, the region also contributes in fish productions. The cyclone damaged most of the fishing ponds, hatcheries and shrimp farms of the area and it could add more people under poverty tag in the coming days.
米のほかに、地域はまた魚の生産で貢献する。 サイクロンは魚のいる池のほとんどを、ふ化場傷つけ、区域およびそれのエビの農場は窮乏の札の下でより多くの人々を数日中には加えることができる。
Meanwhile the UN Undersecretary-General Noeleen Heyzer issued a clarion call for supplying fuel (to run the power tillers) for the Burmese farmers. Heyzer had reportedly stated that this initiative was crucial for the affected Burmese farmers 'to meet their planting season' to rebuild their livelihood.
その間Noeleen Heyzer国連Undersecretary-Generalはビルマの農夫の供給の燃料のためのクラリオン呼出しを(力の耕うん機を動かすため)出した。 Heyzerは伝えられるところによればこの率先が影響を受けたビルマの農夫'のために重大だったことを示した; 植わるseason'に会うため; 暮しを再建するため。
Earlier the Burmese Agriculture minister Htay Oo informed that they urgently needed diesel (it might be a volume of five million litre) to run around 5,000 power tillers. It may be mentioned that, understanding the real and immediate difficulties of the rice growers, many countries including China and Thailand donated the power tillers to the farmers.
先にHtay Ooビルマの農務大臣はそれらは緊急にディーゼル(それは5,000,000リットルの容積であるかもしれない)がおよそ5,000台の力の耕うん機を動かすことを必要としたこと知らせた。 、米の栽培者の実質および即時の難しさを理解して、中国を含む多くの国およびタイが農夫に力の耕うん機を寄付したことが述べられるかもしれない。
Burma, which was once known as the rice bowl of Asia, has slowly lost the volume of rice production. Four decades of non-governance under the military rule and disastrous economic policies of the junta has left Burma in such a pathetic condition that the farmers now lost their interest and motivation for surplus productions.
一度アジアの茶碗として知られていたビルマはゆっくり米の生産の容積を失った。 軍事政権の下の非支配および会議の悲惨な経済政策の四十年は非常に悲しい状態で農夫が今残り生産のための彼らの興味そして刺激を失ったことビルマを去った。
Amidst all the troubles and uncertainties looming over Burma, Win Naing, who keeps a closer look at the political developments in the entire country, hopes for a major uprising in the country. And he has arguments what he and many of his friends are expecting.
現われるビルマ上のすべての悩みそして不確実性の中、全体の国で政治的発展で近い一見を保つ勝利Naingの、国の主要な反乱のための希望。 そして彼は彼の友人の彼そして多数が期待している何を議論を有する。
"The cyclone has taught the Burmese people that there is nothing like governance in Burma and they have to face all the problems with their own with outside supports. In fact, they come to realize the presence of outer agencies in a bigger way after the disaster. It will definitely enrich their optimism for a change," Naing argued.
" ビルマの支配のような何もないし、外部サポートとの彼らの専有物のすべての問題に直面しなければならないサイクロンにビルマの人々が教えられてある。 実際は、彼らは災害の後でより大きい方法で外代理店の存在を実現することを来る。 それは完全に変更、"のための楽天主義を富ませる; Naingは論争した。
He also added, "During the saffron revolution (September, 2007), the Burmese people (over 80% of them are Buddhist) witnessed how their government could torture the monks, the most respected community in the country, to remain in power. This time, they have seen the cruelty of the government towards them. I apprehend try the junta will slip into a bigger trouble very soon as the regime has started losing its influence on the monks and the common people. We expect if it would happen little earlier!"
彼はまた、"加えた; サフランの回転(2007年9月政府が修道士をいかに苦しめることができるか)の間に、ビルマの人々は力に残るために(それらの80%に仏教でであって下さい)国の最も尊重されたコミュニティ、目撃した。 今回、彼らはそれらの方の政府の残酷を見た。 私は政体が修道士および庶民の影響を失い始めたように会議がより大きい悩みにやがて入れる試みを理解する。 私達はそれが少し先に起こったら期待する! "
Nava Thakuria, who serves as a freelance writer for The Seoul Times, is based in Guwahati of Northeast India . He works as an independent journalist for many media outlets and can be contacted at navathakuria@gmail.com
ソウルの時のフリーランス・ライターとして役立つNava Thakuriaは北東インドのGuwahatiで基づいている。 彼は多くの報道各社のための独立したジャーナリストとして働き、navathakuria@gmail.comで連絡することができる
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The Seoul Times 400-13 EOS Bldg. 6F, Yangjae2-dong, Seocho-gu Seoul, Korea Zip Code: 137-899 Tel: 82-2-555-6188 Email:seoultimes@gmail.com Copyrights 2007 The Seoul Times Company ST Banner Exchange
Saturday, July 12, 2008
Total hypocrisy,トタル 偽善
Thursday 10 July 2008
The CEO of France's Total says the energy group will not invest in a natural-gas project in Iran because it is too politically risky, according to the FT. But the same company continues to do business in the dictatorial regime of Burma.
木曜日2008年7月10日
フランスのトタルのCEOはそれが余りに行政上危険であるのでエネルギーグループがイランの天然ガスに関するプロジェクトにフィートに従って、投資しないことを言う。 しかし同じ会社はビルマの独裁政体のビジネスをし続ける。
Total hypocrisy
Douglas Herbert Thursday 10 July 2008
The business of finding oil and gas and extracting it from the ground has never been for the ethically faint of heart. Nor is it cut out for those who have a problem with occasional hypocrisy in the name of turning a profit.
石油およびガスを見つけ、地面から得ることのビジネスはずっと中心の倫理的にかすかののため決してではない。 それは利益の回転の名で臨時の偽善の問題を有する人のために切り取ったある。
Just witness the French energy group Total.
ちょうどフランスのエネルギーグループのトタルを目撃しなさい。
It has justified staying put in one of the world’s most brutal dictatorial regimes – Burma – on the grounds that its presence there can help foster the economic and social conditions to lift the country’s oppressed citizens out of their morass.|
それはじっとさせていることを正当化した-をそこの存在が養育関係彼らの泥沼から国によって圧迫される市民を持ち上げる経済的および社会的状態を助けることができるという理由から世界の1つでほとんどの残酷な独裁政体-ビルマ|
Amid last September’s crackdown by Burma’s ruling junta against monks who took to the streets in peaceful protest, Total indicated it would refrain from future investment in the country. But it stuck to its guns on up-and-running projects.
平和な抗議の通りに取った修道士に対するビルマの支配する会議によるこの前の9月の取締りの中で、トタルは示した国の未来の投資を控えることを。 しかしそれはおよび動くプロジェクトで銃に付いた。
Compare that with Total’s latest about-face with respect to its Iran policy.
イランの方針に関して表面についてのトタルとそれを最も遅く比較しなさい。
The group’s CEO, Christophe de Margerie, told London’s Financial Times that it is pulling out of a major natural-gas project in Iran because “we would be taking too much political risk to invest” there.
「私達が」そこに投資するためにたくさんの政治的リスクを取っていたのでイランの主要な天然ガスに関するプロジェクトの引き出していることグループCEOクリストフィーde Margerieはロンドンのファイナンシャル・タイムズを言った。
The move follows a similar decision in May by two other European energy groups, Royal Dutch Shell and Repsol YPF of Spain.
移動は2人の他のヨーロッパのエネルギーグループによって5月の同じような決定、スペインの高貴なオランダの貝およびRepsol YPFに続く。
The “political risk” to which de Margerie was alluding is that of doing business with a country that the United States regards as its latest public enemy number one.
どのへのde Margerieを言及していたか「政治的リスク」は米国が最も最近の社会の敵第1とみなす国とのビジネスをすることのそれである。
US sanctions passed by Congress years ago target countries that do business with the Iranian regime. Doing business, in this case, means investments of more than $20 million in Iranian energy projects – a threshold that Total and the other Western oil companies were in danger of far overstepping.
米国の認可は前にイランの政体のビジネスをするCongress年ターゲット国を渡った。 ビジネスを、この場合することは、合計するおよび他の西部の製油会社はずっと逸脱という危険があってあったイランのエネルギープロジェクトの$20以上,000,000の投資を意味する-境界。
Underlying the standoff with Iran is Washington’s conviction that Iran is not being forthright when it says its nuclear programme is for peaceful civil purposes only. There are strong hints here of the tactics the US employed in selling the Iraq war to the American public by arguing that Saddam Hussein was harbouring a vast arsenal of weapons of mass destruction. Weapons that the whole world now knows never existed.
イランが付いているスタンドオフの下にあることは核開発計画は平和な市民目的だけのためであることを言うときイランが率直ではないというワシントン州の信念である。 米国がアメリカの公衆にイラク戦争の販売でSaddam Husseinは大量破壊兵器の広大な工廠を隠していたことの論争によって用いた作戦のここに強いヒントがある。 全世界が今知っている武器は決してなかった。
Total had been on course to collaborate with a Malaysian company, Petronas, in developing part of Iran's South Pars, a sprawling natural-gas field that Iran exploits alongside Qatar. Iran controls the northern part of the field, known as South Pars, while Qatar develops the southern end, called the North Dome.
トタルはマレーシアの会社、イランの南標準の成長の部分のペトロナスと、協力するコースにイランがカタールの横で開発する不規則に広がる天燃ガス分野あった。 イランはカタールは南端を開発するが北のドームと呼ばれる南標準として、知られている分野の北部を制御する。
In his FT interview, Margerie said one of the reasons he decided to withdraw was to avoid having people say, “Total will do anything for money”. But it’s curious that he doesn’t seem to have the same qualms about Burma.
彼のFTのインタビューでは、Margerieは言った「合計お金のための何でも」はすることを彼が撤回することにした理由の1つが言う人々を持っていることを避けることだったことを。 しかしそれは彼がビルマについての同じめまいを持たないようではないこと好奇心が強い。
Even more curious is the way in which the US has sought to dictate to foreigners with whom they should or should not do business. It is perfectly legitimate for the US to conduct its foreign policy as it sees fit. But it is another thing entirely to foist that policy on others.
さらにもっと好奇心が強い米国がビジネスをするべきまたはべきではない外国人に定まるように努めた方法は。 それは適当だと考えるので米国のために完全に正当外交政策を行なうためにである。 しかしそれは他のその方針を押し付ける完全にもう一つの事である。
The stakes for Iran are clearly enormous. The country is second only to Russia in terms of proven natural gas reserves.
イランのための棒ははっきり巨大である。 国は証明された天燃ガスの予備の点ではロシアにだけ二番目にある。
With over 400 trillion cubic feet of gas reserves (almost half of Iran's total) the South Pars gas field is the world’s largest. It's being developed in staggered phases, and Total was involved in phase 11, which involved producing Liquefied Natural Gas, a high-tech version of gas that is super-cooled to liquid form and then placed in containers for maritime shipment, obviating the need for pipelines.
400の兆立方フィートのイランの合計のガス備蓄(ほとんど半分)に南標準の油田は最も大きい世界である。 それはぐらつかせた段階に開発されて、トタルはに液化天然ガスを作り出すことを含んだ段階11の液体の形態にsuper-cooled、海上郵送物のための容器に置かれるパイプラインのための必要性を取り除くガスのハイテクな版かかわった。
As the Wall Street Journal points out, US sanctions effectively bar foreign companies from accessing vital US technology, resulting in big delays in projects. The upshot, the paper says, it that Iran is yet to become a net exporter of natural gas, with its more than 16 billion cubic feet of daily gas production now going exclusively to the domestic market.
ウォールストリート・ジャーナルが指摘すると同時に、米国はプロジェクトの大きい遅れに終って重大な米国の技術に、アクセスすることからの棒外国会社を効果的に認可する。 結末、イランがまだ天燃ガスの純輸出国になることであることペーパーは言う、以上16,000,000,000立方フィートの国内市場に専ら行く毎日のガスの生産とのそれ今。
Chances are that Total (and other companies that have pulled of the South Pars project) will eventually return to the venture – once the political winds shift in the United States.
南標準のプロジェクトの引っ張ったチャンスは投機-米国の一度政治風向変化にそのトタル(および他の会社)結局戻るである。
Until then, it always has Burma.
その時まで、それにビルマが常にある。
Thursday, July 10, 2008
Burma and the Olympics, What You Can Do
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8.8.08: Burma and the Olympics
Dear Friends,
We are a month away from one of the most important dates in Burma's history. August 8th marks the 20th anniversary of Burma's largest national democratic uprising, when millions bravely marched through the streets, and nearly toppled the military regime if they had not been brutally massacred. It is also on the day that China, the #1 supporter of Burma's military junta, will open the Beijing Olympics.
Please help us as we prepare for a Global Day of Actions for Burma - to honor those who have struggled for freedom in Burma and to demand China end its support for Burma's dictators.
Learn More
Read about China's support for Burma's generals.
Watch a video with director/producer Judd Apatow talking about the importance of 8.8.88
Here's What You Can Do
1)Don't Watch the Olympic Ceremonies: Human rights activists inside Burma have called on people around the world to not watch the Olympic ceremonies because of China's support for the Burmese military. You can still support the athletes in what they do, support the Chinese people, and support the Games for what they stand for, but don't support the Chinese government's policies.
- Sign Up here to pledge to not watch the games and get your friends and family to sign as well
- Join the Facebook event for this global protest
2) Email the Olympic Corporate Sponsors, urging them to use their leverage to press China to end its support for Burma's dictatorship.
3) Take to the Streets: In the days before 8.8.08 we will be organizing protests around the world in front of Chinese embassies. Want to hold an event in your country and be a part of the global day of action? Email thelma@uscampaignforburma.org
4) Show you support for the Burmese people: Since 8.8.88 is an important day for the Burmese people we ask you to create videos, photos, or letters of support for those fighting for freedom inside Burma. Send all entries to thelma@uscampaignforburma.org and we will post them on our website and work to send it to those inside.
Burma: this is not a game. Turn off your TV for the Olympic Ceremonies.
-US Campaign for Burma Staff
Aung Din, Jeremy, Jennifer, Jacqui, and Thelma
Support 1991 Nobel Peace Prize recipient Aung San Suu Kyi and the struggle for freedom and democracy in Burma.
Become a member of the United States Campaign for Burma today.
All of Burma Is a Prison,ビルマすべては刑務所である
Wednesday July 9, 2008 ,水曜日2008年7月9日
http://www.post.12buzz.com/all-of-burma-is-a-prison.htm
Much has been written about Cyclone Nargis and the failure of Burma’s military junta to respond adequately. But what of the hundreds of political prisoners held in Burma, many in areas devastated by the storm? When Cyclone Nargis ravaged Burma in the late night hours of May 2, it did not spare political prisoners. The notorious Insein prison, where hundreds of political prisoners (including my brother) are locked up, was one of the hardest hit places in Rangoon.
多くはサイクロンNargisおよびビルマの軍の会議の失敗について十分に答える書かれていた。 しかし何百ものビルマで握られた政治犯区域の多数の何を嵐によって荒廃させたか。 サイクロンNargisは5月2日の夜遅くの時間のビルマを破壊したときに、政治犯を倹約しなかった。 何百もの政治犯が(を含む私の兄弟)監禁されるInseinの悪名高い刑務所はラングーンの最も堅い衝突場所の1つだった。
Why is my brother in Insein? On Feb. 15, the military raided the offices of the Myanmar Nation and took my brother, the weekly journal’s editor in chief, to jail. His crime? Possession of a U.N. report on the military’s brutal crackdown on last September’s demonstrations by monks and democracy activists—known around the world as the “Saffron Revolution.”
私の兄弟はなぜInseinにあるか。 2月15日に、軍隊はミャンマーの国家のオフィスを空襲し、刑務所に私の兄弟、週間ジャーナル編集長を、連れて行った。 彼の罪か。 「サフラン回転として世界中で運動家知られている修道士による9月のこの前のデモンストレーションの軍の残酷な取締りのU.Nのレポートおよび民主主義の所有物」。の
My brother’s name is Thet Zin, and he is one of hundreds of Burmese citizens who struggle to tell the truth about what is happening in their country—whether through traditional forms of journalism or through the Internet—under threat of arrest or worse by the military regime. Along with my brother, his office manager, Sein Win Maung, was also arrested.
私の兄弟の名前はThet Zinであり、彼は何百もの言うために国かどうかまたは軍の政体によってより悪い起こっていることについてのジャーナリズムの従来の形態または阻止の脅威インターネットの下のによって彼等ので真実を努力するビルマの市民の1才である。 私の兄弟と共に、彼の事務長、Seinの勝利Maungはまた、阻止された。
When Cyclone Nargis hit, it uprooted trees; rain flooded the prison cells and the power was cut. A fire broke out in one of the prison wards, filling the prison with smoke. The flames triggered a riot. The guards started shooting.
サイクロンのNargis衝突、それが木を根こそぎにした時; 雨は刑務所の独房にあふれ、力は切られた。 火は刑務所の区の1つで発生し、刑務所を煙で満たす。 炎は暴動を誘発した。 監視は撃ち始めた。
Suffering from asthma, my brother was choking with smoke. His former office manager and fellow inmate, Sein Win Maung, passed out. Some sympathetic prison guards rushed to the cells and managed to push aside fallen trees and move the political prisoners to a prison hospital.
喘息に苦しんで、私の兄弟はたばこを吸と息苦しかった。 彼の前の事務長および収容者、SeinWinMaungは配布した。 細胞に急ぎ、わき落とされた木を押し、刑務所の病院に政治犯を動かすためにどうにかして何人かの共鳴した刑務所護衛官。
“Many political prisoners in the cells could have died from smoke if the rescue was delayed one more hour,” said Bo Kyi, a former political prisoner who now works with Thailand-based Assistant Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP-Burma).
救助が1つのより多くの時間」が遅れたら「細胞の多くの政治犯たばこを吸がもとで死んだかもしれないことをBO Kyiは言った。Bo Kyiは政治犯(AAPPビルマ)のためのタイ基づかせていた補助連合を今使用する前の政治犯である。
It is still hard to know how many died or were injured during the havoc. But according to AAPP at least 36 prisoners at Insein were shot to death when the cylcone hit. Some prisoners, like many of their countrymen, lost their entire family to the cyclone. Thiha Thet Zin, a political prisoner in Insein, was informed that eight out of nine of his family members—including his son, his parents, his grandmother, and all his siblings—were swept away by the storm. His wife was the only survivor.
死ぬか、または傷ついたか何破壊の間に知っていることはまだ困難である。 しかしAAPPに従ってInseinの少なくとも36人の囚人は死に時cylcone衝突撃たれた。 彼らの舎田者の多数のような何人かの囚人は、サイクロンに、彼らの全体の家族を失った。 彼の息子メンバーを含む彼の家族の9からの8が、彼の親、嵐によって彼の祖母、すべて彼の兄弟掃除されたことThiha Thet ZinはInseinの政治犯、知識のあり。 彼の妻は唯一の生存者だった。
This is hell on earth. Still, Insein prison and the injustices that take place there are but a microcosm of what’s taking place throughout Burma. To paraphrase Shakespeare, all of Burma is a prison.
これはこの世の地獄ある。 まだ、起こっているものがのビルマ中そこにある起こるが、縮図Inseinの刑務所および不公平不公平の。 シェークスピアをパラフレーズするため、ビルマすべては刑務所である。
Cyclone Nargis claimed more than 138,000 lives and left millions homeless. Still, the junta denied millions of Burmese people the basic right to food by blocking foreign aid workers and supplies in the weeks immediately following the storm.
サイクロンNargisはホームレス以上138,000生命および左の何百万を要求した。 まだ、会議は食糧に嵐に続く週の対外援助の労働者そして供給の妨害によって何百万のビルマの人々に基本的権利を否定した。
Indeed, the misuse of international aid is by now well documented. Aid supplies ended up in military warehouses, local markets and the homes of police officers and members of pro-government civilian groups instead of reaching starving and disease-stricken survivors. Soldiers even looted jewelries from dead bodies.
実際に、国際的な援助の誤用は今ごろはもうよくとり上げられる。 援助の供給は達する飢え、病気打たれた生存者の代りに政府側の一般市民のグループの警官そしてメンバーの軍の倉庫、ローカル市場および家で終わった。 兵士は死体からの宝石類を略奪した。
Moreover, the junta forced survivors to take part in the reconstruction of military sites and conscripted male orphans into the army, which before the storm was already notorious for its tens of thousands of child soldiers. All of these reports have been confirmed by sources both inside and outside Burma.
さらに、会議は生存者を軍の場所の復元に加わらせる、嵐の前に既に数万人の子供の兵士のために悪名高かった軍隊にオスの孤児を徴集した。 これらのレポートすべてはビルマの内側と外側の両方に源によって確認された。
Clearly, the junta’s inability and unwillingness to care for the Burmese people is tantamount to “crimes against humanity.” Cyclone Nargis has exposed the failures of the regime and brought forth a defining moment in Burmese history with inevitable, if yet unpredictable, political consequences.
明らかに、会議の無力および気力の無さはビルマの人々を気遣う「人間性に対する罪にほとんど等しい」。 サイクロンNargisは政体の失敗を露出し、避けられない、けれども予測不可能な、政治結果のビルマの歴史の定義の時を持ち出した。
“Things will not return to status quo ante,” says Priscilla Clapp, a U.S. diplomat who served as Chief of Mission in Burma from 1999-2002. Post-cyclone Burmese politics will be a humanitarian politics—pressuring and arguing about mobilizing aid and its delivery. Political goals will be set aside at least for the medium-term, and more consideration will be given to humanitarian works.
「事現状の賭け金に」、は戻らないPriscilla Clapp、1999-2002年からのビルマの代表団の責任者として役立った米国の外交官を言う。 ポストサイクロンのビルマの政治は動員の援助および配達について政治圧力をかけ、論争している人道主義者である。 政治目的は中期のために少なくとも取っておかれ、より多くの考察は人道主義の仕事に与えられる。
The junta continues to ensure that the cyclone will not have an effect on its “Road Map to discipline flourishing democracy.” But there are pressures within the junta itself that could eventually lead to change. “We have heard that there are considerable tensions within the military,” said David Steinberg, a Burma expert from Georgetown University. “But I don’t know whether the tension is strong enough to split the military and at what level it exists, and whether it is at a high enough level to threaten present leadership.”
会議はサイクロンが「活気づいた民主主義を訓練する道路図に対する効果を」。もたらさないことを保障し続ける しかし変わるために結局導くことができる会議内に圧力自体がある。 「私達は軍隊内にかなりの張力があることを」、言ったデイヴィッドSteinbergのジョージタウン大学からのビルマの専門家を聞いた。 「しかし私は裂くには張力が十分に強い軍隊現在のリーダーシップを脅す十分なレベルに」。高くあるかどうかかどうか、そしてレベルがによってあるか、そしてどんなで知らない
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations has approved millions in aid for Burma and now has hundreds of aid workers from member countries in storm-stricken areas. This could serve to expose to the outside world the prison state that is Burma. Still, despite a visit last month by U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki Moon and the demands of dozens of heads of state, Nobel Peace Prize winner and leader of Burma’s opposition Aung San Suu Kyi remains under house arrest—long after the May 24 deadline for her release.
東南アジアの国家の連合にビルマのための援助の何百万を承認し、嵐打たれた区域で今何百もの加盟国からの援助の労働者がある。 これは外の世界--にビルマである刑務所の州をさらすのに役立つことができる。 まだ、U.Nの事務総長Ban Ki-moonおよびたくさんの国家首脳の要求による先月訪問にもかかわらず、ビルマの反対Aung San Suu Kyiのノーベル平和賞勝者そしてリーダーは彼女の解放のための5月24日の締切の後で阻止長い家の下に残る
What’s most important here is to assure the aid money is not used by the junta to retrench and tighten its grip on the Burmese people. Foreign aid runs the risk of being a “jackpot for the military junta, who will be the sole beneficiary of the international donation in the name of the cyclone victims” says Aung Din, a former political prisoner and director of the U.S. Campaign for Burma.
ここに最も重要である何がビルマの人々のグリップを削減し、きつく締めるのにお金が会議によって使用されていない援助を保証することである。 対外援助は「サイクロンの犠牲者の名に国際的な寄付の唯一受取人」言うビルマのための米国のキャンペーンのAungの喧騒、前の政治犯およびディレクターをである軍の会議のための大当たりであることを危険にさらす。
The outside world must demand more transparency and accountability when it comes to aid money and how it is distributed. So long as the world allows itself to be co-opted and outfoxed by the junta, political prisoners—including Aung San Suu Kyi and those in cyclone-ravaged Insein prison—will continue to languish in Burma’s gulags, and the Burmese people will remain shackled.
外の世界は援助のお金に関してはいかに配られるかより多くの透明物および責任能力を要求し。 世界がそれ自身が会議によって任命され、出し抜かれるようにする限り政治犯Aung San Suu Kyiを含むおよびInseinのサイクロン破壊された刑務所の政治犯はビルマの矯正労働収容所で憂鬱な生活を送り続けビルマの人々は拘束されて残る
Tuesday, July 8, 2008
Burma: Military junta challenges opposition to contest elections ,ビルマ: 軍の会議は選挙を争うために反対に挑戦する
Rangoon, 7 July (AKI) - Burma's military government has challenged the opposition led by pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi to contest the 2010 general elections.
ビルマの軍事政権は2010回の総選挙を争うために民主化のリーダーAung San Suu Kyiが導く反対に挑戦した。
In an article published in the pro-government English language daily, New Light of Myanmar , the military junta also told Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party to forget the results of the "illegal" elections in 1990 in which the NLD won a landslide victory.
、ミャンマーの新しいライトはまた毎日出版された、政府側の英語で記事では軍の会議Suu Kyiに民主主義党のための国民リーグを"の結果を忘れるように告げた; illegal" NLDが圧倒的な勝利に勝った1990年に選挙。
The article in the newspaper was entitled "Goodbye 1990 Election Results".
新聞の記事は"と資格を与えられた; さようなら1990年の選挙Results"。
In 1990, the NLD obtained 82 percent of the parliamentary seats in the first free legislative elections to be held in Burma since the military coup in 1962.
1990年に、NLDは1962年に軍不意の一撃以来のビルマで握られるべき最初の自由な立法選挙の国会の議席の82%得た。
The election results were never recognised by the Burmese authorities, who banned the NLD and various other parties and also cracked down on the activists involved in the opposition movement against the junta.
選挙結果はNLDおよび他のいろいろな党を禁止し、また会議に対して反対の動きにかかわった運動家で割れたビルマの権限によって決して確認されなかった
"Lawfully, the results of the 1990 election cannot vanish," said Thein Nyunt, an NLD spokesperson.
" 正当に、1990年の選挙の結果は"消失できない; 言われたThein Nyunt、NLDのスポークスマン。
"Politically, it [the results] reflected the will of the Burmese people. It insults the will of the people to say the result is illegal.”
" 行政上、それは[結果]ビルマの人々の意志を反映した。 それは結果が違法」。であることを言うために人々の意志を侮辱する
The article in the state-backed newspaper also said that the results of the May referendum on a new constitution showed a clear desire on the part of the Burmese people to create "a new, modern and developed democratic nation."
状態支持された新聞の記事はまた"を作成する新しい憲法の5月の国民投票の結果がビルマの人々の明確な欲求を示したと言った; 新しく、現代の開発された民主的なnation."
The Burmese government said that more than 92 percent of the people who voted in the May referendum approved of the constitution that they had labelled "a roadmap to democracy".
ビルマの政府は92%以上それらは"を分類したことそれを憲法を承認された5月の国民投票で投票した人々の言った; democracy"への道路地図;。
The NLD does not recognise the results of the referendum and Western governments have criticised it saying that it was "fatally flawed" after being held so close after the country was hit by Cyclone Nargis. More than 138,000 people were either killed or declared missing after the cyclone.
NLDは国民投票の結果を確認しないし、それが"だったと言っている欧米政府はそれを批判した; 致命的にflawed" 把握の後で国がCyclone Nargisによって当られた後そう閉めなさい。 138,000人以上サイクロンの後でまたは宣言された行方不明殺された。
Before the plebiscite, the military said that voicing opposition to the vote or the draft constitution was illegal.
国民投票の前、投票または憲法草案への表明の反対が違法だったと言われる軍。
Saturday, July 5, 2008
Sinking: China’s Soft Diplomacy on Burma
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: In the past year, the Chinese government has made a number of assertions about its relationship and role in Burma, many of which are misleading or inaccurate. 8-8-08 for Burma provides the following two-part analysis of Beijing’s recent statements.
8/8/08 for BurmaFirst time here?ContactNewsletter News The Issue The Campaign Take Action Contact Sinking: China’s Soft Diplomacy on Burma
2 July, 2008
Contact: Cristina Moon (cmoon@8808forburma.org, 347.756.4088)
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: In the past year, the Chinese government has made a number of assertions about its relationship and role in Burma, many of which are misleading or inaccurate. 8-8-08 for Burma provides the following two-part analysis of Beijing’s recent statements.
The first part of the analysis addresses points publicly made by the Chinese government. The second addresses China’s response to the humanitarian disaster wrought on Burma’s southern delta region by Cyclone Nargis on May 2nd, 2008.
INTRODUCTION
Over the past three years, China has come under increasing attention for its ties to the military regime in Burma led by Senior General Than Shwe. On September 18, 2007 Burma advocates held protests in 10 countries, spanning four continents, targeting Chinese embassies and consulates and expressing solidarity with pro-democracy protests that had engulfed Burma in the previous month. On that same day, leaders of the 88 Students Generation pro-democracy movement inside Burma released a public letter to Chinese leaders. Both protesters and the 88 Students Generation condemned China’s ongoing support for the Than Shwe regime, and implored Chinese leaders to do more to encourage democratic reform in Burma. As Buddhist monks and nuns took leadership of the protests in Burma shortly thereafter, Nobel Peace laureate Jody Williams published an article in the Wall Street Journal calling on the international community “to pressure China’s leaders to use their considerable influence in Burma”.
China’s role in Burma was again brought into the spotlight when General Than Shwe blocked shipments of aid and international aid workers from reaching the 2.4 million people affected by Cyclone Nargis. These actions prompted foreign governments and human rights organizations to pursue numerous avenues of pressure and appeals, including calling on China to use its influence in Burma to remove restrictions on humanitarian access.
China has responded to this attention by making statements in international and Chinese media outlets, and at the United Nations Security Council where it is a veto-wielding member, defending its approach to Burma and denouncing the positions of its critics. China has advocated for a soft approach of “consultations” with the Burmese military junta, citing supposedly positive steps General Than Shwe and his junta have taken towards democratic reform.
A careful assessment of China’s characterization of its own actions vis-à-vis Burma fails to withstand reasonable scrutiny, revealing that China’s actions have actually hampered efforts for peace and democratic opening in Burma.
CHINA’S CLAIMS
China has defended its role in Burma in the past year by putting forward five main arguments, each of which fails to hold water.
CHINESE CLAIM 1:
There is no “special relationship” between China and Burma.
ANALYSIS:
Chinese Ambassador to the United Nations Wang Guangya has referred on numerous occasions to the facts that China is an immediate neighbor to Burma and a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council to explain why China wishes as much, if not “more than any other country in the world, to see political stability, economic development and national unity” in Burma .
China is one of Burma’s largest trading partners and foreign investors – mostly in extractive industries such as natural gas, mining, and logging – and is expected to sign a US$1 billion contract in 2008 to construct a pipeline carrying oil and natural gas through Burma and into western China . China has invested extensively in Burmese infrastructure like roads and ports on the Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea – a strategic move to streamline China’s energy acquisition since over 90% of China’s oil is currently delivered by ocean-going tanker .
China has also been the regime’s most important defender in the United Nations, blocking and weakening measures that would compel the generals to end their widespread violence and abuse of Burma’ 55 million citizens. Moreover, while many other countries have placed arms embargoes on Burma, China has sold US$2-3 billion in weapons and military equipment to Burma .
REALITY:
In addition to being an immediate neighbor of Burma with significant geo-political interests, China also has an unparalleled economic relationship with Burma. The result is unrivaled influence upon Senior General Than Shwe and the Burmese junta. The actions of China, more than any other country, have facilitated abuse, repression, and potential crimes against humanity in Burma.
CHINESE CLAIM 2:
“Pressure would not serve any purpose” in dealing with Burma. Rather, progress “is undeniably being made, slowly and steadily,” as a result of “consultations” with the Than Shwe regime
ANALYSIS:
China’s opposition to using sanctions and pressure on the Than Shwe regime, its advocacy for soft measures (chiefly in the form of bilateral “consultations” and economic encouragement), and its insistence that the junta is making progress ignores a clear pattern of intransigence on the part of the Than Shwe regime. The disparate, even conflicting, responses of the international community have meant that ethnic cleansing continues unabated, as does widespread repression of democracy activists. Than Shwe’s regime also continues to flout international law related to forced labor, child soldiers, and the treatment of women.
Following crackdowns on monk-led protests in Burma in late 2007, China increased the strength of its rhetoric vis-à-vis Burma and the Than Shwe regime, participating in a UN Security Council Presidential Statement that “deplored” the regime’s use of force against peaceful protesters. The regime’s response – taking the violence off the streets (and into prisons), inviting two previously-barred UN envoys into the country for stage-managed visits, and reinvigorating their “7-Step Roadmap to democracy” – was emblematic of how the regime deals with soft pressure; they do the bare minimum to create an illusion of progress, only to backslide once the pressure recedes.
Another way the regime responds to soft pressure is to ignore it altogether – for example when General Than Shwe refused to postpone its scheduled May 10 constitutional referendum or even to receive phone calls from UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon in the week following Cyclone Nargis.
REALITY: Than Shwe’s regime has demonstrated that it does not respond to soft measures, except with superficial developments meant to curb international pressure and continued repression, abuses, and atrocities.
CHINESE CLAIM 3:
“China firmly supports the Secretary General’s good offices” . “China supports ASEAN in playing a leading role in the Myanmar issue”.
ANALYSIS:
China has consistently undermined the good offices of the UN Secretary General, vetoing efforts to empower the UN Secretariat with a mandate from the UN Security Council and engaging in behind-the-scenes bilateral consultations with Burma’s military junta instead.
China first vetoed putting Burma on the UN Security Council agenda in 2006, and then vetoed a US-sponsored resolution on Burma on January 11, 2007. Shortly after casting its no-vote, Chinese state-owned enterprise PetroChina received extraction rights for 6.5 trillion cubic feet of natural gas off Burma’s western coast from the Than Shwe regime – despite having been outbid by India .
In May 2007, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) expressed their concern for the lack of tangible progress towards democratic reform in Burma and called for the release of Nobel Peace laureate and General Secretary of the election-winning National League for Democracy, Aung San Suu Kyi. China refused to support these calls for Aung San Suu Kyi’s release, on the grounds that her detention is Burma’s “internal affair” .
REALITY: China has consistently undermined the ability of the United Nations and multilateral organizations like ASEAN to effectively address Burma’s human rights crisis, instead pursuing its own interests.
CHINESE CLAIM 4:
“China has made its due efforts to promote stability in Myanmar and encourage the Myanmar government to continue its engagement with the international community” .
ANALYSIS:
China has taken some positive steps on Burma, such as hosting talks between the Than Shwe regime and then-US Deputy Assistant Undersecretary of State in June 2007 and more recently stating a desire for democratic reforms and more openness in Burma. However, since 2006 when Burma was placed on the agenda of the UN Security Council – a move China opposed – China has been a relentless supporter of Burma’s military regime, continuing its economic and military support, and thwarting attempts by the United Nations to address the junta’s abuses and atrocities.
At the same time, China has increased trade with Burma, continued to sell military equipment to the regime, signed large deals for natural gas extraction, given soft loans to the generals, vetoed a non-punitive UN Security Council resolution on Burma, and weakened two UN Security Council Presidential Statements on the situation in Burma.
REALITY: For at least the past two and a half years, essentially all of China’s actions supported the military regime in Burma, enabling its atrocities and repression.
CHINESE CLAIM 5:
Linking China’s Burma policy and the Olympics would be “inappropriate and unpopular” .
ANALYSIS:
China’s goals as Olympic host to highlight its “peaceful rise” and be seen as a responsible stakeholder in the global community directly conflict with its ongoing support for Burma’s atrocity-committing regime. China’s relentless support for General Than Shwe and his junta tarnishes the ideals and legacy of the Olympic movement, and should urgently be called into question.
However, Beijing’s leaders have an opportunity to demonstrate global leadership in resolving Burma’s current crisis – one that includes the world’s longest currently-running armed conflict, the world’s largest number of child soldiers, and potential crimes against humanity. By taking a leading role in resolving Burma’s crisis, the leadership in Beijing could not only mitigate the global controversy around its hosting the Olympics, but directly do justice to the fundamental principles upon which the Olympic movement was built.
REALITY: China’s goals as Olympic host are in direct conflict with Beijing’s Burma policy, promoting repression and atrocities instead of the fundamental principles of the Olympics – human dignity, peace, and brotherhood.
CHINA’S REACTIONS TO CYCLONE NARGIS
Despite compelling evidence of a major humanitarian disaster in Burma following Cyclone Nargis, China’s ongoing defense of Burma’s military regime has hindered global efforts to accurately assess and respond to the catastrophe in the Irrawaddy delta region, potentially costing tens of thousands of lives.
ISSUE 1: CHINESE RELIEF AID TO BURMA POST-CYCLONE NARGIS
China’s humanitarian aid to Burma after Cyclone Nargis served to further Beijing’s vast economic relationship with the Than Shwe regime rather than provide timely assistance to cyclone survivors.
In the first days following Cyclone Nargis, Beijing’s leaders committed $1 million to relief in Burma. They later increased their commitment by a further $4.3 million for post-disaster reconstruction as well as relief. Incredibly, $500,000 of the initial commitment went in cash to the junta, without a public accounting as to how those funds have contributed to the relief of 2.5 million displaced by the cyclone . Moreover, China’s contribution to cyclone aid is trivial when considered in the context of its huge economic relationship with Burma – China’s total commitment is less than 3% of one interest-free loan made to the Than Shwe regime in 2006, a time when the regime was increasing attacks in eastern Burma that have displaced 1.5 million people.
ISSUE 2: CHINA ASKS INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY NOT TO ‘POLITICIZE’ AID
China’s appeals to the international community not to ‘politicize’ cyclone relief to Burma are misplaced and call into question China’s strong and ongoing support for the Than Shwe regime’s “7-Step Roadmap to Democracy.”
While the Than Shwe regime refused to allow foreign aid and aid workers into Burma after the May 2 cyclone, and then diverted national resources from cyclone relief to a previously-scheduled constitutional referendum only one week later, China called on the international community – not Burma’s generals – not to “politicize” aid to Burma .
By discouraging international pressure on the junta to allow unfettered aid and access into Burma and yet again pursuing bilateral consultations instead, China undermined the efforts of the international community to find a comprehensive solution to Burma’s post-cyclone humanitarian crisis. At the writing of this paper, aid continued to only trickle in and the small measures taken by the Than Shwe regime – such as allowing in a 50-person Chinese medical team – are having only a trifling impact on a major humanitarian disaster. In contrast to its timely and appropriate reaction to its own May 12 earthquake, China facilitated the denial of life-saving aid to the 2.4 million people affected by Cyclone Nargis in Burma.
URGENT ACTION NEEDED ON BURMA
Following last fall’s uprisings and Cyclone Nargis, the situation in Burma is dire and in need of radical change. Significant pressure urgently needs to be exerted on the Than Shwe regime from the international community as well as from inside the country. Because of its unrivaled influence with the Than Shwe regime, China should drastically increase the strength of its public statements on Burma and call for genuine dialog between the Than Shwe regime, ethnic representatives, and the democracy movement led by Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. China should also join the international community in taking concrete steps to cut the Than Shwe regime off from the flow of arms.
If China fails to use its leverage with the Than Shwe regime to facilitate genuine democratic reforms and the creation of a political environment conducive to humanitarian relief before the Olympics, it will be regarded as culpable for the deaths of countless thousands of innocent civilians. China will be seen as a country that chose to pursue its own interests in Burma at devastating human cost – characteristics unbefitting an Olympic host.
The Beijing Games are set to open approximately one year after Burma’s Saffron Revolution, and exactly twenty years after a months-long democracy movement in Burma that culminated in nation-wide protests on August 8, 1988. China should take immediate action to help bring Burma’s crisis to an end before this important day.
August 8, 2008 can be a day to celebrate human achievement and perseverance - in China, in Burma, everywhere. But only if China takes action now.
###
Posted Tuesday, July 1st, 2008.
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